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^     THE     ROYAL    NAVY 


A    HISTORY 


FROM  THE  EARLIEST  TIMES  TO  THE  PRESENT 


6^un&/^  'Sitw* 


A    History 
From  the  Earliest  Times  to  the  Present 


By 

Wm.   Laird  Clowes 

Ftllow  c/  Kings  College,  London :  Gold  Mtd-Uliit  U.S.  Naval  InsliluU  . 
Hon.  Member  of  the  R.U.S.  Institution 

Assisted  by 

Sir  Clements  Markham,  K.C.B.,  P.R.G.S. 

Captain  A.  T.  Mahan,  U.S.N. 

Mr.  H.  W.  Wilson 

Mr.  Theodore  Roosevelt 

Mr.   E.  Fraser 

etc. 


Twenty -five    Photogravure* 

and 
Hundreds   of    Full   Page   and    other 

Illustrations 


Maps,    Charts 

etc. 


In  Five   VoliiDies 
Vol.  I. 


LONDON 

S.\MPSON    Low,    Marston   and   Company 

LIMITED 

^t.  QuiiStmi'3  fijoiisf,  jFcttcr  Eaiu,  iH.C. 
1S97 


LONDON: 
PRINTED  BY  WILUAM  CLOWES  AND  SONS,   Limited, 

STAMFORD  STREET  AND  CHARING   CROSS. 


GENERAL    PREFACE. 


It  is  upon  the  Navy  that,  under  the  good  providence  of  God,  the 
wealth,  the  prosperity,  and  the  peace  of  these  islands,  and  of  the 
Empire,  mainly  depend.  Such,  in  effect,  is  the  declaration  of 
the  preamble  to  the  Ai-ticles  of  "War.  No  thoughtful  and  un- 
prejudiced Briton  doubts  the  truth  of  the  assertion.  His  know- 
ledge, superficial  though  it  be,  of  the  general  course  of  modern 
history,  tells  him  that,  but  for  the  Navy,  Great  Britain,  on  numerous 
occasions,  would  have  lain  at  the  mercy  of  foreign  powers,  which, 
had  they  had  their  will,  would  have  left  her  neither  riches  nor 
liberty.  It  tells  him  also  that  the  Navy  has  played  as  great  a  role 
in  the  development  as  in  the  protection  of  Britain's  commerce  and 
Empire.  It  has  been  instrumental  in  the  discovery  of  some  colonies, 
and  in  the  acquisition  of  many  others ;  and  it  is,  to  this  day, 
responsible  for  the  maintenance  of  secure  communication  with  all, 
and  of  pacific  trade  and  traffic  between  the  various  portions  of  the 
Empire  and  other  parts  of  the  world.  And  while  it  has  advanced 
in  a  peculiar  manner  the  special  interests  of  Great  Britain,  the 
Navy  has  been  not  without  influence  upon  the  progress  of  civiHsation 
generally.  There  has  been  no  more  powerful  factor  in  the  putting 
down  of  piracy,  and  in  the  practical  suppression  of  the  slave  trade. 

These  things  are  known  broadly  to  all,  and  are  admitted  by 
every  one.  Not  monarchs,  not  statesmen,  not  scientists,  not  re- 
formers, not  manufacturers,  not  even  merchants  or  soldiers  have 
contributed  as  much  as  the  Navy  has  contributed  towards  the 
building  up,  the  extension,  and  the  preservation  of  the  British 
Empire.  But  the  nature  and  the  working  of  this  all-important 
force  have  been  strangely  neglected  by  the  British  historian,  and 
more  especially  by  the  British  student.  The  acts  of  our  kings,  our 
statesmen,  our  reformers,  and  our  soldiers  have  been  voluminously 
and  exactly  chronicled,  so  that  he  who  runs  may  read.     And  for  the 


V  GENERAL   PREFACE. 

benefit  of  bim  \ybo  cannot  read  wbile  running,  and  wbo  must  bait 
and  laboriously  spell  out  tbe  records  of  wbicb  be  would  know 
sometbing,  tbere  are  brief  and  popular  general  bistories,  not  all  free, 
perbaps,  from  inaccuracies  of  details,  yet,  for  tbe  most  part,  full 
a  nd  fair  enougb  to  impart  a  tolerably  just  impression  of  tbe  sbare 
borne  by  tbese  kings,  statesmen,  reformers  and  soldiers  in  tbe 
creation  of  tbe  splendid  social  fabric  in  wbicb  we  live. 

It  is  not  bere  suggested  tbat  Britisb  readers  take  anytbing  Uke 
full  advantage  of  tbe  vast  stores  of  knowledge  wbicb  bave  tbus  been 
laid  open  to  tbem.  Indeed,  tbe  study  of  bistory  is  sadly  neglected 
among  us.  Speaking  as  Professor  of  History  at  King's  College, 
London,  Mr.  J.  K.  Laugbton  bas  said,  "  I  am  unbappily  too  well 
acquainted  witb  tbe  sm-passing  ignorance  of  tbe  average  young 
man."^  And  otber  professors  of  bistory,  witb  wbom  I  bave  com- 
municated, fully  bear  out  tbe  lament  of  Professor  Laugbton.  Tbe 
general  ignorance  of  tbe  facts  of  modern  Britisb  bistory  is  particu- 
•  arly  insisted  upon  by  all. 

Yet,  even  if  Britisb  students  were  in  tbe  babit  of  tborougbly 
digesting  tbe  ordinary  Britisb  bistories  wbicb  are  witbin  tbeir 
reacb,  tbey  would  still  know  little  about  tbe  natvure  and  services  of 
tbe  Britisb  Navy.  Om-  greater  bistorians  deal  very  sparingly  witb 
tbose  subjects.  Many  of  tbem  seem  to  bave  been  deterred  by 
an  exaggerated  estimate  of  tbe  attendant  difficulties,  or  by  an 
impression  tbat  naval  bistory  is  far  too  tecbnical  to  be  understood 
by  lay  people.  Otbers  bave  altogetber  failed  to  awaken  to  tbe 
importance  of  tbe  matter,  and  bave,  by  tbat  very  failm-e,  convicted 
tbemselves  of  incompetence.  As  for  tbe  popular  bistorians,  tbe 
compilers  of  scbool  bistories,  text-books,  and  sucb-like,  tbey  bave 
for  tbe  most  part,  and  indeed  almost  witbout  exception,  bungled, 
wbere  tbe}'  bave  not  shamefully  scamped,  tbe  facts  of  om-  naval 
story. 

This  neglect  is  doubly  strange.  Tbe  modern  Britisb  bistorians 
of  ancient  Greece  and  Eome  bave  not  to  tbe  same  extent  avoided 
or  misrepresented  tbe  naval  side  of  tbeir  subject.  Many  of  us  can, 
I  am  sure,  ecbo  mucb  of  Dr.  Miller  Maguire's  complaint  tbat  in 
early  life  "be  was  actually  obliged  to  learn  off  by  beart  all  tbe 
little  nautical  incidents  of  tbe  Peloponnesian  War,  and  to  study 
tbe  tactics  and  carrying  power  of  tbe  vessels  of  tbe  Cartbaginians 
and  tbe  Eomans,  wbile  no  one  ever  dreamt  of  telling  bim  anything 
'  '  Tlie  Study  of  Naval  HiRtorv  ' ;  paperiread  at  the  K.  U.  S.  I.,  March  11th,  1896. 


GENERAL  PREFACE.  VU 

about  Hawke,  or  Boscawen,  or  CoUingwood,  or  our  other  naval 
heroes."  ' 

Yet  the  neglect  by  the  general  historian  of  the  naval  side  of  our 
history  is  but  the  natui-al  result  of  the  indifference  or  shortcomings 
of  many  of  those  who  might  have  forced  this  part  of  his  work  more 
specially  upon  his  attention,  and  who  might  have  facilitated  his 
laboiu-s  and  smoothed  away  his  real  or  supposed  difficulties.  Until 
Schomberg^  wrote,  the  British  naval  officer,  whose  position  and 
training  gave  him  exceptional  advantages  for  the  understanding 
and  presentation  of  the  facts,  and  the  conclusions  to  be  di-awn  from 
them,  was,  for  all  practical  purposes,  almost  silent  on  the  subject. 
Sir  Wilham  Monson,  it  is  true,  and  several  other  officers,  have  left 
us  treatises  on  naval  subjects ;  and  Pepys,  who  was  a  captain, 
B.N.,  has  bequeathed  us  a  mass  of  invaluable  material  for  history  ; 
but  these  are  not  naval  historians.  Schomberg's  book  is  so  full  of 
inaccuracy  as  to  be  almost  entirely  devoid  of  value.  Then  followed 
Brenton.  Brenton's  essay  ^  was  a  failure.  He  understood,  it  may 
be,  something  of  what  naval  history  ought  to  be ;  but  bis  numerous 
prejiidices,  national  and  personal,  his  lack  of  discrimination,  and 
his  ignorance  of,  or  indifference  to,  the  common-sense  rules  as  to  the 
admission  or  rejection  of  evidence,  tainted  his  work  from  beginning 
to  end.     Moreover,  Brenton  dealt  only  with  an  historical  episode. 

The  next  naval  officer  to  attempt  the  writing  of  British  naval 
history  was  Sir  Nicholas  Harris  Nicolas.  His  effort  *  was  eminently 
successful  so  far  as  it  went,  but  it  was  rendered  a  comparative 
failure  by  the  imtimely  death  of  the  historian  when  he  was  still  at 
the  outset  of  his  gigantic  work.  The  scheme  of  it  was  indeed  a 
most  generous  and  ample  one.  Nicolas  spared  no  pains  in  research  ; 
he  was  never  satisfied  until  he  had  consulted  the  best  contemporary 
authorities  for  the  details  of  every  event ;  and  he  devoted  as  much 
attention  to  the  civil  history  of  the  Navy,  and  to  the  development  of 
its  material,  as  to  its  military  exploits.    The  result  was,  that  although 

'  In  discussion  of  Prof.  Lauglitou's  paper,  Marcli  lltli,  1896. 

'^  Capt.  Isaac  Schoinberg,  R.N. :  '  Naval  Clirouulogy,  or  an  Historical  Summary  of 
Naval  aud  Maritime  Events,  from  the  time  of  the  Romans  to  the  Treaty  of  Peace,  1802.' 
5  vols.  1802. 

*  Capt.  Edward  Pelliam  Brenton,  R.N. :  '  The  Naval  History  of  Great  Britain, 
17.83  to  1836.'  2  vols.  1897.  A  revised  and  enlarged  edition  of  an  earlier  work  by  the 
same  author. 

'  Sir  Nicholas  Harris  Nicolas :  '  A  History  of  the  British  Navy,  from  the  Earliest 
Times  to  the  Wars  of  the  French  Revolution,'  2  vols.  1817.  I  cull  Nicolas  a  naval 
officer,  but  he  retired  early  from  the  Navy. 


VUl  GENERAL   PREFACE. 

he  lived  to  complete  two  volumes,  he  brought  his  story  down  only 
to  the  year  1422.  To  continue  the  work  upon  the  same  lines  up  to 
the  year  1793,  as  he  piu-posed,  he  would,  I  estimate,  have  needed  at 
least  fifteen,  and  possibly  twenty,  volumes  more.  It  may  be  doubted 
whether  any  writer  who  is  already  in  middle  life  is  justified  in 
undertaking,  and  looking  forward  to  the  single-handed  completion 
of,  a  book  framed  on  such  a  colossal  and  ambitious  scale.  Nicolas, 
however,  chose  to  venture  upon  the  forlorn  hope.  His  brilliant 
failure  is  less  astonishing,  though  scarcely  less  meritorious,  than  his 
success  would  have  been. 

Since  Nicolas's  time,  there  have  been  but  two  serious  British 
naval  writers  on  British  naval  history — Professor  J.  K.  Laughton, 
E.N.,  and  Vice-Admiral  P.  H.  Colomb.  The  former  has  given  us 
a  number  of  admirable,  though  short,  studies,  mamly  biographical,^ 
and  has  done  invaluable  editorial  work,  especially  in  connection 
with  the  publications  of  the  Navy  Eecords  Society.  The  latter  has 
produced  a  learned  and  useful  book,^  which,  though  it  deserves 
mention  here,  belongs  rather  to  the  domain  of  technical  criticism 
than  to  that  of  ordinary  history. 

In  addition  to  the  major  writers  already  named,  Lieutenant  John 
Marshall,  E.N.,^  Admiral  Sir  Charles  Ekins,^  Lieutenant  Miles,  E.N.,^ 
Mr.  A.  Duncan,  E.N.,"  Captain  S.  M.  Eardley-Wilmot,  E.N., 
Mr.  Joseph  Allen,  E.N.,'  Commander  C.  N.  Eobinson,  and  others, 
besides  the  authors  of  numerous  biographical  volumes,  compilations, 
controversial  pamphlets,  and  technical  treatises,  belong  to  the 
category  of  naval  men  who,  with  more  or  less  success,  have  striven 
to  elucidate  the  history  of  their  profession. 

Yet,  in  spite  of  all  this,  the  Navy  has  done  relatively  little 
towards  making  pubhc  the  true  story  of  the  progress  and  work  of 
the  service.  For  this  there  are  obvious  reasons.  A  British  naval 
officer,  especially  if  he  be  of  the  executive  branch,  does  not  receive, 
and  never  has  received,  in  early  life,  sirch  training  as  fits  him  for 
the   avocation   of    letters.      His   education    does   not   specially   en- 

'  Some  of  these  were  collected  in  '  Studies  in  Naval  Historj-,'  1887. 

2  '  Naval  AVarfai-e.' 

3  Lieut.  John  Marshall,  E.N. :  '  Koyal  Naval  Biography,'  12  vols.  1823-29. 

'  Admiral  Sir  Charles  Ekins  :  '  Naval  Battles,  from  1714  to  the  Peace  in  1814, 
critically  reviewed  and  illustrated.' 

°  '  Epitome  of  the  lloyal  Naval  Service,'  1841. 
'  '  The  Mariuer's  Clironicle,'  C  vols,  1750 ;  etc. 
'  'The  Battles  of  the  British  Navy." 


GENERAL   PREFACE.  IX 

corn-age  him  to  study  history,  nor,  during  his  active  career,  does  he 
usually  enjoy  many  opportunities  for  reading,  stiU  less  for  original 
research.  The  executive  officer,  therefore,  who  can  ultimately,  like 
Nicolas  or  Colomh  in  the  British,  or  like  Mahan  in  the  United 
States  Navy,  free  himself  from  the  grooves  of  his  professional 
vocation,  and  attain  distinction  in  the  new  walk  of  hfe,  must 
be  a  man  of  exceptional  qualifications,  and  must  always  be  a 
vara  avis. 

The  civihan  writers  on  British  naval  history  have  been  more 
numerous.  They  include,  among  many — and  I  name  only  those  of 
some  eminence — Josiah  Biu'chett,  who  succeeded  Pepys  as  Secretaiy 
of  the  Admiralty,  Samuel  Colliber,  John  Lediard,  Dr.  John  Camp- 
bell (and  his  continuators).  Sir  S.  Berkeley,  Hervey,  Dr.  Entick, 
Dr.  Eobert  Beatson,  John  Charnock,  Charles  Derrick,  William 
James,  Southey,  and  others,  down  to  Mr.  M.  Oppenheim,  besides 
biograx)hers  like  O'Byrne  and  Fox  Bourne. 

As  a  critical  naval  historian,  we  have,  I  am  afraid,  no  Enghsh- 
man,  either  naval  or  civil,  who  approaches  in  accuracy,  lucidity,  and 
charm  of  style  Captain  A.  T.  Mahan,  of  the  United  States  Navy. 
Another  American  naval  historian  who,  however,  is  a  civilian,  has, 
it  seems  to  me,  shown  a  measure  of  intentional  honesty  and  fairness 
which,  unhappily,  does  not  always  characterise  those  British  writers 
who  have  dealt  with  the  same  subject.  I  mean  Mr.  Theodore 
Eoosevelt,  the  writer  of  the  history  of  the  war  of  181'2. 

But  it  is  not  my  intention  to  introduce  here  a  naval  bibUography, 
nor,  if  it  were  my  wish  to  do  so,  would  space  suffice. '  I  thus  briefly 
summarise  some  little  of  the  historical  work  that  has  been  done  in 
connection  with  the  Eoyal  Navy,  merely  in  order  to  lead  up  to  a 
statement  of  the  chief  considerations  which  have  induced  me  to 
midertake  the  present  book,  and  which  have  influenced  me  in 
elaborating  its  scheme,  and  in  seeking  assistance  from  others  in 
carrying  it  out. 

Having  carefully  surveyed  what  has  been  done,  and  having 
examined  into  the  causes  of  failui-e,  where  failure  or  comparative 
failure  has  resulted,  and  into  the  causes  of  success,  where  success 
has  been  conspicuous,  I  have  had  certain  convictions  forced  upon 
me.  One  is  that  a  general  naval  history  framed  upon  the  scale  of 
Nicolas's,  is  too  huge  for  practical  use.  People  will  not  now-a-days 
purchase  a  book  in  twenty  volumes.  Still  less  will  they  read  it. 
Yet  a  general  naval    history,   dealing  with   all   the  aspects  of   the 


X  GENERAL   PREFACE. 

service,  from  the  earliest  times  to  the  present,  does  not  exist,  and 
is  hadly  needed.  Another  is  that  a  naval  history,  planned  upon 
Uiaes  other  than  the  most  restricted,  is  too  great  a  work  to  be 
tmdertaken  by  any  single  wTiter.  Pepys  designed  such  a  history, 
but  did  not  get  much  beyond  the  collection  of  part  of  his  material  for 
it.  Nicolas  began  such  a  history,  but  lived  to  complete  only  two 
volumes  of  it. 

So  much  for  the  failures  to  complete.  The  failures  to  satisfy  are 
more  numerous.  I  find  that  Schomberg  and  others  fail  because 
they  are  grossly  and  carelessly  inaccurate.  Brenton  fails  because  he 
is  prejudiced  and  injudicial.  James  partially  fails  because,  although 
he  is  painstaking  and,  with  few  exceptions,  fair,  he  is  a  chronicler 
rather  than  a  historian ;  he  does  not  sufiiciently  attempt  to  explain 
causes  and  motives ;  he  does  not  adequately  dwell  upon  results  and 
deductions.  Lediard  and  others  fail  because,  instead  of  depending 
first  of  all  upon  original  sources  of  information,  they  have  been 
content  to  go  first  of  all  to  second-hand  ones,  and  only  occasionally 
or  subsidiarily  to  the  best  of  all  authorities.  And  it  must  be 
admitted  that  nearly  all  British  writers  of  naval  history,  Nicolas 
being  the  only  prominent  exception,  have  devoted  their  ahnost 
exclusive  attention  to  recording  military  operations,  and  have  left 
in  comparative  neglect  such  equally  important  matters  as  naval 
administration,  the  development  of  the  materiel  and  jyersonnel  of  the 
service,  the  progress  in  the  arts  of  navigation,  gunnery,  etc.,  the 
social  life  and  customs  of  the  sea,  and  even,  in  some  cases,  the  stoiy 
of  naval  expeditions  of  discovery. 

On  the  other  hand,  James  and  Nicolas  and  Mahan  are  eminently 
satisfj'ing  to  this  extent — James,  in  that  he  is,  as  a  rule,  laborious 
and  conscientious ;  Nicolas,  in  that  he  is  learned,  full,  and  com- 
prehensive ;  and  Mahan,  in  that  he  is  luminous  and  scruj)ulously 
fair,  and  has  applied  the  teachings  of  the  past  to  the  possibihties  of 
the  present  and  the  future. 

It  was  naturally  my  desire  both  to  complete  my  imdertaking  and 
to  satisfy  the  reader;  and,  falling  into  communication  on  the  subject 
with  Mr.  E.  B.  Marston,  of  the  publishing  firm,  I  agreed  with  him, 
after  we  had  discussed  the  general  project,  that  a  work  in  five  or 
six  volmnes  of  the  size  now  in  hand  might  be  made  to  contain 
a  sufficiently  comprehensive  account  of  the  military  history  of  the 
Royal  Navy  from  the  earliest  times  to  the  present  without  necessi- 
tating any  undue  neglect  of  the  civil  history,  of  the  development  of 


GENERAL  PREFACE.  XI 

the  materiel  and  2)crson)icJ,  or  of  the  story  of  the  more  peaceful  yet 
still  active  triumphs  of  the  service ;  and  that  it  would  he  roomy 
enough  to  contain  such  illustrations  as  would  be  requisite  for  the 
due  supplementing  of  the  text. 

But  I  confessed  myself  unwilling  to  embark  alone  upon  the 
business.  I  had,  for  many  years  previously,  made  a  special  study  of 
our  naval  history  ;  but  I  had  studied  some  periods  more  attentively 
than  others,  and  in  most  periods  there  were  very  many  events  into 
the  records  of  which  I  had  made  no  very  deep  researches.  I  there- 
fore deemed  it  advisable  to  seek  for  assistance  if  I  was  to  set  about 
the  preparation  of  such  a  history  as  we  had  spoken  of. 

And  as  to  the  scope  and  plan  of  the  work  I  determined,  if 
possible,  to  attempt  the  difficult  task  of  combining  some  proportion 
of  the  various  qualities  which,  as  above  noted,  have  rendered  the 
works  of  James,  Nicolas,  and  Mahan,  each  in  its  own  way,  peculiarly 
acceptable.  This  scheme  involved  the  separation  of  the  civil  and 
the  mihtary  history  of  the  Navy,  as  Nicolas  has  separated  them,  and 
the  full  treatment  of  both  ;  the  recourse  on  every  possible  occasion 
to  first-hand  and  official  sources  of  information,  after  the  example 
set  by  James  and  by  Nicolas  ;  the  pointing  of  such  broad  lessons  as 
seem  to  be  plainly  taught  by  the  events  of  the  past,  and  to  be 
applicable  to  the  events  of  time  to  come,  after  the  fashion  begun 
by  INIahan  and  Colomb ;  and,  finally,  the  scrupulous  siappression  of 
international  or  personal  prejudice.  The  importance,  as  a  factor 
in  the  building  i;p  of  the  Empire,  of  maritime  discovery  and  its 
intimate  association  with  the  Eoyal  Navy,  obliged  me  to  enlarge  the 
scheme,  so,  as  to  include  special  chapters  dealing  with  that  also. 
And,  for  convenience,  I  determined  to  break  up  the  general  story 
into  parts. 

Thus  digested,  the  plan  of  the  History  stands  as  follows :  The 
work  is  divided  into  fifteen  historical  sections,  each  of  which 
corresponds  either  with  the  duration  of  a  dynasty  or  a  political 
period,  or  with  the  endurance  of  a  great  war.  The  first  section 
(.Chapters  I.-III.)  covers  the  period  previous  to  1066 ;  the  second 
section,  the  Norman  Age — 1066-1154 ;  the  third  section,  the 
Angevin  Age — 1154-1399 ;  the  fourth  section,  the  Lancastrian  and 
Yorkist  Age — 1399-1485 ;  the  fifth  section,  the  Tudor  Age — 
1485-1603  ;  the  sixth  section,  the  first  Stuart  Age— 1603-1649 ;  the 
seventh  section,  the  time  of  the  Commonwealth — 1649-1660 ;  the 
eighth    section,    the   age   of   the   Eestoratiou   and    the   Eevolution 


XU  GENERAL   PREFACE. 

— 1660-1714 ;  the  ninth  section,  the  early  Hanoverian  Age — 
1714-1763 ;  the  tenth  section,  the  period  of  American  Eevokition — 
1763-1793 ;  the  eleventh  section,  the  vi^ars  of  the  French  Eevolution 
— 1793-1802  ;  the  twelfth  section,  the  Napoleonic  and  American 
wars — 1802-1815 ;  the  thirteenth  section,  the  period  from  1815  to 
the  building  of  the  first  ironclads  in  1856 ;  and  the  fom-teenth  and 
last  section,  the  period  since  1856. 

Each  of  these  sections  is  subdivided  into  chapters,  dealing 
respectively  with  the  civil  history  of  the  Navy,  the  military  history 
of  the  Navy,  and  the  history  of  voyages  and  maritime  discovery 
during  the  period  under  review.  In  the  case  of  certain  sections,  the 
importance  of  the  naval  campaigns  in  which  great  fleets  were 
employed  has  led  to  a  further  subdivision  of  the  portion  treating 
of  the  military  history.  The  major  operations  are  in  those  cases 
described  separately  from  the  minor  operations  in  which  only  two 
or  three  vessels,  or  small  detachments,  were  engaged.  In  the 
tweKth  section,  moreover,  a  special  chapter  is  devoted  to  the  war 
with  the  United  States. 

Illustrations  from  contemporary  and  original  sources,  a  full  index 
to  each  volume,  and  a  general  subject  index  included  in  the  last 
volume,  will  complete  the  work. 

The  gentlemen  who  have  been  so  good  as  to  associate  their 
names  with  mine  on  the  title-page  of  the  book,  and  the  chapters  for 
which  each  has  kindly  undertaken  the  responsibility,  are  : — 

a       r,                 nr  T-  ^  -r.     ,  ,    I  TliB  HistoFv  of  VovasTes  and  Discoveries, 

Sir    Clements   Markham,  K.C.B.,   late  ,  ,„„  ,„,,o    ,    ■   '  r?^      ,      ^^t,-t    -i-ta.- 

Tj -NT      T.      -J     i      I.    i.  T.       iV.        )  14bu-l&y8 ;  being  Chapters  XVI.,  i.I\., 

R.N      President    of    the  Royal    Geo-  ^             ^^^,^^      ^k^          XXXIV., 

graphical  Society        .  .  .         .  |       xXXVIIL,  XLIIL,  XLVII.,  and  L. 

Captain  A.  T.  Mahan,  D.C.L.,  LL.D. ;  i  „„      ^,.              .    ,      ,,  .      ^.t      ,    ,^, 

TTC!     XT          /    i.-     i\         11         i-  1  rr-i  Ihe   History   of   the  Major  ISaval   Cam" 

U.S.   Navy   (retired),    author  of  '  The  .            ,  ^ ,.-,-...,    ■          r„ 

Ta               rc!T>                     TT-i>y  paiirns,      1 1  (jo-1 1 'J.J,       bemj'     Chai)ter 

Influence  of  Sea  Power  upon  History,    (  ',?,,' 

'               •'  XXXII. 
etc.           .          .          .          .          .          .1 

(The  History  of  Voyages  and  Discoveries 
up  to  1485,   being  Chapters  III.,  VI., 
ri>i     "  t't'  /    '        /i.,         Tll-  -VT  1      ^ 

.     A   (.■      >    J.        '  \    Ihe  History  of  the  Minor  Naval  Opera- 

'        '  ....  tioiis,   1763-1815  (except  those  of  the 

War  of  1812),  being  Chapters  XXXIII., 
XXXVIL,  and  XLII. 


Mr.    Theodore    Eoosevelt,    author    of  -i  The  History  of  the  War  with  the  United 
'The  Naval  War  of  1812,' etc.     .         ./      States,  1812-15,  being  Chapter  XLI. 

Mr.  Edward  Fraser    .  .  )  '^''"=  Military  History  of  the  Navy,  1603- 

■   t      1600,  being  Chapters  XVIII.  and  XXI. 


GENEltAL   PliKFACE.  XIU 

But  tliis  by  no  means  exhausts  the  Hst  of  those  who  have  co- 
operated with  me  iu  the  work.  There  are  two  other  classes  of 
liclpers  to  whom  I  am  at  least  equally  indebted.  .  One  class  includes 
those  who  for  months  have  spent  their  time  in  libraries  and  muni- 
ment rooms,  making  researches,  copying  docimients,  hunting  up 
portraits,  plans,  and  pictures,  and  verifying  references  on  my  behalf. 
To  them,  for  the  manner  in  which  they  have  laboured,  and  for  the 
numerous  suggestions  which  they  have  laid  before  me,  I  cannot  too 
deeply  express  my  thanks.  The  other  class,  a  very  much  larger 
one,  includes  the  volunteer  helpers.  Among  them  are  navah officers, 
British  and  foreign,  and  distinguished  historical  and  technical 
authorities.  My  indebtedness  to  these  will  be  found  specially 
acknowledged  in  various  places  throughout  the  volumes,  either  in 
the  footnotes,  or  in  the  introductions.  I  am  desirous  of  here 
recording  my  peculiar  obligations  to  Mr.  E.  B.  Marston,  who  has 
unceasingly  interested  himself  in  the  progress  of  the  work,  and  has 
helped  me  in  obtaining,  or  securing  a  sight  of,  many  valuable 
documents  and  little-known  pamphlets  and  books  which,  otherwise, 
must  have  escaped  my  notice. 

Upon  one  other  subject  I  must  say  a  word,  though  I  say  it  a 
little  unwillingly.  When  it  became  known  in  the  United  States 
that  my  friends  Captain  Mahau  and  Mr.  Theodore  Eoosevelt  were 
to  contribute  to  the  hook  chapters  dealing  with  our  unhappy  con- 
flicts with  America,  a  certain  New  York  literary  journal,  which 
generally  displays  better  taste,  congratulated  itself  that  at  last 
English  readers  would  be  told  the  whole  truth  about  those  wars. 
It  went  on_^to  insinuate  with  gratuitous  offensiveuess  that,  although 
Captain  Mahan,  being  perhaps  spoilt  by  British  appreciation  of  his 
books,  might  hesitate  to  speak  out,  Mr.  Eoosevelt  might  be  trusted 
to  reflect  American  opinion  in  its  most  micompromising  form,  and 
that  I  might  live  to  be  sorry  for  having  secured  the  co-operation 
of  that  distinguished  writer  and  administrator. 

I  regret  this  outburst,  and  I  sincerely  trust  that  the  journal  iu 
question  will,  if  only  for  the  sake  of  international  and  personal 
comity,  refrain  from  repeating  it.  Those  among  us  who  have 
studied  the  subject  at  all  have  known  the  truth  about  these  wars 
for  many  a  long  year,  and  although  we  may  not  be  uniformly  proud 
of  the  parts  which  Great  Britain  has  played  as  against  the  United 
States,  we  have  no  reason  for  desiring  the  suppression  of  any  one  of 
the  facts.     Like  all  the  great  characters  of  histoiy,  nations  have 


xiv  GENES AL   PREFACE. 

ever  had  their  weaknesses  and  their  shortcomings.  The  story  of 
their  occasional  pettinesses  and  errors  is  often  quite  as  instructive 
as  the  record  of  their  normally  great  and  noble  actions;  and  he 
vFould  be  but  a  poor  and  short-sighted  lover  of  his  country,  or  of  his 
hero,  who  should  seek  to  heighten  the  glory  of  an  established  fame 
by  painting  out  its  shadows.  Neither  Great  Britain  nor  the  United 
States  has  uniformly  behaved  hke  an  angel :  neither  ever  vvdU  behave 
in  that  manner.  But  I  beheve  that  both  are  essentially  honest,  and 
that  both,  especially  when  time  is  allowed  them  for  cool  reflection, 
desire  truth  and  justice  with  equal  sincerity. 

Yet,  after  all,  that  is  a  small  matter.  The  point  that  stiaick  me 
as  being  most  ungenerous  in  the  attack  of  the  New  York  j)aper  was 
the  suggestion  directed,  not  against  us  Britons,  but  against  Captain 
Mahan  and  Mr.  Eoosevelt.  To  insinuate  that  one  of  these  is 
capable  of  deliberately  subtracting  from  the  truth  in  order  to  pander 
to  Enghsh  vanity,  and  that  the  other  is  capable  of  dehberately 
adorning  the  truth  in  order  to  pander  to  American  Chauvinism,  is 
surely  to  outrage  the  honour  of  both  and  to  besmirch  the  dignity  of 
American  history.  I  sought,  and  I  welcome,  the  co-operation  of 
these  gentlemen  because  the  transparent  good  faith  of  their  writings 
has  deeply  impressed  itself  upon  me,  and  because  I  have  ever  been  of 
opinion  that,  coeteris  iMrihus,  Americans  are  alike  as  capable  and  as 
desirous  as  Englishmen  of  exercising  impartiality.  It  seems  to  me 
fair,  moreover,  to  let  both  sides  be  heard,  and  that  I  could  not 
possibly  offer  surer  giiarantees  of  my  anxiety  to  do  strict  justice  than 
by  inviting  distinguished  American  writers  to  co-operate  in  this 
work  on  equal  terms  with  Englishmen.  Any  historian,  no  matter 
his  good  faith,  may  err,  as  weU  in  his  facts  as  in  his  conclusions  ;  but 
if  either  Captain  Mahan  or  Mr.  Eoosevelt  err  it  wiU  not,  I  promise 
both  Enghsh  and  American  readers,  be  on  the  score  of  national 
prejudice  or  personal  insincerity.  I  only  wish  that  the  two  countries 
could  be  induced  to  permanently  co-operate  in  the  making  of  history 
with  as  single  an  aim  as  we  Britons  and  our  American  cousins  are 
on  this  occasion  endeavouiing  to  write  it. 

To  the  reader — and  with  him  I  include  the  critic — I  must  add 
yet  another  word.  The  task  which  my  fellow-workers  and  I  have 
undertaken  is  one  full  of  difhculties  and  pitfalls.  Some  periods  of 
our  naval  history  are  now  comprehensively  dealt  with  for  the  first 
time.  Others,  which  have  been  dealt  with  over  and  over  again, 
have  been  cobwebbed  with  myths  and  en'ors.     I  know  not  whether 


GENERAL  PREFACE.  XV 

it  be  easier  to  compile  new  records  or  to  remove  the  dust  and 
defacement  from  old  ones,  but  I  know  by  experience  that  the  labour, 
if  conscientiously  performed,  is,  in  each  case,  such  as  few  who  have 
not  attempted  it  can  realise.  The  contradictions  to  be  found  in  two 
or  more  authorities,  apparently  of  equal  weight  and  equal  trust- 
worthiness, are  often  so  serious  and  fundamental  as  apparently  to 
defy  reconciliation  or  explanation.  Sometimes,  indeed,  two  eye- 
witnesses, watching  an  operation  on  board  the  same  ship,  have  left 
entirely  contradictory  accounts  both  of  the  sequence  and  of  the  issue 
of  the  events  observed.  Nor  can  statements  even  in  official  dis- 
patches. State  papers,  and  Government  returns,  be  always  accepted 
without  corroboration.  It  has  been  our  business  to  meet  and 
vanquish  these  and  other  difficulties  to  the  best  of  our  ability,  and 
we  have  spared  neither  time  nor  pains  in  searching  for  the  truth. 
But  the  mass  of  material  to  be  consulted  is  so  colossal  that  errors 
of  omission  as  well  as  of  commission  cannot  but  abound  in  a  work 
like  the  present.  I  trust,  therefore,  tluat  the  book  may  not  be  too 
harshly  judged.  Such  faults  as  may  be  detected  in  it  must,  in  any 
event,  be  attributed  least  of  all  to  prejudice.  We  have  desired  to  set 
down  facts  without  fear  or  favour,  and  to  draw  such  conclusions  only 
as  are  justified  by  the  evidence  offered ;  and  it  will  be  a  great 
satisfaction  to  all  of  us,  even  although  we  may  fail  to  some  extent 
in  other  respects,  if  the  sincerity  of  our  intentions  escape  all 
impeachment. 


INTRODUCTION    TO   VOLUME  I. 


In  the  preparation  of  the  civil  and  mihtary  history  of  the  Navy,  prior 
to  1422,  Nicolas,  as  was  inevitable,  has  been  generally  followed, 
although  important  additions  to,  and  some  corrections  of,  his  work 
y  have  been  deemed  necessary.  His  references  have  also  been  verified 
wherever  possible. 

After  the  major  part  of  this  volmne  had  been  put  in  type,  the 
appearance  of  Mr.  M.  Oppenheim's  invaluable  '  History  of  the 
Administration  of  the  Royal  Navy,  1509-1660  '  (John  Lane),  and 
of  the  same  learned  author's,  '  Naval  Accounts  and  Inventories  of 
the  Eeign  of  Henry  VII.'  (Navy  Eecords  Society),  called  attention 
to  several  neglected  sources  of  information.  These  have  been 
utilised,  and  Mr.  Oppenheim's  two  volumes  have,  besides,  been 
largely  quoted  from.  To  another  publication  of  the  Navy  Eecords 
Society,  Professor  Laughton's,  '  State  Papers  Eelating  to  the 
Spanish  Armada,'  a  great  debt  is  due.  Both  it,  and  Captain 
Duro's  works  dealing  with  affairs  of  the  same  eventful  time,  have, 
as  will  be  seen,  been  freely  drawn  upon.  To  Mr.  Oppenheim 
personally,  I  owe  several  useful  suggestions.  It  is  a  matter  of  great 
regret  to  me  that  both  Professor  Laughton  and  Mr.  Oppenheim 
were  obliged  to  decline  invitations  to  contribute  some  chapters  to 
this  volume,  and  that  one  of  the  grounds  of  the  latter's  refusal  was 
the  uncertainty  of  his  health. 

To  Dr.  W.  F.  Tilton,  of  Newport,  Ehode  Island,  who  has  made 
a  special  stiidy  of  the  Armada  period,  I  am  particularly  obliged. 
He  has  generously  placed  some  of  his  very  careful  work  at  my 
disposal,  and  I  have  been  glad  to  take  full  advantage  of  liis  kindness. 
My  thanks  are  due  as  well  to  Colonel  John  Scott,  C.B.,  for  most 
interesting  biographical  information  concerning  early  books  on 
-  shipping  and  navigation.  Similar  acknowledgments  are  owing  to 
VOL.    I.  b 


t> 


xviii  INTnODUGTION    TO    VOLUME  I. 

Mr.  Cory  ton,  oi  the  Inner  Temple,  for  suggestion  on  the  same 
subjects.  And  I  would  gratefully  thank  the  various  noblemen  and 
gentlemen  who  have  allowed  the  publishers  to  reproduce  pictures, 
charts,  etc.,  in  their  possession ;  and  last,  but  not  least,  the 
authorities  of  numerous  pubhc  libraries  and  similar  institutions 
at  home  and  abroad,  for  the  unvarying  and  unwearying  kindness 
with  which  they  have  assisted  both  me  and  also  those  searchers  who 
have  had  occasion  to  ask  their  aid  on  my  behalf. 

It  is  hoped  that  Volume  II.,  bringing  down  the  history  to  the 
year  1760,  may  be  ready  for  delivery  in  September. 


CONTENTS 

VOLUME  I. 


CHAPTER   r. 

PACK 

Civil  History  ok  Naval  iVKKAiRS  to   lOGG.  .  .  .1 


CHAPTER  TT. 
Military  History  of  ISTaval  Affairs  to  106G      .  .  .  .23 

CHAPTER  III. 

VOYACES    AND    DiSCOVEKIES    TO    1066         .  .  .  .  .  .  Tjo 

CHAPTER  IV. 
Civil  History  of  Naval  Affairs,   1066-115-t       .  .  .  .71 

"'  CHAPTER  V. 

MiLiTAitY   History  of  Naval  Affairs,   I0G6-lloi  .  .  .84 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Voyages  and  Discovekies,   1066-1154  .....       y.'i 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Civil  History  of  this  Navy,  11.54-1.399       ....  98 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
.Military  History  of  tue  N.wy,  1154-1399         ....      160 


XX  CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME  I. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

PAGE 

Voyages  and  Discoveries,  1154-1399.  .....     303 


CHAPTER  X. 
Civil  History  of  the  Xavy,  1399-1485 338 

CHAPTER  XI. 
Military  History  of  the  Navy',  1399-1485         ....     355 

CHAPTER  XII. 

V^OY'AGES   AND    DISCOVERIES,    1399-1485  .....       394 

CHAPTER  XIII. 
Civil  History  of  the  Navy,  1485-1603 399 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
Military  History  of  the  Navy,  1485-1603         ....     441 

CHAPTER  XV. 
The  Campaign  of  the  Spanish  Armada       .....     539 

CHAPTER  XVI. 
Voyages  and  Discoveries,  1485-1603.  .....     605 


INDEX 659 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


VOLUME  I. 


PHOTOGRAVURE  PLATES. 

PAGE 

Thomas  Howard,  Earl  op  Surrey,  3rd  Duke  op  Norfolk  .  Frontwpieco 

Robert  Devereux,  Earl  op  Essex      ....  To  face     .512 

Charles,  Lord  Howard  op  Epfingham,  High  Admiral  ,,          .538 

Sib  Francis  Drake   .......  „          622 

Sir  Walter  Ralegh.          ......  ,,          646 


FULL-PAGE  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


The  Gokstad  Ship:  elevation  and  deck  plan    .  .         Tu face       18 

The    Gokstad   Ship  :    views    from   the    starboard  and 
the  port  quarter        ..... 

Ruysch's  Chart,   1508        ..... 

Chart  from  the  Ptolem.ean  Codex  of  ca.  1467. 
The  Zeno  Chart       ...... 

The  Olaus  Magnus  Map  op  1539 

Embarkation  of  Henry  VIII.  at  Dover    . 

A  Galley  ....... 

A  Galley  ....... 

The  Encampment  of  the  English  near  Portsmouth,  1545 

Arrival  op  Leicester  at  Flushing,  1586    . 

The  Armada  off  the  Lizazd,  July  19th,  1588  . 

The  Armada  off  Fowey,  July  20th,  1588. 

The  First  Engagement  with  the  Armada  . 

Capture  of  the  "  San  Salvador  "... 


20 
322 
322 
334 
336 
406 
450 
462 
464 
486 
560 
562 
■564 
566 


XXll 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Captuee  of  Don  Pedro  de  Valdes  . 
The  Armada  ee-engaged,  July  23rd,  1588 
Engagement  off  the  Isle  of  Wight. 
The  Armada  chased  towards  Calais. 
The  Armada  dislodged  by  Fireships. 
The  "  San  Lorenzo  "  aground   . 


PAGE 

To  face  568 
570 
572 
574 
576 
578 


ILLUSTRATIONS  IN  THE  TEXT. 

[r/ic  iUustralioiix  inarkn!  thus  Oyarc  taken  from  'A  Naval  Exjjositm;'  hij  Tliumas  Bihii  Blam 
ivith  fii'jrarino-'i  hij  Paul  Foimhinifr.    London,  1750.] 


Initial  Letter  from  Lediard's  '  Naval  History 

A  Roman  Galley  {Inter  period)    . 

The  Gokstad  Ship  :  details  (5  cuts)    . 

The  Gokstad  Ship  :  carving  on  oar   . 

1  Ship's  Watch-Bell  .... 

Roman  Libuenus,  or  galley  with  one  tier  of  oaes 

^  Moorings 

1  Creeper  .... 

Noeman  War-vessel  :  eleventh  century 

The  "Mora"    . 

Misleading  Effksy  of  a  Ship  {From  Jul) 

1  Hanging  Compass 

Harold's  Ship  . 

1  Bilboes  .... 

^  Pinnace  .... 

Galley  :  fourteenth  century 

Gold  Noble  of  Edward  III. 

Primitive  Wiris-wodnd  Gun 

Seal  of  Lyme  Regis. 

Seal  op  Southampton 

Seal  op  the  Barons  op  Dover 

Ancient  Guns  and  Shot    . 

Ancient  Dividers  or  Compasses 

'  Double  Iron-bound  Blocks 

'  Careening  Hulk 

Chart  of  the  Strait  op  Dovee. 


lilen  ; 


20 

22 

2:5 

25 

54 

71 

72 

77 

83 

84 

85 

92 

98 

143 

145 

148 

155 

155 

15G 

158 

158 

159 

161 

188 


ILLUSTIlATWNH. 


XXlll 


Map  of  the  Loweh  Netiiuri.ands 

'  Pennant. 

'  Powder-room  Lantern 

'  Snatch  Block 

^Flag  of  Lord  Hicn  Admiral 

Ship  :   fourteentji  century 

Ships :  fourteenth  century 

From  the  MS.  Life  of  Uriiard  Beauchamp, 

From  the  MS.  Life  op  Richard  Beaucham 

1  Gin,  for  Pile-drivin(; 

'  Parrells 

From  the  MS.  Life  op  Richard  Beaucham 

Seal  of  John  Holland,  Duke  of  Exeter, 

'Brass  Box  Compass. 

'  Hacboat 

'  Bitt.s       .... 

'  Smack-rigged  Sloop 

Early  Astrolabe 

Cross-Staff 

Back-Staff,  or  Davis's  Quadrant 

The  "Henry  Grace  a  Dieu"  {the  Norrk  pi 

The  "  Henry  Grace  a  Dieu  "  {the  Pcpi/a  i 

CuLVERiN  Bastard  :  sixteenth  century 

Brass  Gun  from  the  "  Mary  Rose  "  . 

Elizabethan  Falconet 

A  Genoese  Carrack. 

Vessels :  fourteenth  century    . 

The  Galley  "Subtle" 

An  Elizabethan  Ship  of  War  . 

Si.x-angel  Piece  of  Edward  VI. 

Elizabethan  Seaman. 

Gold  Rial  of  Elizabeth  . 

Chart  of  Thames  Mouth,  L")80. 

'  Careening        .  .  . 

Chart  of  Ferrol  and  Uorunna. 

Chart  of  Lisbon        .... 

Sir  Martin  Frobisei; 


,  Earl  of  Warwick 
p,  Earl  of  Warwick 


p,  Earl  of  Warwick 
Lord  High  Admihal 


■Jure) 
tiire) 


PAtl  K 

•252 

302 

.30:5 

337 

338 

339 

3-il 

345 

350 

354 

355 

37G 

383 

393 

394 

398 

.399 

400 

401 

403 

40(1 

407 

408 

409 

412 

113 

415 

422 

424 

420 

428 

433 

435 

442 

491 

492 

499 


XXIV 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Admiral,  Jan  van  Duijvenvoorde 

Chart  op  Cadiz  Harbour  . 

George  Clifford,  Earl  of  Cumberland 

'  Wheel    . 

'  Bomb  Vessel  . 

An  English  Ship  of  War,  1588 

The  Beacons  of  Kent 

A  Ship  of  the  Armada 

1  Triangles 

1  Brigantine 

Sir  Hugh  Willoughby 

Sir  John  Hawkyns   . 

Thomas  Cavendish     . 

'  Azimuth  Compass     . 


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NAVAL    HISTORY 


CHAPTER  I. 

'  CIVIL   HISTORY    (IK    NAVAL   AFFAIES   TO    1066. 

The  priuiitive  Britcm  and  the  sea— KaHy  Bfitish  vessels— Coimiiercial  relations  with 
the  continent — Ships  ol'  the  Veneti— Maritime  impotence  of  Britain  at  (Ja'sar's 
invasion— Picte — Cc-Bsav's  ships— Britain  uniler  the  Romans— Roman  harbours  in 
Britain The  Scots  and  I'icts— The  Saxon  invaders- Their  origin  and  character- 
Anglo-Saxon  ships— Rise  of  Mercia— Offa's  fleet  —Rise  of  Wessex — Alfred's  mari- 
time   i)olicy Edgar — Danegeld — The   Danish   invaders — Greatness   of  Canute — 

Danish   ships Port    dues — Tenures   of  the   maritime   towns — Smallness   of  the 

iioniianent  navy— 'Phe  Hokstad  sliiji  and  its  construction. 

MONG  the  inhabitants  of  Britain,  a  large 
number  have  in  all  ages  followed  the  sea. 
In  the  days  of  extreme  antiquity,  when  the 
greater  part  of  the  island  was  covered  with 
forests  in  which  wild  beasts,  and  possibly 
wilder  human  beings,  roamed,  knowing 
no  law  save  that  of  the  strongest ;  when 
marshes  and  lakes  were  more  common,  and 
watercourses  broader,  than  they  are  now, 
and  when  there  was  little  tillage,  the  seas 
and  rivers  yielded  a  readier  harvest  than  the  land. 

So  long  as  society  remained  unorganised,  the  man  who  planted  a 
field  gave  to  precarious  fortune  most  valuable  hostages  in  the  shape 
of  his  labour  and  his  seed.  Any  man  more  powerful  than  he  might, 
without  much  trouble,  deprive  him  of  the  fruit  of  both  by  driving 
him  from  his  hard-won  patch,  and  occupying  it.  Yet,  even  while 
society  was  in  its  earliest  infancy,  there  was  a  certain  kind  of  safety 
afloat  for  him  who  knew  how  to  manage  paddle  and  sail.  He  could 
not  easily  be  ousted  from  his  chosen  fishing-grounds.  To  oust  him — 
nay,  seriously  to  interfere  with  him  afioat — required  not  merely  brute 

VOL.    I.  B 


FI:c)M   LKDIAKD  S  XAVAL  H15TOKY, 
1735. 


2  CIVIL   EISTOBY   TO   1066.  [B.C    55. 

strength  but  also  skill  and  experience.  The  lowest  man  in  the  scale 
of  that  dawning  civilisation  could  handle  the  club  and  the  mattock  ; 
but,  from  the  first,  the  trade  of  seaman  or  fisherman  was  an  art  and 
mystery.  The  primitive  Briton  was,  therefore,  more  secure  in  his 
position,  as  well  as  more  independent,  as  a  seaman,  or  at  least  as  a 
riverman,  than  as  a  landsman.  On  the  water  he  escaped  having  to 
contend  with  wild  beasts  and  with  much  human  tp'anny.  As  for  the 
elements,  he  made  it  the  peculiar  business  of  his  life  to  understand 
and  adopt  them.  They  cannot  have  been  more  cruel  than  the 
dangers  of  the  shoi'e.  And  from  river,  lake,  and  sea  he  could  be 
sure  of  drawing  supplies  of  food  without  the  trouble  either  of  sowing 
or  of  reaping. 

These  considerations  must  have  powerfully  influenced  the  early 
Britons  who  found  themselves  near  stream  or  ocean  or  mere,  for 
they  have  profoundly  influenced  all  primitive  peoples,  and  especially 
those  of  the  old  world.  They  led  them,  not  merely  to  seek  their 
living  on  the  water,  but  also  to  biuld  their  habitations  on  or 
above  the  water.  In  the  neolithic  period  there  were  lake  dwellings 
in  Britain  as  well  as  in  Switzerland  and  other  parts  of  Em-ope ;  and 
many  of  the  Irish  "  crannoges,"  or  artificial  islands,  which  were 
strongholds  of  petty  chiefs  as  late  as  the  sixteenth  century,  were 
striictures  dating  back  to  prehistoric  times.  Soon,  of  course,  as  the 
numbers  of  those  who  lived  on  or  by  the  water  increased,  the  relative 
security  of  their  calling  diminished.  Boats  began  to  be  stolen,  nets 
to  be  destroyed,  lines  to  be  removed.  Still,  however,  there  was  the 
substantial  attraction  of  the  never  failing  harvest  of  the  waters ;  and 
still  a  man  enjoyed  more  liberty  afloat  than  he  could  hope  to  enjoy 
ashore,  unless,  indeed,  he  happened  to  be  a  very  powerful  personage. 

It  is  impossible  to  determine  with  certainty  what  was  the  nature 
of  the  earliest  British  vessels.  But  it  is  established  by  Csesar^ 
that  in  his  time  the  inhabitants  made  use,  probably  in  addition  to 
craft  of  stronger  build,  of  boats  very  little  different  from  the  coracles 
\\hich  may  still  be  occasionally  seen  on  the  upper  reaches  of  the 
Severn,  and  from  the  light  and  unstable  skiffs  wherein  the  fishermen 
of  Mayo  and  Galway  \'enture  to  sea  to  this  daj'  in  almost  all 
weathers.  They  were,  in  effect,  canoes,  framed  of  light  wood  so 
arranged  as  to  support  and  give  strength  to  a  hull  of  basket-work, 
and  then  covered  with  hides.  They  may  have  well  existed  long 
l)efore  Caesar's  time ;    and   they  probably  represented  the  first  type 

'  '  De  Bell.  Civ.,'  i.  54. 


B.C.  55.J  BltlTAlN  AND    THE   CONTINENT.  3 

of  British  vessel  that  was  anything  more  than  a  raft.  There  seems 
to  have  been  generally  no  sail  or  mast ;  and  the  instrument  of 
propulsion  was,  almost  without  doubt,  the  paddle. 

Yet,  although  the  hide  canoe  appears  to  have  been  the  earliest 
craft  known  to  our  ancestors,  it  is  difhcult  to  believe  that,  as  late  as 
the  days  of  Cassar,  the  islanders  had  nothing  better.  Pytheas,' 
about  330  B.C.,  found,  in  what  is  now  Kent,  a  degree  of  civilisation 
which  surprised  even  his  highly  civilised  companions  from  Massilia. 
I'osidonius,  who  was  Cicero's  tutor,  describes  the  tin-workers  of  the 
island  as  being  civilised  and  clever  at  their  work,  and  as  possessing 
waggons  of  some  sort.  In  those  times  there  were  certainly  iron- 
works in  the  valley  of  the  Severn,  and  British  princelings  certainly 
coined  money  in  distant  imitation  of  Greek  originals.  Moreover, 
it  is  incredible  that  the  Britons,  who  for  generations  had  seen 
Phoenician  ships  and  craft  from  the  Greek  colonies  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean, visiting  their  coasts  for  tin,  could  have  omitted  to  copy  the 
superior  foreign  types.  Nor  is  it  probable  that  if  our  ancestors 
owned  only  hide  canoes,  they  could  have  habitually  crossed  the 
British  Channel,  as  C^sar  himself  suggests  that  they  did  cross  it. 

There  is  no  evidence  that  any  prince  of  Britain,  inspired  by 
principles  of  general  policy,  organised  a  combination  of  his  fellow 
princes,  either  to  send  maritime  assistance  to  the  mainlanders  who 
resisted  the  Koman  seizure  of  the  continental  shores  of  the  Channel, 
or  to  repel  the  threatened  invasion  of  his  own  country.  Indeed,  the 
evidence  is  rather  to  the  effect  that  the  more  powerful  princes  were 
on  such  ill  terms  among  themselves  that  they  could  not  combine, 
at  least  for  operations  by  sea.  Yet  there  was  some  combination  for 
offensive  defence,  if  not  among  the  princes  of  Britain,  then  among 
the  merchants  and  shipowners  of  the  seaboard.  It  was,  no  doubt, 
dictated  by  considerations  of  common  interests,  rather  than  by  the 
formal  behests  of  people  in  authority  ;  and  the  probable  explanation 
is  that  the  fishermen  and  traders  of  the  southern  British  coasts,  who 
had  long  had  some  maritime  traftic  with  the  tribes  ever  against  them 
on  the  coasts  of  Gaul,  apprehended  in  some  vague  way  that  a 
Boman  conquest  would  deprive  them  of  it.  We  may  even  suppose 
blood  ties  to  have  existed  between  the  two  races,  and  the  menaced 
mainlanders  to  have  appealed,  in  their  hour  of  peril,  to  the  friend- 
ship of  the  islanders.  Be  this  as  it  may,  both  Caesar  and  Strabo, 
as  well  as  native  traditions,  declare  Britain  and  Gaul  to  have  had 
'  Fragments  of  his  '  Peri|iUis,'  ed.  Arwoilsun. 

H    2 


4  CIVIL   EISTOET   TO   106C.  [B.C.  55. 

commercial  relations  for  a  long  period  anterior  to  the  Julian  invasion  ;' 
and  we  have  Caesar's  word  for  it  that  when,  in  his  advance,  he  came 
into  contact  ■with  the  Veneti,  who  dwelt  near  the  mouth  of  what  is 
now  the  Loire,  he  found  that  he  had  to  fight  not  only  them,  but 
also  a  British  flotilla  acting  with  them. 

Unhappily,  Caesar  does  not  expressly  describe  the  vessels  of  the 
British  contingent.  It  has  been  seen  that  he  elsewhere  mentions 
certain  British  craft  as  having  been  made  of  wicker  covered  with 
hide.  Of  these  he  speaks  contemptuously,  when  he  criticises  their 
suitability  for  war ;  and  Lucan  ^  takes  up  much  the  same  position . 
But  neither  Caesar  nor  Lucan  applies  this  criticism  to  the  craft  that 
co-operated  with  the  Veneti ;  and,  when  we  pay  regard  to  the  fact 
that  to  enter  the  mouth  of  the  Loire  our  ancestors,  in  addition 
to  crossing  the  stormy  Channel,  must  have  braved  the  terrors 
of  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  we  are  almost  driven  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  ships  which  helped  the  Veneti  were  not  hide  canoes.  It  is 
much  more  likely,  seeing  that  Ccesar  devotes  no  special  description 
to  them,  that  they  were  not  very  different  from  the  ships  of  the 
Veneti  themselves.  These  he  does  describe,  and  in  some  detail. 
"  Their  ships,"  ^  he  says,  "  were  built  and  fitted  out  in  this  manner. 
The  bottoms  were  somewhat  flatter  than  those  of  our  vessels,  the 
better  to  adapt  them  to  the  shallows,  and  to  enable  them  to  with- 
stand without  danger  the  ebbing  of  the  tide.  Their  bows,  as  like- 
wise their  sterns,  were  very  lofty  and  erect,  the  better  to  bear  the 
magnitude  of  the  waves  and  the  violence  of  the  tempests.  The  hull 
of  each  vessel  was  entirely  of  oak,  to  resist  the  shocks  and  assaults 
of  that  stormy  sea.  The  benches  for  the  rowers  were  made  of 
strong  beams  of  about  a  foot  in  breadth,  and  were  fastened  with 
iron  bolts  an  inch  thick.  They  fastened  their  anchors  with  iron 
chains  *  instead  of  with  cables ;  and  they  used  skins  and  a  sort  of 
thin  pliant  leather  for  sails,  either  because  they  lacked  canvas  and 
were  ignorant  of  the  art  of  making  sailcloth,  or  more  probably 
because  they  believed  that  canvas  sails  were  not  so  fit  to  bear 
the  stress  of  tempests  and  the  rage  and  fury  of  the  winds,  and 
to  drive  ships  of  that  bulk  and  burden.     Our  fleet  and  the  vessels 

'  Cffisar,  'De  Bell.  Gall.,'  iii.  L'l ;  iv.  liO. 

-  '  Pliarsal.,'  iv. 

^  'DeBcll.  Gall.,'iii.  13. 

■*  An  example  of  "  nothing  new  under  the  sun."  Chain  fal>les  for  shijis  of  war  were 
again  adoi)teil  in  the  nineteenth  century,  after  hempen  cables  had  served  fur  uiiwards  of 
a  thousand  years. 


B.C.  O.5.]  VENETAN    VESSELS.  5 

of  such  construction  were  as  follows  as  regards  fighting  capabilities. 
In  the  matter  of  manoeuvring  power  and  ready  command  of  oars, 
we  had  an  advantage  ;  but  in  other  respects,  looking  to  the  situation 
of  the  coast  and  the  stormy  weather,  all  ran  very  much  in  their 
favour ;  for  neither  could  our  ships  injure  theirs  with  their  prows, 
so  great  were  the  strength  and  solidity  of  the  hostile  craft,  nor  could 
we  easily  throw  in  our  darts,  because  of  the  loftiness  of  the 
foe  above  us.  And  this  last  fact  was  also  a  reason  why  we  found 
it  extremely  difficult  to  grapple  with  him,  and  bring  him  to  close 
action.  More  than  all,  when  the  sea  began  to  get  up,  and  when  the 
enemy  was  obliged  to  run  before  it,  he,  fearing  nothing  from  the 
rocks  and  chffs  when  the  tide  should  ebb,  could,  in  addition  to 
weathering  the  storm  better,  trust  himself  more  confidently  among 
the  shallows."  A  complete  victory^  was  gained,  nevertheless;  and, 
no  doubt,  the  British  contingent  was  destroyed. 

That  Selden  wrote  primarily  as  a  politician,  and  only  secondarily 
as  a  historian,  when  he  produced  '  Mare  Clausum,"  has  been  too 
much  overlooked  by  later  writers,  and  especially  by  Dr.  John 
Campbell"  and  his  editors,  who  follow  Selden^  in  finding,  in  a 
statement  by  Ctesar,  evidence  that  the  ancient  Britons  "had  the 
dominion  of  their  own  seas  in  the  most  absolute  degree."  The 
statement  is  to  the  effect  that  Csesar  could  get  no  information 
concerning  the  country  or  ports  of  Britain,  because  the  inhabitants 
permitted  none  but  merchants  to  visit  their  island,  and  restrained 
even  them  from  travelling  up  the  country.''  As  well  might  it  be 
argued  that  the  Chinese  of  our  own  days  "  have  the  dominion  of 
their  own  seas  in  the  most  absolute  degree,"  because  they  have 
succeeded  in  limiting  the  intercourse  of  foreigners  with  the  interior. 
All  that  we  know  points  to  a  different  conclusion.  Whatever  naval 
power  the  Britaius,  probably  those  of  the  western  part  of  the  island, 
possessed,  seems  to  have  been  entirely  expended  in  the  fruitless 
co-operation  with  the  Veneti.  Thenceforward,  the  British  fleet 
vanished  from  the  scene ;  and  C»sar  met  with  absolutely  no 
resistance  afloat. 

Yet,  although  the  Britons  were  weak  at  sea,  they  were  not  so 
ignorant  that  the  cultured  liomans  had  nothing  to  learn  from  them 

'  'De  Bell.  Gall.,' iii.  U. 

-  'Lives  of  the  British  Admirals,'  edit,  of  1817,  cli.  i. 

'  'Mare  Clans.,'  ii.  2. 

*  '  De  Bell.  Gall.,'  iv.  IS. 


6  CIVIL   HISTORY   TO   10(i6.  [B.C.  55. 

concerning  ship  construction.  We  have  seen  what  Csesar's  opinion 
was  of  the  British  hide  canoes.  But  we  learn  elsewhere  ^  that  the 
conquerors  found  in  Britain  another  type  of  boat  which  they 
thought  it  worth  while  to  copy  for  their  own  purposes.  It  was 
a  species  of  long,  fast-sailing  pinnace,  known  to  the  Eomans  as 
picta.  It  was  smeared  with  wax,  apparently  to  lessen  the  friction 
while  running  through  the  water,  and  it  carried  twenty  rowers. 
It  was  useful  for  scouting  and  dispatch  purposes ;  and  to  decrease 
its  visibihty  its  sail  was  dyed  light  blue,  and  its  crew  were  dressed  in 
clothing  of  the  same  colour.  Here  is  a  very  early  example  of 
something  like  a  naval  uniform  for  seamen.  But,  with  regard  to 
the  science  of  naval  architecture  generally,  the  Bomans  must  have 
been  immensely  ahead  of  the  Britons.  The  Roman  vessels  were  not 
so  large,  but  that  they  could  be  hauled  upon  the  beach ;  while  they 
were  large  enough  to  transport,  upon  an  average,  about  V25  soldiers, - 
with  baggage  in  each ;  and  if  it  be  true  that  Caesar  carried  with  him 
to  Britain  a  war  elephant,^  some,  at  least,  of  his  ships  nrast  have 
been  of  imposing  size  and  strength. 

The  results  of  Caesar's  expeditions  led  subsequent  Latin  writers 
to  use  such  expressions  as  Britannos  subjugare  and  Vincula  dare 
oceano  almost  as  if  they  were  equivalent  phrases ;  and  the  fact  has 
ever  since  created  a  false  impression  that  the  conqueror  in  some 
way  wrested  the  dominion  of  the  sea  from  the  vanquished  islanders. 
The  truth  is  that,  after  he  had  won  the  action  in  the  mouth  of  the 
Loire,  Csesar  had  to  contend  afloat  with  few  besides  natural 
difficulties  ;  and  that  the  Briton  of  his  day  was  overcome  not  at  sea 
but  ashore.  If  the  Britons  had  any  ships  and  seamen  beyond  those 
destroyed  on  the  coast  of  Gaul,  they  had  at  least  no  union,  no 
common  aims,  no  central  authority  strong  enough  to  wield  effectively 
the  naval  arm.  The  country  was  broken  up  into  petty  principali- 
ties and  chieftainships,  and  while  little  co-operation  between  the 
jealousies  and  hatreds  of  rivals  was  possible  on  shore,  none  at  all 
was  to  be  expected  at  sea,  where  only  from  co-operation,  guided  by 
authority,  can  success  be  hoped  for,  even  amid  the  most  favourable 
circumstances. 

The  descents  of  Cssar,  and  the  fear  of  new  invasions  certainly 
disciplined    the  country  to   a   degree   previously   unexampled.     We 

'  Flav.  Veg.  '  De  Ke  Mil.,'  iv.  37. 

^  Eighty  transports  conveyed  two  legions.     'De  Bell.  Gall.,'  iv.  'I'l. 

'  As  Polyureus  says. 


B.C.  50.]  BRITAIN  AND    ROME.  7 

need  not  suppose  that  the  coast  populations  became  suddenly  orderly, 
and  hastened  to  give  up  their  primitive  habits  of  piracy ;  and, 
indeed,  we  find  that,  a  little  later,  these  habits,  far  from  having  dis- 
appeared, were  more  firmly  rooted  than  ever.  Yet,  for  the  time, 
the  Britons  paid  or  promised  tribute,  in  order  to  keep  Augustus '  at 
a  distance ;  and,  under  Tiberius,  they  were  wise  enough  to  refrain 
from  plundering  certain  soldiers  of  Gennanicus,^  who  were  wrecked 
on  their  shores.  The  improvement  may  have  been  partly  owing  to 
the  growth  of  central  authority  within  the  island ;  for  it  seems 
probable  that  Cymbeline,  though  monarch  only  of  a  portion  of  the 
country,  attained  much  greater  power  and  influence  than  had 
before  been  reached  by  any  British  prince,  and  was  often  able,  more 
or  less,  directly  to  control  nearly  the  whole  of  the  southern  part  of 
the  island.  Even  Cymbeline,^  however,  was  not  always  powerful 
enough  to  control  all  his  dependents,  nor  all  the  members  of  his  own 
family.  Just  before  his  death,  he  was  dragged,  apparently  much 
against  his  will,  into  a  serious  difficulty  with  Home ;  and,  although 
he  did  not  live  to  witness  the  invasion  of  the  Emperor  Claudius,  he 
must  have  known,  ere  he  breathed  his  last,  that  Britanl,  which, 
since  the  time  of  Ca?sar,  had  been  allowed  to  take  very  much  its 
own  course,  was  about  to  lose  all  semblance  of  independence. 

Claudius  was  not  opposed  by  sea ;  nor  do  ships  seem  to  have 
played  any  part  in  the  revolt  under  Boadicea  in  the  time  of 
Suetonius  Paulinus.  Indeed,  during  more  than  two  hiTudred  years, 
the  country's  naval  progress  went  on  so  noiselessly  as  to  have 
escaped  the  attention  of  historians.  But  progress  under  the  Eomans 
there  must  have  been  ;  for  the  bold  and  successful  entei-prise  of 
Caius  Carausius  could  not  have  terminated  as  it  did,  had  not  the 
leader  had  at  his  command  not  only  good  ships  but  also  good 
seamen.  The  exploits  of  Carausius,  and  of  his  successor,  will  be 
found  summarised  in  the  next  chapter.  Progress  continued  steadily 
in  the  later  days  of  the  Eoman  dominion,  when  the  ports  as  well  as 
the  fleet  received  much  attention.  The  navy  nearly  always  proved 
itself  strong  enoiigh  to  repress  piracy  in  the  surrounding  seas  ;  and 
among  the  places  which  sprang  into  naval  importance  as  military 
and  commercial  harbours  or  refuges  were,  according  to  Selden  :  ■* 
Othona,  which  Camden  identifies  with  Hastings ;  Dubris,  now 
Dover ;    Lemmanis,   now   either   Hythe   or   Limehill   hard    by  it ; 

'  Hor.  'Carni.,'  i.  35.  ^  'Hist.  Britan.,'  iv.  12. 

"  Tacit.,  '  Ann.,'  ii.  *  '  Mare  Claus.,'  ii.  6,  7. 


8 


CIVIL   BISTOBY    TO   1066. 


[A.D.  280. 


Branodunum,  now  Brancaster  Bay,  in  Norfolk;  Gariannonnm,  now 
Yannouth  ;  Regiilbiuni,  now  Beculver  ;  Kutupiae,  now  Richboroiigh  ; 
Anderida,  now  perhaps  Newenden,  in  Kent.;  and  Adiirni,  now 
Ederington,  near  Shoreham.     The  position  of  many  of  these  places 


A    KOMAX    SHIP    OF    "WAR  (lATKK    rKKlOI)). 
(FroTJi  Johann  .Schffffer's  '  De  Militia  Xavali  Veterum,'  Cpsala,  1654.) 


a.  Chalatorii  lunua, 

b.  Epitonus. 

c.  Ccruchi. 
(/.  Hyperffi. 
('.  Pedes. 

/.  Protu. 


(/.  Ciilones. 
//.  Thorjunuin 
/.  Maluola. 
k.  Antenmi. 
/.  Coruua. 
//(.  Dolon. 


II.  Velum  aliud. 

0.  Anserculun  cum  aplustri. 

p.  Stylus  cum  tceuiti. 

q.  Propedes. 

r.  Anchorale. 

K.  Elacatc. 


(WhetluT  a  topsail  was  really  used  in  such  a  vessel  is  very  doulitful.) 

is  in  itself  indication  that  there  was  at  the  time  an  important  amount 
of  intercourse  with  the  continent;  and  that  trade  flourished  under 


A.D.  430.]  THE  SCOTS  AND   PICTS.  9 

the  Roman  dominion  is  known.  But  after  the  departure  of  GaiUo, 
about  A.D.  430,  the  unfortunate  Britons,  wlio  liad  been  emasculated 
by  hixury,  and  whose  dependent  position  had  iiradually  taught  them 
to  look  to  the  Koman  power  and  not  to  help  themselves,  even  for  so 
necessary  a  business  as  the  police  of  their  own  coasts,  suddenly 
found  themselves  thrown  upon  their  own  very  inadequate  resources. 
It  looks  as  if  the  liomans  can  have  left  scarcely  a  ship  behind  them  ; 
probably  they  did  not  leave  an  officer. 

The  Scots  and  Picts  immediately  became  very  troublesome. 
The  Romans,  almost  to  the  last,  had  wielded  sea  power  enough  to 
oblige  these  freebooters  to  exercise  great  circumspection  in  all  their 
operations.  A  Roman  tleet  was  always  at  sea,  ready  to  act  upon  the 
flanks  of  the  pirates,  and  to  sever  their  communications  with  their 
northern  fastnesses.  Landings  could  not,  in  consequence,  be 
attempted  without  the  gravest  risk.  But  the  Roman  fleet  being 
withdrawn,  and  there  being  no  British  fleet  to  take  its  place,  all 
risk  disappeared. 

Whether  the  ancient  Britons  were  ever  much  inclined  to  military 
pursuits  may  be  doubted.  Certain  it  is  that  the  long  period  of  more 
or  less  intimate  association  with  the  Roman  empire  in  its  decadent 
days  did  not  leave  them  much  more  military  than  it  had  fomid 
them.  The  degree  of  relative  security  afforded  by  the  Roman 
occupation  encouraged  them  to  turn  their  attention  to  agriculture 
and  commerce,  rather  than  to  arms.  Those  of  them  who  were  from 
time  to  time  obliged  to  serve  under  the  Roman  eagles  must  have 
returned,  with  relief,  if  they  returned  at  all,  to  peaceful  pursuits. 
And  the  increasing  softness  of  Roman  manners  corrupted  and  de- 
moralised them,  as  it  demoralised  the  Romans  themselves.  The 
Roman  influence  conferred  some  arts  and  evanescent  culture  u])on  a 
small  proportion  of  the  people,  but  it  did  not  train  the  Britons  in 
habits  of  independence  and  self-reliance,  nor  did  it  leave  great  scope 
for  patriotism. 

Much  of  the  detailed  history  of  the  period  lies  in  impenetrable 
obscurity.  Very  Httle  can  be  collected  concerning  the  social  life  of 
the  people.  But  there  can  be  no  question  that  at  the  time  of  the 
flrst  advent  of  the  Saxons  the  Britons  were  a  feeble  and  even  a 
contemptible  folk,  disunited  to  a  greater  degree  than  has  ever  been 
common,  save  among  barbarous  ti'ibes  of  the  lowest  tj'pe,  and 
scarcely  deserving  a  better  fate  than  awaited  them.  Their  thin  and 
sluggish   blood  sadly  needed  the    iron   that  was  eventual!}'   infused 


10  CIVIL    niSTORY   TO    1066.  [A.D.  450. 

into  it  by  the  young  heroes  of  the  wild  Berserker  brood  from  across 
the  North  Sea.  Had  these  Saxons  and  the  kindred  Danes  and 
Normans,  pirates  every  one,  not  come,  England  might  have  grown 
learned,  and  possibly  rich  ;  but  she  could  never  have  become  great. 
She  must  have  lacked  manhood  and  tone.  She  must  have  lacked 
muscle,  stomach,  and  daring.  The  successive  invasions  of  the 
northern  pirates  slowly  transformed  the  race  from  one  of  effeminate 
and  disorderly  weaklings  into  one  of  sternly  discipUned  men.  The 
raw  material  may  have  had  some  latent  stamina ;  otherwise  the 
bitterness  of  those  north-east  blasts  would  surely  have  extinguished 
it  altogether.  But  the  stamina  required  a  very  long  process  of 
development  ere  it  became  good  for  much.  It  needed  many 
centuries  to  change  the  Briton  into  the  Englishman,  and  during 
all  those  centuries,  the  sea,  and  the  men  and  influences  from  across 
it,  did  more  than  any  other  factors  towards  completing  the  trans- 
formation. 

The  so-caUed  Saxon  ^  invaders  represented  at  least  three  tribes. 
There  were  the  Saxons  proper  who,  originally  from  Holstein,  had 
spread  inland  over  what  are  now  Hannover  and  Oldenburg,  and  had 
established  themselves  among  the  northern  Frisian  islands.  There 
were  the  Angles,  originally  from  beyond  the  Elbe,  who  had 
established  themselves  in  what  is  now  Schleswig ;  and  there  were 
the  Jutes,  probably  from  the  modern  .Jutland.  The  British  traveller 
in  the  Denmark  and  Holstein  of  to-day  will  scarcely  fail  to  be  struck 
with  the  great  general  resemblance  of  the  racial  type  still  prevalent 
in  those  countries  to  the  type  characteristic  of  eastern  and  southern 
England.  Nay,  he  will  even  find  other  things  to  remind  him  of  his 
native  land.  In  few  parts  of  the  world  save  England  and  Schleswig- 
Holstein  are  hedges  an  ordinary  feature  of  the  rural  landscape  ;  and 
in  no  non-English  speaking  community  in  the  world  will  the 
Englishman  feel  so  much  at  home,  and  so  completely  able  to 
sympathise  with  and  enter  into  the  habits  and  ideas  of  the  people, 
as  in  this  Dano-German  district.  It  is  really,  as  Ethelward,"  the 
tenth  centm-y  chronicler,  called  it,  Anglki  Veins. 

All  these  tribes  were  piratical,  if  we  use  the  word  in  its  fullest 
modern  sense ;  but  with  them  piracy  was  not  a  shameful  but  a 
noble  and  dignified  employment.     The  might  of  Eome  had  failed  to 

'  Elton's  '  Origius  of  Euglish  History,'  xii. ;  Kemble's  '  Saxons ' ;  Freeman's 
'  Norman  Conquest.' 

*  Chronicle  printed  in  Savile's  '  Scriptores  post  Bcdain,'  and  in  '  Mouum.  Hist.  Brit.' 


A.I».  495.]  THE  ANGLO-SAXON  INVADERS.  11 

conquer  these  tribes,  and  had  only  succeeded  in  driving  them  into 
undying  hostihty  to  it,  and  to  Eoman  civiHsation.  Wealth,  polish, 
and  luxury  were  what  the  decadent  Eoinans  set  store  by.  They 
were  exactly  the  things  which  the  Saxons  most  cordially  despised. 
These  last  prided  themselves  upon  the  manner  in  which  they 
endured  hardships  and  surmounted  difficulties  ;  they  regarded  blunt- 
ness  and  roughness  as  manly  virtues  rather  than  as  defects,  and 
they  held  it  disgraceful  and  womanish  for  a  man  to  seek  to  lie  soft, 
or  to  idle  at  home,  when  there  were  spoils  to  be  won  abroad  by  good 
seamanship,  and  by  axe  and  sword.  Brutal  they  were ;  dissolute 
they  were  ;  drunken  they  were  ;  but  their  brutality  was  the  brutality 
of  strength  and  high  spirits,  and  not  of  premeditation ;  their  dis- 
soluteness sprang  from  natural  cravings  and  not  from  artificial 
vices;  and  though  they  drank  deep,  they  did  not  allow  their  orgies 
to  interfere  with  their  work  in  the  world. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  ships '  seem  to  have  been  nothing  more  than 
long,  deep,  imdecked  boats,  sometimes,  perhaps,  of  as  much  as  fifty 
tons'  biu'den,  yet  never  having  more  than  a  single  mast,  provided 
with  a  single  lug-shaped  sail.  There  was  no  rudder.  The  steers- 
man sat  in  the  stern,  holding  on  his  right  or  "  steerboard  "  side  a 
paddle,  with  which  he  controlled  the  vessel's  com-se.  This  paddle 
was  probably  fixed  by  a  thong,  or  by  a  thole-pin  passing  through  it, 
so  as  to  preserve  it  from  loss,  and  to  assist  the  steersman,  whose 
other  hand  held  the  gathered  up  end  of  the  sail.  The  arrangement 
was,  thus,  much  hke  that  of  still  earher  ships,  and  it  recalls, 
strikingly  enough,  Virgil's  description  :  '^ 

"Ijwe  sedeiis  clavuiiiqvie  regit,  velisque  lllit^i^<tl■at.■' 

It  is  unlikely  that  the  crew  ever  exceeded  fifty  or  sixty  men. 
The  ships  ^  were  usually,  if  not  invariably,  clincher  built,  that  is, 
they  were  covered  with  planks  so  disposed  that  the  lower  edges  of 
the  superior  ones  overlapped  the  upper  edges  of  the  inferior  ones. 
The  bow  was  raised,  and  generally  bore,  as  a  figure-head,  a  carved 
model  of  the  upper  part  of  some  fierce  or  fabulous  beast.  The  stern 
also  was  raised,  and  occasionally  ornamented,  thoi;gh  less  elaborately 

'  'Memoires  des  Belles  Lettres,'  Stockholm,  1783;  'Mems.  of  Koy.  Soo.  of  Copen- 
hagen,' viii. ;  Charnock's  'Mar.  Architecture.'  But  see  more  detailed  account,  at  end 
of  chapter,  of  the  Gokstad  boat. 

^  Applied  by  Mr.  Dallaway  in  '  Archaeologia,'  xxi.  81. 

*  Some  ships  of  this  period  are  called  "  ceols  "  (keels),  others  "  hulks,"  others  "  long 
ships,"  and  still  others  "iuscs."     It  seems  imjwssible  to  say  exactly  what  each  was. 


12  CIVIL   EISTORY   TO   1066.  [A.D.  760. 

than  the  bow,  and  the  sail  was  often  striped  in  two  or  more  colours. 
A  few  of  the  larger  vessels  may  have  been  half-decked,  or  covered  in 
at  the  extremities ;  but  this  is  not  certain.  All  were  propelled  by 
oars  as  well  as  by  sail  power.  All  were  constructed  with  a  view  to 
being  drawn  up  on  shore,  where  they  lay  when  not  in  use.  Arrange- 
ments of  pulleys,  perhaps  not  very  different  from  the  rough  capstans 
employed  by  modern  English  fishermen  for  their  smaller  boats,  were 
arranged  on  the  beach  to  facihtate  the  dragging  of  the  vessels  up 
and  down.  There  is  evidence,  also,  that  some  boats,  intended 
exclusively  for  war  purposes,  were  fitted  with  iron  gunwales,  or  had 
their  gunwales  covered  with  iron. 

At  first  the  Anglo-Saxons  in  Britain  were  continually  reinforced 
from  the  continent,  but  after  a  time  they  discouraged  immigration. 
They  grudged  sharing  with  newcomers  the  advantages  which  they 
had  already  won,  and  they  began  a  system  of  coast  fortification 
designed  to  keep  out  further  arrivals. 

In  the  meanwhile,  various  chiefs  reduced  the  interior  of  the 
island,  and  little  by  little  a  number  of  petty  kingdoms  sprang  into 
existence.  These,  actuated  by  inevitable  jealousies,  were  almost 
perpetually  at  war  one  with  another,  and,  perhaps  because  sea 
warfare  was  at  first  more  congenial  than  land  warfare  to  the  Saxon 
races,  the  internecine  struggle  seems  to  have  weakened  the  seaboard 
kingdoms  more  rapidly  than  it  weakened  the  inland  ones. 

The  central  kingdom  of  Mercia,  which  marched  with  the  Welsh 
border  behind  which,  thaiiks  to  the  uatiural  difficulties  of  the 
comitry,  the  fugitive  Britons  still  held  out,  was,  in  the  interval, 
gaining  valuable  experience  in  land  warfare,  and  when  the  coast 
kingdoms  began  to  be  exhausted  by  their  feuds,  and  had  frittered 
away  their  naval  strength,  the  opportunity  of  Mercia  arose.  First 
Penda,  some  time  in  alliance  with  the  Welsh,  and  then  Ethelbald 
and  Otfa  in  succession,  enlarged  the  borders  of  the  middle  kingdom 
until  they  touched  the  sea  in  more  places  than  one ;  and  when 
Offa,  by  the  exercise  of  his  strong  personality  and  indomitable 
energy,  had  made  himself  by  far  the  most  potent  prince  in  England, 
he  was  wise  enough  to  do  what  none  of  the  more  petty  Anglo-Saxon 
princes  had  done  before  him — he  created  a  great  fleet.  The  posses- 
sion of  this  enabled  him  to  treat  on  equal  terms  with  even  so 
powerful  a  monarch  as  Charlemagne,'  and  it  convinced  him  so 
clearly  of  the  value  of  a  powerful  navy,  that,  according  to  the  Saxon 
'   Will,  of  Malmesbury,  i.  5  ;  and  Alcuiu. 


A.D.  871.]  ALFRED'S  NAVY.  13 

Chronicle,  he  left  to  his  successors  the  maxim  that  "he  who  would 
be  secure  on  land  must  he  supreme  at  sea." 

Mercian  ascendancy  presently  made  way  for  West  Saxon,  under 
Egbert,  and  West  Saxon  intiuence,  though  much  hindered  by 
continual  incui'sions  of  the  Danes,  as  well  as  by  Anglo-Saxon  feuds, 
and  by  British  irreconcilableness,  gradually  increased,  particularly 
under  Alfred  and  Edward  the  Elder,  until  it  became  no  longer  West 
Saxon  hut  English  ;  and  so,  for  the  first  time,  England  was,  in  some 
sort,  a  state. 

But  the  unity  of  England  was  still  little  more  than  nominal. 
Alfred  came  to  the  throne  of  a  country  which  had  been  ravaged  and 
despoiled  in  all  directions  by  Danish  raiders,  operating  with  the  sea 
as  their  base,  and  which  was  impoverished  to  the  last  degree.  Had 
he  been  a  Briton  and  not  a  Saxon,  he  must  surely  have  despaired  of 
his  ragged  inheritance.  But  he  did  not  despair  for  a  moment. 
When  he  could  employ  force,  he  employed  it ;  when  his  only 
available  weapons  were  gold  and  diplomacy,  he  employed  them.  He 
was  never  inactive,  nor  did  he  ever  lose  sight  of  Offa's  ma.xim. 
Steadily,  even  in  his  darkest  days,  he  applied  himself  to  the  creation 
of  a  naval  force.  He  seems  indeed  to  have  realised  the  nature  of  sea 
power  in  something  like  a  scientific  manner.'  He  continually  put 
in  force  the  principle  of  offensive  defence  as  being  the  best,  and  in 
fact,  the  only  sound  one.  Whenever  it  was  possible,  he  sought  his 
enemj'  at  sea,  instead  of  waiting  for  him  to  attack  or  to  land.  Nor 
was  he  content  to  employ  merely  such  ships  as  had  been  employed 
by  his  ancestors.  He  invented  new  types.  His  "long  ships" 
embodied  improvements  upon  any  war  vessels  that  had  previously 
been  seen  in  England.  Says  the  Saxon  Chronicle: — "They  were 
full  twice  as  long  as  the  others ;  some  had  sixty '"  oars,  and 
some  had  more ;  they  were  both  swifter  and  steadier,  and  also 
higher  than  the  others ;  they  were  shaped  neither  like  the  Frisian 
nor  the  Danish,  but  so  as  it  seemed  to  him  that  they  would  be  most 
efficient."  Moreover,  he  paid  much  attention  to  the  selection  and 
seasoning  of  his  materials,  to  the  victualling,  and  to  the  supply  of 
anus,  as  well  as  to  the  training  of  his  seamen ;  and,  being  in 
desperate  straits,  and  regarding  the  Danes  as  pirates,  he  for])ade  the 
granting  to  them  of  (quarter. ^ 

'  Will,  of  Malmesbury,  ii.  4  ;  Henry  nf  Hunt.,  v. ;  Etlichvard,  iv.  .'! ;  Sax.  Chron. 

-  Henry  of  Hunt,  say.s  "forty  oars  or  more." 

^  Heury  of  Hunt.,  v. ;  Will,  of  Malmesbury,  ii.  4,  etc. 


14  CIVIL    HISTORY   TO   lOGG.  [A.D.  1100. 

All  these  innovations  by  the  strong  and  fearless  hand  of  Alfred 
conduced  to  the  general  disciplining  of  the  nation,  for  the  condition 
of  the  fleet  could  not  but  react  upon  the  condition  of  the  coast 
towns,  and  the  condition  of  the  coast  towns,  then  the  most  im- 
portant, and,  with  one  or  two  exceptions,  the  most  populous  in  the 
kingdom,  naturally  influenced  the  state  of  the  entire  coimtry.  All 
luxuries — all  thmgs,  indeed,  that  ranked  much  above  the  bare 
necessaries  of  life — reached  the  interior  from  the  coast  towns, 
and  it  is  notorious  that  even  in  much  earlier  ages  the  ports, 
civilised  by  intercourse  with  abroad,  and  full  of  rich  merchants,  set 
a  fashion  in  all  sorts  of  matters  to  the  inland  towns  and  villages. 
There  came  a  time  when  the  ports  were  rougher  and  less  polished 
than  the  inland  districts,  but  that  was  not  iintil  external  influences 
had  been  digested  by  the  country. 

At  the  end  of  the  ninth  centmy,  when  Alfred  lived  and  ruled,  the 
king  was  still  a  man  chosen  to  rule  on  account  of  his  bravery  and 
capacity.  That  he  generally  inherited  his  office  was  an  accident. 
When  he  failed  to  prove  himself  worthy  of  it,  he  was  seldom  able 
to  retain  it  for  long.  Alfred  set  up  an  unusually  high  standard  of 
kingship,  and  it  is  greatly  to  the  credit  of  his  immediate  successors 
that,  viewed  even  by  the  side  of  him,  they  loom  large  as  men  well 
worthy  of  their  position.  Of  Edward,  Freeman  truly  enough  says  : 
"It  is  only  the  miequalled  glory  of  his  father  which  has  condemned 
this  prince,  one  of  the  greatest  rulers  that  England  ever  beheld,  to 
a  smaller  degree  of  popular  fame  than  he  deserves."  As  for 
Athelstan,'  he  exacted  tribute  from  the  Danish  pirates,  who,  in 
spite  of  the  efforts  of  Alfred  and  Edward,  still  held  Northumbria ; 
and,  first  of  the  English  kings,  he  caused  his  alliance  to  be  seriously 
valued  and  sought  for  abroad. 

Both  these  monarchs  fostered  the  fleet,  wliich,  indeed,  under 
the  latter  of  them  must  have  reached  unusual  efficiency,  as-  well 
as  gi-eat  numerical  strength,  if  it  be  true,  as  the  Saxon  Chronicle 
relates,  that  Anlaff  (Olaf),  the  Danish  king  in  Ireland,  carried 
to  the  aid  of  the  Scots  a  larger  fleet  than  had  previously  been 
seen  in  their  waters,  yet,  with  his  allies,  was  crushingly  defeated 
by  Athelstan. 

The  reigns  of  Edmund,  Edred,  and  Edwy,  were  less  brilliant;  but 
they  can  have  witnessed  little  or  no  change  in  the  prosecution  of 
Offa's  and  Alfred's  naval  policy,  for  they  immediately  j)receded  the 

'    Will,  (if  M;ihiieslmry,  ii.  'i ;    Kciirer  Ilovnli'i]. 


A.D.  9G0.]  EDGAR'S   NAVY.  15 

reign  of  Edgar,'  who  found  tin;  fleet  in  fair  order.  He  vastly 
increased  it,  and  although  he  had  happily  but  small  occasion  to  use 
it — for  strong  navies  make  unwilling  enemies-  it  is  generally  ad- 
mitted that  he  raised  it  to  a  point  of  excellence  which  it  had  never 
before  approached.  His  fault  was  too  great  a  love  of  peace.  Instead 
of  chastising  and  driving  off  the  Danish  freebooters  who  clung 
tenaciously  to  English  soil  in  several  places,  he  admitted  them  to 
equality  before  the  law  with  his  Angles  and  Saxons,  and  by  his 
unwise  mildness  he  prepared  the  way  for  many  subsequent  troubles 
to  his  comitry.  Such  mildness  was  not  understood  in  those  times. 
It  did  not  induce  the  Danes  in  England  to  become  Englishmen  ;  it 
led  them  rather  to  despise  a  people  who  could  be  voluntarily  and 
deliberately  guilty  of  the  weakness  of  clemency.  Edgar  was  too 
strong  for  them  to  strike  at,  but  they  foresaw  that  Edgar  would  not 
always  rule,  and  that,  pending  the  arrival  of  the  day  when  it  might 
be  safe  to  strike,  the  advantages  conceded  to  them  would  enable 
them  to  enormously  improve  their  chances  of  ultimately  subjugating 
the  whole  country. 

He  was,  nevertheless,  a  great  king.  The  wording  of  the  charter, 
cited  by  Selden  -  as  having  been  granted  by  him  in  964  to  the 
Church  of  Worcester,  is  probably  spurious  ;  but  we  do  not  depend 
upon  that  instrument,  in  which  Edgar  is  made  to  claim  lordship 
of  "  the  islands,  and  of  the  ocean  lying  around  Britain,"  for  an 
estimate  of  the  position  to  which  the  king — alas,  only  temporarily 
— raised  his  country  at  sea.  The  Saxon  Chronicle  tells  us,  quoting 
a  metrical  eulogy  : — 

"  Was  11(1  fleet  so  insolent. 
No  liost  so  strong, 
That,  mid  the  Eii<;Ush  race, 
Took  from  liim  aught. 
The  wliile  tlie  noble  king 
lieigued  on  his  throne." '' 

We  need  not  attach  implicit  credence  to  Hoveden's  statement^  that 
Edgar's  fleet  consisted  of  three  thousand  six  hundred  sail,  all  "  very 

'  l''lur.  of  Winch. ;  Roger  Hovcden  ;  Bromton. 

■^  'Mare  Clausum,'  ii.  Vi;  Will,  of  Malmesbmy,  ii.  KemUle  considers  it  a 
forgery:  'Cod.  Dipl.  -Kv.  Sax.'  ii.  404.  The  wording,  translated  from  the  Latin,  runs: 
"  Kdgar,  King  of  England,  and  of  all  the  Kings  of  the  Islands,  and  of  the  Ocean  lying 
around  Britain,  and  of  all  the  Nations  included  within  the  circuit  thereof,  Sui)reme 
Lord  and  Governor,"  etc.     It  is  also  found  in  'Patent  Kolls,"  1  Edw.  lY.,  ni.  '!?>. 

^  Sax.  Chron.  :{!».">. 

*  Hoveden,  244. 


16  CIVIL    HISTORY   TO    lOGG.  [A.D.  980. 

stout  ones  " ;  nor  to  Bromton's/  that  it  comprised  four  thousand  ; 
not  to  Matthew  of  Westminster's,"  that  it  was  four  thousand  eight 
hundred  strong ;  but  we  may  well  believe  an  assertion  which  is 
made  in  substance  by  more  than  one  writer,  that,  during  his  sixteen 
years'  reign,  no  thief  was  found  in  his  realm  on  shore,  and  no  pirate 
heard  of  in  the  surrounding  seas.  Under  him,  the  Anglo-Saxon 
monarchy  in  England  reached  its  highest  pitch  of  power.  When 
the  hand  of  Edgar  was  relaxed  by  death,  the  fabric  which  Alfred 
and  his  successors  had  so  laboriously  created  collapsed  with 
startling  rapidity. 

Edward  the  Martyr  never  reached  manhood,  and  in  his  name 
the  land  was  governed  by  weak  women  and  self-seeking  priests. 
Ethelred  the  Purposeless  was  also,  during  great  part  of  his  reign, 
in  the  same  hands.  In  Edgar,  one  strong  man  had  stood  for  the 
nation.  Babies,  faineants,  and  women  could  not  take  Edgar's 
place ;  and  there  was  no  national  life  to  carry  on  his  work.  All 
became  confusion.  Six  years  after  the  death  of  Edgar,  the  Danes  ^ 
did  as  they  liked  in  the  narrow  seas ;  and  by  991  the  spirit  of 
the  country  was  so  crushed  that  Ethelred  agreed  to  buy  off  the  free- 
booters with  an  annual  tribute  of  ten  thousand  pounds,  which  was 
raised,  under  the  name  of  Danegeld,''  by  a  tax  of  two  shillings '  per 
hide  on  land. 

It  was  then  that  Edgar's  mild  unwisdom  bore  fruit.  The 
Danes  contemptuously  accepted  the  tribute ;  but,  holding  a  strong 
position  in  that  part  of  the  country  known  as  the  Danelagh,  where 
the  inhabitants  were  largely  of  Danish  blood,  and  still  full  of 
Scandinavian  sympathies ;  and  despising  a  race  which  thus  ignobly 
confessed  its  inability  to  defend  itself,  they  did  not  for  one  moment 
desist  from  their  course  of  raid  and  rapine.  England  had  corrupted 
its  once  hardy  Saxon  conquerors,  who  were  no  longer  a  match  for 
Norse  pirates,  led  by  men  who  never  slept  beneath  a  raftered  roof, 
and  never  sat  down  to  drink  by  a  sheltered  hearth.  The  Danish 
scourge  was  needed  to  do  for  the  Saxons  what  the  Saxon  scourge 
had  done  for  the  Britons  ;  but  it  was  none  the  less  terrible  while  it 
was  being   applied-     Ethelred   bought  oft'  one  viking  only  to  find 

'   Urcjiiikm,  H70. 
^  Matt,  of  West.,  l'J2. 
'■'  Sax.  Chrou.,  aiino  98J. 

■*  Sax.  Chrciii.,  anno   991 ;    Will,  of  Malmesbury,  ii.   10.     See   especially  Webb's 
^  Treatise  on  Danegeld,'  175G. 

■'  Later,  aii]iurcut]y,  twelvepeuue,  Churcli  ]irii]icrty  being  excepted. 


1013.]  SWETN  INVASION.  17 

another  pirate  clamouring,  sword  in  hand,  for  similar  treatment. 
Even  his  own  court  hetrayed  him  repeatedly.  Nearly  every  year 
larger  sums  were  paid  to  the  foe ;  every  year  the  foe  hecame  bolder 
and  more  exacting.  Eecognisiug  the  impotence  of  the  king,  the 
Enghsh  nobles  raised  a  fleet  of  their  own,  but,  being  mismanaged, 
it  did  nothing  beyond  contribute  to  the  general  exhaustion.  Every- 
where there  were  treachery  and  desertion.  To  add  to  the  confusion, 
dilhculties  arose  with  Normandy.  The  year  1002  saw  English 
desperation  seeking  relief  by  means  of  a  general  massacre  of  the 
Danes  throughout  the  realm. 

This  provoked  Sweyn,  Prince  of  Denmark,  to  throw  himself 
officially  into  a  quarrel  which  previously  had  been  chiefly  waged  by 
the  more  irresponsible  and  adventurous  of  his  father's  nominal 
subjects,  including  Sweyn  himseK,  when  a  young  man.  Upon  his 
accession  to  the  Danish  throne,  the  attainment  of  the  sovereignty 
of  England  became  his  main  object  in  life. 

The  Danegeld  seems  to  have  been  diverted  at  this  time  from 
its  original  and  shameful  pui-pose,  and  to  have  been  employed 
for  the  more  creditable  and  legitimate  end  of  raising  and  maintaining 
a  fleet  wherewith  to  offer  some  sort  of  opposition  to  the  national 
enemy.  It  temporarily  became  Heregeld,  or  money  for  the  support 
of  a  fighting  force.  But  it  was  too  late.  The  collapse  had  made  too 
gi-eat  progress ;  Ethelred,  after  a  brief  struggle,  fled  to  Normandy ; 
and,  by  1013,  England  was  practically  at  the  feet  of  the  conqueror. 
When  Sweyn  died,  Ethelred  returned,  and'  gained  some  successes, 
as  did  also  his  son,  the  gallant  Edmund  Ironside ;  but  Edmund's 
death  left  Canute's  son  master  of  the  whole  kingdom. 

Canute  began  his  government  with  a  series  of  the  hardest 
severities.  He  nearly  annihilated  the  English  royal  family  ;  and 
he  squeezed  from  the  impoverished  coimtry  a  levy  of  £83,000,  most 
of  which  sum  he  gave,  as  a  pirate  chief's  largesse,  to  his  Danisli 
seamen.  Yet,  when  he  had  established  himself,  he  ruled  well,  and 
even  generously.  He  abolished  distinctions  between  Danes  and 
Englishmen;  he  put  Englishmen,  like  Godwin  and  Leofric,  into 
positions  of  trust ;  he  favoured  the  church,  although  his  father  had 
been  an  apostate ;  and,  while  he  also  ruled  Denmark,  and  Norwaj', 
which  he  conquered  in  1028,  and  had  Scotland  and  Sweden  as  his 
vassals,  he  was  essentially  and  primarily  a  great  king  of  England. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  British  collapse  resulted  rather 
from  British    disunion   and   mismanagement  than  from  paucity  of 
VOL.    I.  c 


18  CIVIL   niSTOET   TO    106G.  [1004. 

means  wherewith  to  make  resistance.  All  Edgar's  successors  had 
fleets ;  some  of  them  at  times  had  very  large  ones ;  but  every 
squadron,  and  almost  every  ship,  seem  to  have  been  jealous  and 
distrustful  of  every  other.  Many  of  the  English  leaders  at  the 
most  critical  period  of  the  struggle  must  have  had  Danish  con- 
nections, if  not  Danish  blood  in  their  veins ;  and  the  mere  presence 
m  England  of  a  tolerated  Danelagh,  or  Danish  pale,  acted  as  a 
perpetual  reminder  to  every  weak-kneed  Englishman  that  a  large 
extension  of  the  Danish  power  was  not  only  possible,  but  probable. 
Hence,  there  were  encouragements  to  half-heartedness,  and,  indeed, 
to  continual  double  dealing.  Many  sought  to  stand  well  with  both 
English  and  Danes,  not  certain  which  of  the  two  would  eventually  gain 
the  upper  hand.  Eesistance,  consequently,  was  partial  and  inefficient 
on  the  side  of  almost  all,  except  those  few  whose  fortunes  were  in- 
extricably bound  up  with  the  fortunes  of  the  royal  house  of  Wessex. 
Edgar  was  able,  and  probably  understood  how,  to  employ  sea 
power ;  but  his  Anglo-Saxon  successors  certainly  failed  in  the  task, 
even  if  they  comprehended  the  nature  of  it.  It  is  abundantly  clear 
that  from  the  year  of  Edgar's  death  sea  power  in  the  narrow  seas 
belonged  almost  exclusively  to  the  Danes.  What  some  of  the 
Danish  ships  of  the  period  were  like  we  know  from  the  '  Heims 
Kriugla,''  in  Snorri  Sturluson's  'Edda.'  They  were  high-decked, 
and  each  bore  the  emblem  of  her  commander.  The  prow  was  orna- 
mented with  a  figurehead  of  gilt  copper,  and  at  the  truck  was  a 
vane.  The  vessels  were  painted  externally,  and  carried  around  their 
bulwarks  the  polished  steel  shields  of  the  crew.  Sweyn's  own  ship, 
in  1004,  called  the  Great  Dragon,  was  in  the  form  of  the  legendary 
animal  of  that  name.  His  standard,"  a  black  raven  embroidered  on 
white  silk,  was  not  hoisted  on  board,  and  was  only  displayed  when 
English  soil  was  reached.  The  importance  of  the  Danish  navy  in 
the  economy  of  the  State  maybe  gauged' by  the  fact  that  Canute, 
though  only  a  younger  son,  owed  his  election  to  the  fleet, ^  and  that 
although  his  elder  brother  Harold  seized  the  throne  of  Denmark,  the 
latter  could  not  have  held  it  had  the  sailor  prince  cared  to  take  it. 
Until  Harold's  early  death,  Canute,  a  pirate  king  in  the  true  sense  of 
the  words,  swept  the  seas,  and  afterwards  he  succeeded  in  Denmark 
without  opposition. 

'  'Heims  Kringla,'  ii.  12."). 

*  Said  to  have  been  enibruidered  iu  one  night  by  three  of  Sweyu's  sisters. 

»  Sax.  Chron.,  420  (ed.  Ingram). 


o 

O 


'A 
O 

H 

W 


n 

CO 

O 
<! 

H 

CO 

M 
O 
O 

W 
W 


1050.]  HER  EG  ELD.  1& 

It  is  probable  that  the  Danes  of  this  period  built  ships  for  war 
purposes  only,  thou^jh  they  may  have  incidentally  used  some  of 
them  for  trade.  The  Anglo-Saxons,  on  the  other  hand,  possessed 
two  distinct  classes  of  vessels,  one  expressly  designed  for  each  object. 
In  Ethelred's  laws '  the  distinction  is  often  alluded  to.  And 
commerce  w^as  specially  encouraged  by  the  Saxons  after  they  had 
fairly  settled  down  in  England  ;  for,  after  having  made  certain  com- 
mercial ventures  on  his  own  account,  and  in  his  own  ship,  a  churl 
might,  by  right,  attain  the  rank  of  thane,  or  a  thane  that  of  earl. 

There  was  already  a  regular  system  of  tolls  or  port  dues."  At 
Billingsgate,  a  small  vessel  paid  one  halfpenny,  and  a  sailing  craft 
one  penny.  If  a  ceol,  or  hulk — apparently  something  still  bigger — 
arrived,  she  paid  fompence.  From  a  vessel  laden  with  planks, 
a  toll  of  one  plank  was  exacted.^  It  is  evident  that  there  was 
much  trade  with  the  continent  in  wool,  cloth,  wine,  and  fish. 

The  Saxon  war  navy  was  supported  by  pecuniary  levies,  or 
Heregeld,  raised  upon  the  cultivated  land,  and  was  reinforced  by 
contingents  obligatorily  furnished,  in  accordance  with  their  tenures, 
by  the  chief  ports  ;  *  which  also  provided  a  certain  number  of  men. 
Other  towns,  including  inland  ones,  had  to  provide  men  and  stores.^ 
But  there  seems  to  have  been  onlj'  a  very  small  permanent  war 
navy.  Canute,  and  Harold  I.  following  him,  maintained  a  somewhat 
larger  one  ;  but  all  approach  to  a  permanent  naval  establishment 
was  ill  regarded  in  the  Midlands,  and  payment  of  Heregeld  for 
the  pui-pose  was  there  frequently  resisted,  up  to  the  time  when 
it  was  abolished  by  Edward  the  Confessor.*^ 

General  descriptions  have  already  been  given  of  the  ships  of  the 
Saxons  and  of  the  Danes,  but  the  subject  is  of  sufficient  interest  to 
warrant  a  return  to  it ;  and  space  may  well  be  found  here  for  an 
account  of  the  vessel'  which,  in  1880,    was  dug  up  from  beneath 

'  '  Auut.  Laws  and  lustits.  of  Eng.,'  ii.  2,  and  v.  '1'. 

^  Tlie  dues  of  Sandwicli  were  granted  by  Canvite  to  Clirist  Church,  Canterbury. 

'  For  other  rules,  see  'Anct.  Laws  and  Instits.  of  Eng.,'  p.  127;  and  Bromton,  ^^llT. 

■*  Domesday,  i.  3.  Dover  and  Sandwich  each  furnished  tlie  king  witli  twenty  sliips 
for  fifteen  days  once  a  year,  eacli  vessel  carrying  twenty-one  men.  Probably  other 
ports,  notably  those  later  known  as  Cinque  Ports,  had  similar  obligations. 

"  There  are  numerous  examples,  some  very  curious,  in  Domesday. 

"  Sax.  Chron.,  p.  445  (ed.  Ingram).  It  was  afterwards  revived.  See  '  .Vnct. 
Laws  and  Instits.  of  Eng.,'  pp.  217,  224,  228. 

'  The  particulars  are  sunuuarised  from  a  paper  on  'The  Viking  Ship,'  by  .Tcihu 
S.  Wliite,  in  Scrihner's  Marjdzine,  Nov.  1SS7.  To  Messrs.  Scribnor  I  am  indebted  for 
permission  to  reproduce  the  accompanying  illustrations. 


20 


CIVIL  HISTORY   TO   1066. 


[850. 


a  sepulchral  tumulus  known  as  the  King's  Mound,  in  Lower 
Gokstad,  on  a  peninsula  of  Southern  Norway.  It  cannot  be  decided 
with  certainty  when  the  vessel  was  buried  ;  though  Mr.  N.  Nicolay- 
sen,  who  was  then  President  of  the  Antiquarian  Society  of  Christiana, 
assigned  the  craft  to  the  later  iron  age,  or  between  a.d.  700  and  1000, 
and  inclined  to  the  belief  that  she  was  of  the  ninth  century.  Nor 
can  it  be  determined  w^hose  ship  she  was,  and  where  built.  She 
may  have  formed  the  tomb  of  some  leader  who  died  while  on  a  foray 
far  from  home.  On  the  other  hand,  she  may  have  belonged  to 
a  chief  whose  home  was  at  Gokstad.     Other  so-called  Viking  ships 


THE   GOKSTAD   SHIP. 

(Plan  of  Oar.) 


THE  GOKSTAD  SHIP. 

(Details  of  Planking.) 


THE    GOKSTAD    SHIP. 

(Supporters  for  the  A-wning.) 


have  been  discovered,  but  none  larger  or  finer  than  the  one  in 
question  ;  and  we  may,  perhaps,  safely  take  it  that  this  Gokstad 
relic  fairly  represents  the  type  of  vessel  that  was  ordinarily  employed 
by  the  northern  pirates,  whether  Danish  or  Saxon,  of  the  days  of 
Alfred  the  Great. 

The  dimensions  of  the  ship  are :  length  over  all,  seventy-eight 
feet ;  length  on  keel,  sixty-six  feet ;  beam,  sixteen  feet  six  inches, 
and  depth,  four  feet.  The  hull  is  of  oak,  unpainted,  but  the  stem 
and  sternposts  are  decorated.  The  planking  is  laid  clincher-wise 
over  the  frame  timbers,  and  tlie  planks  are  fastened  to  one  another 


850] 


THE    OOKSTAD    SHIP. 


21 


with  iron  bolts,  and  to  the  frames  by  lashings  of  cord  made  from  the 
roots  of  trees.  The  seams  are  caulked  with  hair  made  into  three- 
strand  cord  ;  but  this,  instead  of  being  driven  in,  was  laid  in  during 
the  process  of  construction.  The  decorations  of  the  prow,  gunwale, 
and  sternpost  seem  to  suggest  early  Irish  influence.  On  each  side 
are  sixteen  strakes  of  planking,  and,  in  the  third  strake  from  the  top, 
are  holes,  sixteen  on  each  beam,  or  thirty-two  in  all,  for  the 
reception  of  oars.  The  planks  thus  pierced  are  nearly  twice  as 
thick  as  the  rest ;  and  at  the  sides  of  the  apertures  there  are  slits  to 
admit  of  the  passage  of  the  blades  of  the  oars.  The  oars  varied  in 
size,   the  larger  ones  being    amidships,   and    the   smaller    at   the 


SECTION   OF   THE    GOKSTAIi    SHIP. 


THE    (iOKSTAIl   Slllr. 

(Details  of  Suiiporters  for  tlic 
Awning.) 

extremities.  When  not  in  use,  the  rowlocks  or  ports  could  be 
stopped  by  means  of  ingeniously  constructed  wooden  shuttei-s.  The 
vessel  is  double-ended,  with  great  shai-pness  of  build  and  tine  sheer  ; 
and  amidships  the  bottom  is  flattened.  The  rudder  is  in  effect 
a  fixed  paddle,  pivoted  near  the  stern  on  the  starboard  side.  The 
ship  carried  at  least  three  small  boats,  was  fitted  with  a  single  mast, 
and,  as  she  must  have  needed  two  men  at  each  of  the  oars,  which 
are  heavy,  had  sixty-four  rowers,  besides  officers  and,  probably, 
fighting  men.  The  shields  ranged  round  the  ship  are  circular,  and 
are  painted  alternately  black  and  yellow.  There  is  a  wooden  frame- 
work, over  which  an  awning  seems  to  have  been  stretched  at  night, 


22 


CIVIL   HISTORY   TO   1066. 


[1066. 


and  there  is  a  flooring,  but  no  deck ;  and  this  last  fact  suggests  that 
the  Gokstad  ship  was  not  of  the  largest  size  known  to  the  period,  for 
some  of  her  contemporaries  were  certainly  decked.  Unfortunately, 
no  arms  were  found  with  the  ship,  the  tumulus  having  evidently 
been  already  rifled  for  valuables ;  but  a  large  copper  caldron,  a  tub 
of  pine  staves,  and  the  chief's  skeleton,  that  of  a  man  six  feet 
three  inches  in  height,  were  discovered,  together  with  many  other 
remains. 


THE   GOKSTAD   SHIP. 

(Carving  on  Oar.) 


(      23     ) 


CHAPTER  II. 

MILITARY    HISTORY    OF   NAVAL    AFFAIRS    TO    1066. 

CV'sar  and  the  A'eneti — Battle  at  the  mouth  of  the  Loire — British  co-oiieratioii  atraiiiKt 
tlie  Romans — Ca'sar's  invasions — Submission  of  the  Britons — Pichitions  with  the 
Boman  Empire — Carausius — Relations  with  the  Mediterranean  jiiratcs — Siege  of 
Boulofjne— Treachery  of  Allectus — Decline  of  the  Roman  power — Defencclessness 
of  the  Britons — The  Scots  and  Picts — The  pirates  a»  saviours — Heugest  and  Horsa 
— Norse  invasions — Foundation  of  the  Sa.\ou  states — Their  dissensions — Danish 
successes — Xaval  battle  off  Sandwich — Alfred  and  the  sea — Hasting  in  the  Thames 
— Treatment  of  Danish  ])irates— Athelstan  and  continental  jiolitics — His  naval 
victories — -Naval  organisation  imder  Edgar — Successes  of  Olaf  Tryggvesson — The 
Danes  bought  off,  but  in  vain — Untrustworthiness  of  Ethelred's  navy — Massacre  of 
tlie  Danes — Sweyn's  invasions — Desertion  of  WidftH>tli — Invasion  of  Thurcytel — 
Thurcytel  as  a  mercenary — Treachery  of  Edric  Streona — Triinupli  of  the  Danes — 
Canute — English  jiarticipation  in  the  conquest  of  Norway — ^The  Huscarls — Rise 
of  the  house  of  Godwin — Hardicanute's  invasion — Irksomencss  of  Heregeld — 
Edward  the  Confessor — Godwin,  and  England  for  the  English — His  popularity  and 
naval  abilitj- — Norse  piracies — Futility  of  Edward's  naval  armaments — Turbulence 
of  Godwin  and  his  family — Godwin  as  rebel — Harold  at  sea — Edward's  surrender 
to  Godwin  and  Harold — Harold  as  mayor  of  the  jialace — His  naval  successes — 
Harold's  jiopularity  and  energy  as  king. 

TX  the  course  of  his  reduction  of  Gaul,  Cassar 
-*-  encountered  few  more  determined  and  trouble- 
some opponents  than  the  Veneti,  a  people  living 
in  and  around  what  is  now  the  town  of  Yanues, 
about  thirty  miles  to  the  north  of  the  estuary  of 
the  Eiver  Loire.  The  A^eueti  were  formidable, 
not  only  because  they  were  good  fighting  men, 
but  also  because  they  were  a  maritime  folk,  well  supplied  with 
shipping.  Moreover,  their  fleet  was  reinforced  to  a  strength  of  two 
hundred  and  twenty  sail  by  a  contingent  from  Britain.  Thus,  for 
the  first  time  did  Britain  and  Eome  face  one  another,  and  the  result 
was  ominous.  The  vessels  of  the  allies  seem,  upon  the  whole,  to  have 
been  more  powerful,  and  much  loftier  than  the  vessels  which  C?esar 
had  hastily  constructed  in  the  Loire  for  the  pui-pose  of  dealing  with 
the  enemy,  and  had  the  Komans  fought  merely  with  their  ordinary 
weapons,  they  might  possibly  have  been  defeated.      The  Venetan 


24  MILITABY  HISTORY   TO   1066.  [B.C.  55. 

ships,  on  account  of  their  great  sohdity,  could  not  be  successfully 
attacked  by  the  rams  of  the  weaker  craft ;  nor  could  the  people  on 
their  decks  be  reached  by  the  Romans,  who  lay  several  feet  lower. 
Even  when  turrets  or  platforms  were  raised  for  the  pm-pose,  the 
high  Venetan  sterns  still  towered  too  far  above  the  legionaries,  and 
it  was  only  by  affixing  scythes  to  poles,  and  using  them  to  cut  away 
the  Venetan  rigging,  that  the  Romans  disabled  their  opponents. 
Thus  deprived  of  their  ability  both  to  manceuvre  and  to  escape,  the 
allies  became  panic-stricken  and  almost  helpless,  and  Ciesar  destroj'ed 
or  took  them  at  his  leisui-e.'  In  this  battle  the  fighting  fleet  of 
Britain  seems  to  have  been  annihilated. 

But  the  annihilation  of  their  fleet  was  not  the  only  evil  brought 
upon  the  Britons  by  their  interposition  in  favour-  of  the  Veneti. 
They  had  inopportunely  reminded  Csesar  of  their  existence,  within 
sight  of  the  shores  which  he  was  then  engaged  in  pacifying,  and  as 
soon  as  he  had  made  sufficient  progress  with  that  part  of  his  task, 
he  turned  his  attention  to  the  island  across  the  Strait  of  Dover. 
This  was  in  B.C.  55.^ 

Learning  or  suspecting  the  designs  of  Csesar,  the  Britons  dis- 
patched an  embassy  to  him  professing  friendliness,  and  offering 
hostages.  He  returned  an  answer  which,  while  it  encouraged  them 
to  be  peaceful,  did  not  commit  him,  and  soon  afterwards  he  sent 
Caius  Volusenus  in  a  light  craft  to  reconnoitre  the  shores  of  the 
island,  and  collected  transport  for  two  legions.  In  five  days 
Volusenus  returned  with  information,  and  Cfesar,  ordering  the 
troops  on  board,  sailed  at  about  one  o'clock  one  morning  from 
Portus  Iccius,  now  probably  Wissant  Bay,^  and  at  ten  found  himself 
under  high  cliff's,  which  were  cro^vTied  by  numbers  of  the  enemy  in 
arms.  The  whole  of  his  fleet  had  not  then  come  up,  nor  did  he 
deem  it  prudent  to  attempt  a  landing  where  the  superior  position 
held  by  the  defence  would  have  told  heavilj'  against  the  assailants. 
Indeed,  if,  as  is  most  probable,  he  struck  the  coast  between  Dover 
and  the  South  Foreland,  it  would  have  been  impossible  for  him,  had 
he  landed  on  the  beach,  to  gain  the  top  of  the  cliff,  for  even  to-day 
there  is  no  way  thither.  He  therefore  anchored  so  as  to  allow  his 
flotilla  to  collect,  and  after  a  brief  delay,  called  a  council  of  war, 

1  '  De  Bell.  Gall.'  iii.  14. 

'  The  account  follows  C'a:sar :  '  De  Bell.  Gall.,'  iv.  v. 

'  According  to  D'Anville ;  but  some  identify  it  with  Calais,  souie  witb  Boulogne, 
and  some  with  Aiiibluteuse. 


B.C.  55.] 


CJESAR-S  INVASIONS. 


2& 


communicated  and  doubtless  discussed  the  intelligence  brought  him 
by  Volusenus,  and,  as  soon  as  wind  and  tide  served,  weighed  to  the 
north-east. 

A  few  miles  farther  he  discovered  a  plain  and  open  shore 
to  suit  his  purpose.  The  spot  was  probably  a  little  to  the  south- 
ward of  where  now  stands  Walmer  Castle.'  The  Britons  seem 
to  have  followed  along  the  coast  as  the  fleet  advanced,  with  their 
cavah-y  and  chariots  in  the  van,  and  their  infantry  in  the  rear,  and 
to  have  arrived  as  soon  as  the  ships,  and  occupied  the  beach  in  force. 


HUMAN    LIULUNA,    ull   UAl.LEV,    WITH    MNK    TlliU    UF    UAiiS. 

(.-l,'(rr  liasius.) 

Landing  was  difficult,  the  draught  of  the  transports  not  permitting 
them  to  draw  very  near  the  land  ;  and  the  men,  laden  with  arms  and 
armour,  were  obliged  to  jump  into  comparatively  deep  water  and 
wade  ashore,  harassed  not  only  by  the  breakers  but  also  bj'  the  foe, 
who  rode  their  horses  down  to  the  edge  of  the  surf,  or  waded  in 
afoot  to  meet  the  Komans.  Under  this  kind  of  treatment  the  attack 
wavered,  whereupon  Caesar  sent  his  lightest  galle3's  as  close  in  as 
possible,  and  so  stationed  them  that  with  their  slings  and  other 
engines  they  took  the  Britons  in  flank.  The  effect  was  soon  felt. 
'  For  discussion  of  this  subject,  see  '  ArcluBologia,'  xxi.  ."lOl. 


26  MILITARY  HISTORY   TO   1066.  [B.C.  55. 

The  defence  began  to  give  way,  and  when  the  standard-bearer  of  the 
Tenth  Legion  invoked  the  gods,  and  dashed  into  the  water  shoiiting, 
"  Follow  me,  comrades,  unless  you  would  abandon  your  eagle  to  the 
enemy,  for  I,  on  my  part,  am  determined  to  do  my  duty  to  my 
country  and  my  general " ;  he  did  not  appeal  in  vain.  Soon  many 
of  the  legionaries  reached  dry  gi-ound,  and  presently  the  Britons  fled, 
and  from  a  safe  distance  sent  ambassadors  with  hostages  to  sue  for 
peace.     On  the  fourth  day  a  treaty  was  concluded. 

Caesar  encamped,  aj)parently,  near  his  place  of  landing.  He 
was  expecting  reinforcements  in  the  shape  of  cavalry,  the  eighteen 
transports  assigned  to  which  had  not  been  ready  to  sail  with  the 
rest  of  the  fleet.  The  squadron  was  within  sight  of  the  camp  when 
it  was  dispersed  and  ultiinately  driven  back  by  a  sudden  and  violent 
storm.  Nor  was  this  the  only  cause  of  anxiety.  On  the  same  night 
there  was  a  spring  tide,  which  the  invaders  had  omitted  to  provide 
against,  and  this,  together  with  the  storm,  damaged  the  lighter 
vessels  which  were  hauled  up  on  the  beach,  and  drove  from  their 
anchors  several  of  those  which  were  riding  off  shore,  causing  some 
■of  them  to  foi;nder,  and  dismasting  others.  Ctesar  had  with  him  no 
facilities  for  refitting  his  vessels,  and  no  provision  for  wintering  in 
Britain,  and  the  British  chiefs,  conscious  of  this,  did  not  scruple  to 
break  the  treaty,  and  to  attack  with  their  whole  force.  The  Roman 
position  was  j)recarious,  but  two  or  three  indecisive  skirmishes  led 
up  to  a  pitched  battle,  in  which  the  Britons  were  completely 
defeated.  Once  more  they  begged  for  peace.  Cassar  ordered  them 
to  send  to  Gaul  twice  as  many  hostages  as  had  before  contented 
him,  and  then,  feeling  that,  as  the  autumn  equinox  was  upon  him, 
further  delay  would  be  dangeroiis,  took  advantage  of  the  first  fair 
wind,  and,  weighing  with  the  remnants  of  his  fleet,  returned  safely 
to  Gaul  after  a  few  hours'  passage. 

Si^ch  was  the  first  descent  of  the  Romans.  It  showed  how  easy 
and  open  lay  the  way  to  this  country,  when  only  the  white  cliffs  and 
the  exertions  of  people  on  land  perplexed  the  enemy.  Had  the 
Britons  been  able  to  oppose  fleet  with  fleet,  the  result  might  have 
been  very  different ;  for  Caesar's  ships  were  crowded,  could  not  have 
been  in  the  best  fighting  trim,  and  while  crossing  the  Channel, 
did  not  keep  in  company,  and  might  perhaps  have  been  dealt 
with  in  detail.  But  the  British  fleet  had  been  expended  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Loire  before  Ctesar  had  formed  any  definite  designs 
against  Britain.     Still,  it  is  remarkable  that  there  was  no  opposition 


B.C.  54.]  CJESAR'S   HECOND   INVASION.  27 

whatsoever  afloat.  Not  a  single  British  ship  is  reported  to  have 
been  so  much  as  sighted.  It  is  impossible  to  conceive  that  no  ship 
remained  in  the  country,  and  what  happened  can  only  be  explained 
upon  the  assumption  that  the  seafaring  districts,  which  were  then 
chiefly,  so  far  as  can  be  gathered,  to  the  westward,  were  either  at 
enmity  with  the  men  of  Kent,  or  received  no  intelligence  of  the 
intentions  of  the  Komans.  That  even  Kent  did  possess  vessels  of 
some  kind,  though  perhaps  no  warships,  is  evident  from  the  fact 
that  it  sent  over  an  embassy  before  Cn?sar  (juitted  the  Gallic  coasts, 
and  that  almost  immediately  after  his  first  invasion,  it  dispatched  to 
Gaul  some,  but  not  all,  of  the  hostages  whom  he  had  demanded. 

Caesar  caused  preparations  to  be  made  during  the  autumn  for 
another  descent  in  B.C.  54.  He  himself  went  to  Illyria ;  his  troops 
wintered  in  Belgic  Gaul ;  his  old  shii)S  were  repaired  at  Tortus 
Iccius,  and  new  ones  of  shallower  draught  and  broader  beam, 
suitable  for  carrying  bm-den  as  well  for  being  hauled  ashore,  were 
built.  Eigging  and  stores  for  these  was  ordered  from  Spain. 
Eetm-ning  in  the  spring,  Ctesar  foi;nd  all  ready,  and  as  the  Britons 
had  not  sent  over  all  the  hostages  whom  they  had  agreed  to  send, 
he  had  a  pretext  for  an  immediate  renewal  of  operations.  He  left 
Labienus  with  three  legions  and  two  thousand  horse  to  hold  Portus 
Iccius,  and  to  watch  the  Gauls,  and,  himself  embarking  with  a 
similar  force  of  cavalry  and  five  legions,  he  weighed  at  about  sunset 
with  a  light  gale  from  the  south-west,  which,  however,  died  away 
towards  midnight.  The  consequence  was  that  he  found  at  break  of 
day  that  the  tide  or  the  currents  had  taken  him  too  far  to  the 
eastward ;  but  thanks  to  the  hard  work  of  the  men  at  the  oars,  he 
gained  the  British  coast  at  about  noon,  and  landed  at  the  same  place 
as  before. 

He  had  with  him  six  hundred  transports,  besides  other  vessels, 
some  of  which  had  been  fitted  out  by  private  persons  for  their  own 
use,  making  upwards  of  eight  hundred  in  all.  No  enemy  was  visible, 
either  afloat  or  on  shore,  but  it  afterwards  appeared  from  the  reports 
of  prisoners  that  the  Britons  had  assembled  in  great  numbers  on  the 
coast,  and  had  been  prepared  to  resist  mitil  tliey  realised  the  im- 
posing nature  of  the  armada  arrayed  against  them.  They  had  then 
retired  to  the  hills. ^  Caesar  therefore  landed  without  opposition, 
juarked  out  a  camp  close  to  the  shore,  and,  having  discovered  the 
whereabouts  of  the  foe,  left  Quintus  Atrius  with  twelve  cohorts  and 

.'  'DeBell.  Gall.,' V.  8. 


28  MILITARY  HISTORY   TO   1066.  [B.C.  54. 

three  hundred  horse  to  guard  the  base,  aud  attend  to  the  fleet,  which 
was  anchored  off  shore,  and  himself  advanced  by  night.  He  found 
the  enemy  about  twelve  miles  inland,  posted  with  horses  and 
chariots  on  the  banks  of  a  river,  which  must  have  been  the  Stour  at 
or  near  what  is  now  Sandwich.  An  effort  was  made  to  prevent 
Caesar's  passage,  but  the  Roman  cavalry  quickly  dispersed  the 
Britons,  and  drove  them  into  the  woods.  Pursuit  was  not  per- 
mitted, but  scouting  parties  were  sent  out  in  various  directions,  and 
a  camp  was  in  process  of  construction,  when  news  arrived  from  the 
base  that  a  storm  had  done  great  damage  to  the  fleet. 

Csesar  at  once  recalled  his  men,  and  returned  to  Atrius  to  find 
that  about  forty  vessels  had  been  lost,  and  that  the  rest  were  so 
much  disabled  as  to  need  extensive  repair.  He  began  the  work 
immediately,  sending  meanwhile  to  Labienus  for  additional  ships ; 
and  then,  unwilling  to  trust  the  sea  any  longer,  he  with  much  labour 
and  difficulty  hauled  every  one  of  his  craft  ashore,  and  included  all 
within  the  lines  of  his  camp.  This  work  occupied  the  troops  night 
aud  day  for  ten  days.^  At  the  end  of  that  period  Cffisar  again 
left  a  detachment  at  the  base,  and  advanced  with  the  bulk  of  his 
forces  into  the  country. "  Near  the  ford  where  the  first  engagement 
had  taken  place,  the  Britons  were  found  in  greater  strength  than 
before,  under  the  general  command  of  Cassivelaunus,  or  Caswallon, 
king  of  the  Cassi.  After  several  actions  the  Britons  retired, 
apparently  to  the  westward.  Cffisar  followed,  keeping  the  Thames 
on  his  right  flank  until  he  reached  a  place  believed  by  some  to  be 
Cowey  Stakes,  at  Walton,  where  he  saw  a  large  body  of  the  enemy 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river  behind  an  improvised  stockade,  and 
found  a  ford  obstructed  by  sharp  piles.  Nevertheless  the  Romans 
crossed  and  defeated  the  enemy,  inflicting  such  punishment  on 
Caswallon  that  he  was  obliged  thereafter  to  restrict  himself  to  minor 
operations,  and  to  a  sort  of  guerilla  warfare.  In  the  meantime,  the 
Trinobantes,  Cenimagni,  Segontiaci,  and  even  the  Cassi,  besides 
other  tribes,  submitted ;  and  as  an  attempt  by  the  Kentish  chiefs 
upon  the  camp  at  the  Ijase  had  failed,  Caswallon  at  length  saw  fit 
to  treat.  Caesar,  who  was  desirous  of  wintering  in  Gaul,  accepted 
his  opponent's  submission,  demanded  and  received  hostages,  arranged 
for  the  payment  to  Rome  of  a  yearly  tribute,  and  withdrew  to  the 
coast.  His  ships  had  been  refitted,  but  all  the  fresh  ones  ordered 
from  Labienus  had  not  arrived,  and  the  prisoners  were  numerous, 

'  '  De  Bell.  Gall.,' V.  11. 


THE  GOKSTAD   SHIP. 
View  looking  forward  froqj  the  starboard  quarter. 


THE  GOKSTAD  Sim-. 
View  looking  forward  from  the  port  quarter. 


A.D.  75.]  HUMAN   CAMPAIGNS  IN  BRITAIN.  29 

so  that  it  was  only  by  crowding  his  vessels  that  Cresar  managed  to 
transport  all  his  forces  back  to  Gaul  in  one  voyage.  He  made  a 
good  passage  vdthout  mishap. 

As  in  the  previous  year,  the  Britons  employed  no  naval  force 
against  the  Romans,  either  with  a  view  to  preventing  the  landing 
or  with  a  view  to  severing  Csesar's  communications  with  Gaul,  ;in(i 
to  obstructing  the  reinforcements  from  Labienus.  The  only  possible 
conclusion  is  that  at  that  time  the  maritime  strength  of  south- 
eastern Britain  was  insignificant. 

After  Csesar's  second  withdrawal,  nothing  further  was  done  for 
many  years  towards  the  extension  of  Roman  power  in  Britain.  On 
three  separate  occasions  Augustus  meditated  an  expedition  to  the 
island,  but  he  was  as  often  pi-evented,  either  by  necessitj'  for  his 
presence  elsewhere,  or  by  the  diplomatic  action  of  British  emissaries, 
who  met  him  in  Gaul  and  promised  to  pay  the  tribute  with  greater 
regi^larity.  Once,  indeed,  the  ambassadors  went  as  far  as  Rome 
itself  to  make  their  submission.'  Again,  when  Cunobelinus,  or 
Cymbeline,  reigned  at  Camulodunum,  and  Caligula  was  Emperor, 
a  Roman  invasion  appeared  to  be  imminent ;  but  the  insane  vanity 
of  Caligula  was  contented  with  a  theatrical  and  ridiculous  demon- 
stration on  the  opposite  coasts  ; '"  and  not  until  the  time  of  Claudius, 
in  A.D.  43,  was  any  step  taken  towards  an  effective  conquest  of 
Britain. 

The  successive  campaigns  of  Aulus  Plautius,  of  Claudius  himself, 
of  Ostorius  Scapula,  in  a.d.  50,  of  Suetonius  Paulinus,  in  a.d.  .58, 
of  Petilius  Cereahs,  in  a.d.  70,  of  Julius  Frontinus,  about  a.d.  77, 
of  Julius  Agricola,  from  a.d.  78  to  85,  and  of  many  other  leaders, 
were  almost  entirely  military,  and  require  little  notice  here.  It 
will  sufhce  to  say  that  under  Agricola,^  the  Roman  naval  com- 
manders ascertained  that  Britain  was  an  island ;  and  that  for 
a  long  time  afterwards  the  Roman  naval  power  in  Britain  ajjpears 
to  have  been  steadily  increased,  in  oi'der  to  secure  the  coasts  and  the 
surrounding  seas  against  the  Teutonic  tribes,  which  were  already 
distinguished  for  their  piratical  boldness,  and  which  were  later 
to  exercise  so  important  an  influence  upon  the  fortunes  of  the 
island. 

For  the  repression  of  the  Teutonic  intruders,  a  special  officer  was 
ai   length    appointed    by  the    Emperors   Diocletian  and   Maximian, 

'  Hor.  '  Carm.'  i.  35 ;  iii.  5.  -  Sneton.  in  tulis;.  14. 

'  Tacit,  in  Agric. ;  .Tuvcn.,  Sat.  II. 


30  MILITARY  HISTORY    TO    10G6.  [A.D.  280. 

probably  at  the  beginning  of  their  reign  in  284.  The  first  holder 
of  the  office  was  Caius  Carausius,  a  man  whose  naval  prowess 
had  already  been  proved,  and  who  was  given  the  title  of  Comes 
Littoris  Saxonici,^  Count  of  the  Saxon  Shore.  He  is  generally  said 
to  have  been  a  Meuapian,  or,  as  we  should  say,  a  Fleming  of  mean 
birth  ;  but  some  Scots  writers  claim  him  as  a  Scotsman. - 

Prankish  as  well  as  Saxon  pirates  scoured  the  North  Sea  and  the 
Cliannel,  and  extraordinary  powers  were  conferred  upon  Carausius 
to  enable  him  to  cope  with  them.  He  appears  to  have  himself  been 
half  pirate  at  heart,  and  he  may  possibly  have  been  selected  in 
pursuance  of  the  principle  of  setting  a  thief  to  catch  a  thief.  He 
probably  did  his  work  well ;  but  he  did  it  in  his  own  way,  partly  by 
sheer  might,  much  more,  as  was  declared  in  Rome,  by  subtleties  of 
no  very  honourable  kind ;  and  he  applied  most  of  the  spoils  for 
his  own  aggrandisement. 

By  those  methods  he  acciimulated  so  much  wealth  and  pojver 
that  ill  286  Maximian  grew  jealous  of  him,  and  employed  a  man  to 
assassinate  him. 

The  project  failed,  and  Carausius,  driven  into  open  hostility  to 
the  Emperor,  and  finding  a  hold  stroke  necessary  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  his  liberty,  determined  to  be  an  Emperor  himself.  He  was 
gladly  acclaimed  by  the  local  forces,  both  military  and  naval,  and, 
acting  with  the  energy  which  characterised  all  he  did,  he  not  only 
secured  the  whole  Roman  fleet  of  which  he  had  held  command,  but 
also  l)uilt  a  lai'ge  number  of  new  ships,  and  seized  the  important 
naval  arsenal  of  Gesoriacmn,  now  Boulogne,  which  he  held  as  a 
continental  outwork  of  his  British  dominions.  So  vigorously  did 
he  harass  the  empire  with  his  squadrons,  that  presently,  according 
to  some  writers,  Maximian  was  glad  to  purchase  peace  at  the  price 
of  formal  recognition  of  Carausius  as  Emperor  in  Britain.  There  is 
some  doubt  as  to  the  recognition ;  and  if  it  was  ever  conceded,  it 
was  conceded  only  to  give  time  to  the  Empire  to  concentrate  its 
resources,  and  to  create  new  fleets. 

In   the   interim   Britain   achieved,  and   for   a   time   retained,  a 

position  as  a  naval  power  of  some  serious  importance.     Carausius 

not  only  kept,  but  also  extended,  his  influence,  cliiefly  by  the  wise 

employment   of   his   maritime  strength ;    but,   having   concluded   a 

treaty  of   confederation  with  certain  rovers  on   the  Mediterranean 

'  Coote's  'Koiuaus  in  Britain';  Itliys's  'Celtic  Britain';  Guest's  'Origines  Celticai.' 
''  '  Scotichrou.'  ii.  38 ;  Stukeley's  '  Medallic  Uist.  of  Carausius.' 


A.D.  28C.]  CARAUSIUS.  31 

littoral,  he  frightened  Maximiaii  and  his  brother  emperor  Constantius 
into  a  renewal  of  active  hostility. 

Maximian  built  a  larc(e  fleet  in  the  mouths  of  the  Khine,  and 
undertook  the  naval,  while  Constantius  made  himself  responsible 
for  the  military,  conduct  of  operations.  The  Emperors  besieged 
their  rival  in  Boulogne.  They  could  do  little  on  the  land  side, 
and  at  first,  the  sea  being  open  to  Carausius,  he  was  in  no  danger  ^ 
from  failure  of  supplies.  But  after  a  time,  the  besiegers  found 
means  to  block  up  the  mouth  of  the  harbour  with  earth  and  sand,. 
supported  by  trees  driven  in  as  piles  ;  and  when  Carausius  realised 
his  position,  he  made  his  way  by  night  through  the  camp  of 
the  enemy,  and,  going  on  board  one  of  his  own  vessels,  escaped  to 
Britain,  where  his  strength  was  greatest.  He  must  have  been  much 
annoyed  when  he  learnt  that  on  the  day  after  his  escape  a  storm  had 
destroyed  the  elaborate  works  of  his  foes,  and  that  Boulogne  harbour 
was  once  more  open. 

It  has  been  already  noted  that  Carausius  had  entered  into 
treaties  with  cei-tain  Mediterranean  rovers.  These  people  were  the 
descendants  of  the  Franks  who,  mider  the  Emperor  Probus,  had 
been  sent  as  colonists  to  the  shores  of  the  Euxine  to  keep  down  the 
Scythians  and  other  barbarians  of  those  districts.  The  Franks, 
instead  of  withstanding  the  Scythians,  in  time  made  common  cause 
with  them  against  Rome,  and,  entering  the  Mediterranean,  harassed 
it  from  end  to  end,  burnt  Syracuse,  devastated  the  coasts  of 
Spain  and  Africa,  and  terrified  the  Empire.  In  them  Carausius 
recognised  congenial  spirits.  It  was  arranged  that  the  Frank 
pirates  should  come  into  the  Atlantic,  effect  a  junction  with  the 
British  fleet,  and  fall  upon  the  armada  which  Maximian  had 
collected  in  the  Rhine.  Had  the  project  been  successful,  Carausius 
might  have  become  the  most  powerful  prince  of  his  day,  and  the 
whole  Empire  might  possibly  have  been  his. 

But  the  piratical  alliance  found  in  Constantius  a  worthy  op- 
ponent. Maximian,  a  man  of  very  inferior  capacity,  had  not  been 
ready  in  time  to  take  j)art  in  the  operations  against  Boulogne  ;  and 
Constantius,  perhaps  apprehensive  of  further  delay,  assumed  the 
command  of  the  thousand  ships  which  were  at  length  in  a  condition 
to  sail,  assembled  and  hastily  built  yet  others,  and,  having  stationed 
squadrons  to  observe  Carausius  and  keep  him  in  check,  took  the 
main  body  of  his  fleet  towards  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar.  Some- 
where near  the  mouth  of  the  Mediterranean,  he  met  the  Franks, 


32  MILITABY  EISTOBY    TO   1066.  [A.D.  400. 

and  crushingly  defeated  them.^  He  then  returned  to  Gaul  in  order 
to  organise  an  expedition  against  Carausius  in  Britain.  But  while 
the  preparations  were  still  in  progress,  Carausius  was  treacherously 
assassinated  by  his  friend  and  general,  Allectus. 

Constantius,  with  an  inferior  fleet,  lay  at  the  mouth  of  the  Seine. 
Allectus  assembled  a  superior  one  off  the  Isle  of  Wight,  and,  when 
all  was  ready,  sailed  with  the  intention  of  falling  upon  his  enemy. 
But,  by  a  strange  coincidence,  Constantius  also  sailed  at  about  the 
same  time ;  and  it  chanced  that  a  fog  came  on  in  mid-channel.  In 
the  fog  the  fleets  missed  one  another ;  and  so  fortune  gave  to 
Constantius  an  advantage  which  he  could  scarcely  have  gained  for 
himself,  seeing  that  Allectus  was  probably  strong  enough  to  have 
annihilated  the  Eoman  force  had  he  encountered  it.  The  influence 
of  sea  power  was  neutralised  as  it  has  seldom  been  before  or  since. 
Constantius,  having  thus  accidentally  got  across  the  Channel  un- 
opposed, landed  before  Allectus  could  retm-n,  and  burnt  his  ships, 
partly  in  order  to  inspire  his  people  with  the  courage  of  despair,  and 
partly,  perhaps,  because  he  realised  that  in  an  engagement  at  sea 
he  was  no  match  for  the  enemy,  and  that  he  must  either  win  Britain 
or  perish. 

As  soon  as  he  suspected  what  had  happened,  Allectus  also  landed. 
His  policy  had  alienated  the  people  on  shore,  and  though  he  was 
very  strong  at  sea,  he  had  but  a  comparatively  feeble  following  on 
land.  When,  therefore,  he  fell  in  with  one  of  Constantius' 
lieutenants,  and  attacked  him  with  rash  fury,  he  produced  no 
impression,  and,  making  a  gallant  fight,  was  Killed.  A  fm-ther 
curious  circumstance  characterised  the  conclusion  of  this  campaign, 
which  had  been  so  greatly  affected  by  accidents.  After  the  death  of 
Allectus,  his  followers,  chiefly  seamen,  seized  London,  and  were 
upon  the  point  of  sacking  it,  when  part  of  the  Eoman  fleet,  which 
had  lost  the  main  body  in  the  fog,  and  had  entered  the  Thames  by 
chance,  opportimely  arrived  on  the  scene,  and  landed  a  strong  party 
which  cut  the  pirates,  many  of  whom  were  foreigners,  to  pieces. 

In  the  decadence  of  the  Western  Empire,  Lupicinus,-  a  heu- 
tenant  of  Julian,  repressed  the  piracies  of  the  Scots ;  Theodosius, 
and  Maximus,  who  was  acclaimed  Emperor  by  the  army,  did  the 
same  at  a  later  date,  and  repeatedly  chastised  the  Saxon  marauders 

'  Eutroj).  ix. ;  Bede,  i.  6 ;  Aurel.  Vict.  39,  etc.,  give  '  History  of   Carausius  and 
Allectus.'     See  also  Sjieed's  Chronicle. 
'^  Bede,  i.  1 ;  Amni.  Marcel,  xx. 


450.]  THE   COMING    OF  THE  PICTS.  33 

at  sea  ;  and  even  under  Honorius,  Victorinus  and  Gallic  were  able 
to  drive  back  the  Scots,  the  Picts,  and  the  Saxons,  and  to  preserve 
some  sort  of  order  and  security  in  the  narrow  seas.  But  towards 
the  end  of  the  period  of  Koman  rule,  the  protection  of  the  Eonian 
fleets  and  armies  was  only  occasionally  and  irregularly  vouchsafed ; 
and  when  at  length  the  Britons,  in  reply  to  their  prayers  for 
assistance  against  the  northern  pirates,  were  told  to  defend  them- 
selves, they  indignantly  rose  and  drove  out  the  last  few  official 
representatives  of  the  effete  Empire.  For  the  moment  the  islanders 
were  free ;  but  they  were  totally  defenceless,  and  the  Picts  pressed 
them  sorely. 

The  Picts,*  properly  the  Caledonii  and  Meatae,  were  the  tribes 
dwelling  north  of  the  Eomau  walls,  and  were  probably  Celts  of 
Goidelic  type.  They  were  never  subjugated  by  the  Eomans.  The 
Scots  were  Ulster  Gaels  of  predatory  habits,  who  at  the  end  of  the 
fifth  centuiy  colonised  Argyle  and  established  there  a  Scottish 
kingdom  of  Dahiada,  which  was  for  some  time  in  alliance  with  the 
Irish  Dalriada,  whence  the  colonists  had  come.  So  much  for  strict 
definitions.  But  the  Picts  and  Scots  of  the  period  immediately 
following  the  Roman  abandonment  of  Britain,  stand,  in  the  lan- 
guage of  early  historians,  for  any  of  the  freebooters  who,  coming 
from  the  north  and  west,  harassed  the  southern  and  more  civilised 
part  of  the  main  island.  After  the  Eoman  withdrawal,  they  appear 
to  have  broken  do\\Ti  the  fortified  walls  which  for  many  generations 
had  limited  their  operations  in  the  north ;  and,  when  the  Britons 
attacked  them  in  that  quarter,  the  invaders  seem,  utilising  their 
unchallenged  sea  power,  to  have  landed  an  army  in  rear  of  the 
defence,  and  to  have  completely  disheartened  and  confounded  theLr 
opponents.     But  the  period  is  one  of  turmoil,  darkness,  and  myth. 

Endeavours  to  unravel  the  confusing  tangle  of  fact  and  fiction 
left  us  by  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth,  Ncunius,  Bede,  Gildas,  and  the 
annalists,  lead  to  the  conclusion  that,  after  the  first  period  of  chaos 
consequent  upon  the  Eoman  desertion,  one  Vortigern,  a  prince  of 
the  Demetae,  by  murder  and  fraud,  acquired  a  leading  position  in  the 
island ;  but  that,  finding  himself  opposed,  on  the  one  hand,  by  a 
considerable  Eoman  party,  under  Ambrosius  Aurelianus,"  a  prince  of 
the  Damnonii,  and,  on  the  other,  by  the  Picts,  and  having  little  in 
view  beyond  his  own  personal  welfare,  he  called  in  a  roving  band  of 

'  Skene's  '  Celtic  Scotland ' ;  Khys's  '  Celtic  Britain.' 
2  Gildas,  25 ;  Bede's  '  Eocles.  Hist.,'  j.  10. 

VOL.  I.  D 


34  MILITARY  BISTORT  TO   1066.  [475. 

Saxon  pirates  to  assist  him  iu  supporting  his  threatened  position. 
These  pirates  were  under  the  brothers  Hengest  and  Horsa/  said  to 
have  been  sons  of  Wihtgils  and  great-great-grandsons  of  Wodan  ; 
and  if  it  be  true  that  they  came  with  three  ships  only,  and  that 
nevertheless  they  were  strong  enough  to  effect  the  re-establishment 
of  Vortigern's  power  in  Britain,  we  are  forced  to  beheve  that  not 
only  the  British  fighting  capacity,  but  also  the  Pictish  navy,  must 
have  been  at  a  very  low  ebb  in  those  days. 

The  brothers  were  probably  younger  sons,  who,  in  accordance 
with  the  German  custom  of  the  time,  were  sent  forth  to  seek  their 
fortunes  by  any  means  which  chanced  to  commend  themselves  to 
them.  They  were  adventui-ers,  and  irresponsible.  They  landed  at 
Ebbsfleet,"  about  the  year  450,  did  Vortigern's  work  successfully, 
and,  by  way  of  reward,  were  permitted  to  establish  themselves  in 
Thanet.  Ere  long,  they  fell  out  with  their  old  employer,  one  of 
whose  sons,  Vortimer,  gained  several  successes  over  them,  both 
afloat  and  ashore,  and  finally  defeated  them  at  Aylesford,  where 
Horsa  was  killed.^  But  Vortimer  soon  afterwards  died,  the  Britons 
found  no  leader  to  take  his  place,  Saxon  reinforcements  came  over, 
and  the  party  of  Hengest  regained  its  ascendancy.  Ambrosius 
Aurehanus  is  reported  to  have  defeated  and  slain  Hengest*  him- 
self; but  Hengest  left  behind  him  a  good  leader  in  the  j)erson 
of  his  son  ^sc,  who,  at  length,  achieved  the  complete  conquest 
of  Kent. 

But  the  descent  of  Hengest  and  Horsa,  important  though  it  was 
in  its  consequences,  was  only  the  precursor  of  many  other  Saxon 
expeditions  to  Britain. 

Ella,'*  with  his  three  sons,  Cymon,  Whencing,  and  Cissa,  and 
three  ships,  landed  in  477  at  a  spot  identified  by  Lappenberg  with 
Keynor  in  Selsea,  and,  after  a  long  struggle,  obtained  reinforce- 
ments and  took  and  bmrnt  the  stronghold  of  Anderida,  probably 
the  modern  Pevensey,''  in  491.  He  estabUshed  a  Saxon  kingdom 
in  Sussex. 

In   495,  Cerdic,'  with  his    son   Cynric   and   five   ships,  landed, 

'  Sax.  Chron.,  anno  449 ;  Green's  '  Making  of  England.' 
^  With  three  "long  ships,"  otherwise  "ceols"  (keels).     Sax.  Chron.,  298. 
^  In  455.     Close  to  Aylesford,  in  Kent,  is  Kit's  Coty  House,  a  cronilech,  said  to 
commemorate  one  Catigern,  who  also  fell. 

*  In  489  (?).  '  Sax.  Chron.,  300. 

^  But  Camden  says  Newenden,  Kent ;  others  think  near  Eastbourne. 

'  Sax.  Chron.,  300. 


775.]  MERCIAN  ASCENDENCY.  35 

apparent!}'  in  Hampshire,  and,  though  at  first  he  was  not  successful, 
obtained  at  length  the  assistance  of  .^sc  and  Ella,  and  defeated  the 
Britons.  Like  the  other  invading  chiefs,  he  received  reinforcements 
in  course  of  time  from  the  continent,  and  then,  extending  his 
operations,  founded  the  kingdom  of  the  West  Saxons,  and  conquered 
the  Isle  of  Wight  as  the  result  of  a  great  victory  at  Whitgaresburh, 
now  perhaps  Carisbrooke.  From  this  distinguished  rover,  all  the 
sovereigns  of  England,  except  Canute,  Haxdicanute,  Harold  the 
Dane,  Harold  II.,  and  William  the  Conqueror,  can  undoubtedly 
trace  their  descent ;  and  Cerdic  ^  himself  is  fabled  to  have  been  ninth 
in  direct  hne  from  the  god  Wodan. 

Thus  the  invasion  of  the  Saxons,  including  the  Angles  and  the 
Jutes,  continued,  by  wave  upon  wave  of  healthy  barbarians  from 
Gemiany,  until  nearly  all  what  is  now  England,  and  Scotland 
south  of  the  Forth  and  Clyde,  was  covered  by  Saxon  states.  These 
fought  among  one  another  for  the  leadership.  The  tide  of  success 
ebbed  and  flowed,  now  one  way  and  now  another,  until  at  length  the 
only  two  important  competitors  for  supremacy  were  the  kingdoms  of 
Mercia  and  Wessex. 

For   some  time  it  seemed   as   if   the  struggle   would   terminate 
in  favoivr  of   Mercia,  especially  during  the  reign  of  its  gi-eat  king 
Offa  (757  to  796).     Up  to  his  day  the  Saxon  princes  in  England, 
not  being  much  troubled  by  foes  from  oversea,  and  having  plenty 
of  enemies   inland,    had   paid   little  attention   to  the   maintenance 
of    that    sea   power  whereby  they  had    gained   their   new  empire. 
But  Offa   looked  without   as  well    as  within,   and   created   a   con- 
siderable navy,  which  found  its  justification  in  787,  when,  for  the 
first  time,  the  Danes   made   an  incursion  with  three  ships  "  from 
Hseretha  land,"''^  and  plundered  part  of  Northumbria,  and  in  794,^ 
when  a  monastery  at   the   mouth   of   the   Don   was   sacked.     The 
Vikings  did  not  fare  well  on  either  occasion.     On  the  former,  they 
were  easily  driven  off  with  loss  ;  on  the  latter,  some  of  their  vessels 
were  wrecked.     If  Ofl'a's  successors  had  been  as  prudent  as  he  was, 
and  if  internal  dissensions  had  not  opened  the  door  to  the  enemy, 
these  first  efforts  of  the  Danes  might,  perhaps,  have  been  also  their 
last  for  a  long  series  of  j'ears.      Unfortmiately,  the  various  Saxon 
kingdoms   w'ere   still   fighting  among   themselves,  and,  as   for   the 
Britons,  they  were   glad  to  welcome   the  co-operation  of   any  one, 

'  He  died  about  534.  ^  Ingram  says  "  the  land  of  robbers." 

'  Simeon  of  Durham,  112;  Sax.  Chron.,  338. 

D  2 


36  MILITARY  EISTOEY    TO   1066.  [836. 

pirate  or  not,  against  their  conquerors.  They  hated  the  Danes,  but 
they  hated  the  Saxons  more  ;  and  when,  not  long  after  Offa's  death, 
another  Danish  foraying  party  landed  in  Northunibria,  it  met  with 
assistance  from  the  dissatisfied  Britons.  Nor  were  the  Danes 
effectively  withstood  again  until  the  question  of  supremacy  among 
the  Saxon  kingdoms  had  been  finally  decided  by  the  victories  of 
Wessex  under  Egbert. 

But  even  Egbert,  the  wise  monarch  of  a  more  or  less  con- 
solidated England,  was  able  to  make  the  Danes  respect  him  only  in 
the  last  few  years  of  his  life,  when  all  domestic  enemies  had  been 
silenced.  While  he  was  still  building  up  his  power,  the  pirates 
sorely  troubled  the  fringes  of  the  country.  In  800,  the  year  of  his 
accession  to  the  throne  of  Wessex,  bodies  of  Danes  landed  t'nice. 
One  party  pillaged  the  Isle  of  Portland,  and  the  other  ravaged'  the 
districts  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Humber  but  was  driven  off  by 
the  country  people.  In  801  a  body  landed  on  Lindisfarne,  and 
having  defeated  the  Saxons  there,  re-embarked,  proceeded  round  the 
south  coast  to  Wales,  and  joined  the  Britons  who  were  still  un- 
conquered  in  the  part  of  the  country  lying  to  the  west  of  Offa's 
Dyke.  Egbert,  however,  met  and  beat  them,  yet  not  so  badly  as 
to  deter  them  from  making  a  fresh  descent  in  802,  when  heavily 
reinforced  they  entered  the  mouth  of  the  Thames,  seized  Sheppey, 
and  ravaged  parts  of  Kent  and  Essex,  up  to  within  sight  of  the  gates 
of  London,  where  Egbert  again  met  and  beat  them. 

These  forays  were  repeated,  sometimes  with  more  and  sometimes 
with,  less  success,  nearly  every  year,  and  in  833  the  crews  of 
thirty-five  Danish  vessels  inflicted  a  bloody  defeat  upon  Egbert  at 
Charmouth.^  In  835,  however,  Egbert  retaliated,  coming  up  at 
Hengestesdun,  now  Kingston  Dovm,  with  a  combined  horde  of 
Danes  and  Cornish  Britons,  and  nearly  annihilating  it.^ 

In  the  following  year  Egbert  died.  Under  his  successor  Ethel- 
wulf  the  same  kind  of  thing  continued.  In  837  the  Danes  were 
defeated  at  Southampton,^  but  gained  a  success  at  Port  in  Dorset- 
shire. In  8-JB^  they  defeated  the  king  at  Charmouth,*  and  in  851 
wcwse  befel.  Athelstan,*  a  son  of  Egbert,  assisted  by  the  ealdorman 
Ealchere,  seems  to  have  fought  a  naval  action  with  a  Danish  force 
off  Sandwich,  and  to  have  defeated  it,  taking  nine  vessels;  but 
another    and   much    stronger    Danish    force,    consisting    of    three 

'  Sax.  Chron,,  344.  ^  IK,  344.  ^  IK,  345.  *  IK,  346. 

'  He  held  sway  over  the  South  Saxons. 


871.]  BATTLES    WITH   THE  DANES.  -37 

hundred  and  fifty  ships,  arrived  in  the  month  of  the  Thafnes,  landed 
an  arm}',  stormed  both  Canterbury  and  London,  defeated  an  army 
headed  by  the  King  of  Mercia,  and  was  moving  through  Surrey, 
when  it  was  encountered  by  Ethelwulf  and  his  son  Ethclbald,  and 
routed  with  immense  slaughter  at  Ockley.^  Nevei'theless,  that  year 
the  Danes  wintered  for  the  first  time  in  Thanet.^ 

It  is  noteworthy  that  of  the  numerous  actions  recorded  as  having 
been  fought  between  the  Saxons  and  the  Danes  thus  far,  one  only, 
namely,  that  in  which  Athelstan  was  victorious  off  Sandwich,  is 
clearly  indicated  as  having  been  a  sea-fight.  From  this  it  might  be 
supposed  that  the  Saxons  had  an  inadequate  navy ;  but  by  far  the 
more  probable  explanation  is,  that  they  did  not  properly  utilise  such 
navy  as  they  had.  They  seem,  before  the  days  of  Alfred,  to  have 
thought  more  of  guarding  their  coasts  than  of  finding  and  defeating 
the  enemy  at  sea ;  and  as  the  usual  policy  of  the  Danes  was  to  make 
a  sudden  raid,  land  a  force,  and  allow  it  to  shift  for  itself,  and 
subsist  upon  the  resources  of  the  comitry  until  it  could  find  oppor- 
tunity to  re-embark  at  another  point,  the  Saxon  tactics  of  stationing 
their  vessels  in  or  near  the  important  ports  may  well  have  been  very 
ineffective. 

Ethelbert,  who  reigned  from  860  to  8G6,  was  not  more  fortunate 
than  his  predecessors,  and  at  one  time  his  capital,  Winchester,  was 
attacked  by  his  northern  enemies.  The  reign,  too,  of  Ethelred, 
from  866  to  871,  was  disastrous.  The  Danes  made  themselves 
masters  of  Northumbria  and  part  of  Mercia,  seized  Nottingham, 
completely  conquered  East  Anglia,  and  advancing  for  the  attack  on 
Wessex,  made  Eeading  their  headquarters.  Led  by  Bagsecg  and 
Halfdene,  they  fought  no  fewer  than  nine  great  battles  in  that 
neighbourhood  in  the  course  of  the  year  871,  and  were  on  several 
occasions  successful ;  but  King  Ethelred  and  his  brother  Alfred  beat 
them  badly  at  Ashdown,  near  Didcot,  and  killed  Halfdene.  Ethel- 
red, who  seems  to  have  been  wounded  there  or  in  one  of  the 
subsequent  and  less  successful  fights  at  Basing  and  Merton,  died 
soon  afterwards,  and  Alfred,  then  probably  in  his  bwenty-ninth  or 
thirtieth  year,  came  to  the  imperilled  crovni. 

Alfred's  reign  began  badly.  In  the  early  summer  of  871  he  was 
defeated  by  the  Danes  at  Wilton,  and  apparently  so  dispirited  that 
he  came  to  terms  with  the  invaders,  and  offered  them  that  which 

>  Sax.  Chron.,  346.  "  Ih.,  345. 


38  MILITARY  HISTORY  TO  1066.  [890. 

induced  them  to  leave  bis  part  of  the  kingdom  in  the  following  year. 
But  he  secured  this  humiliating  respite  only  to  derive  the  greatest 
possible  advantage  from  it.  He  at  once  devoted  himself  to  naval 
matters,  and  in  875 '  he  met  seven  Danish  ships  at  sea,  and  scattered 
them,  capturing  one.  Thereafter,  for  several  years,  he  busied 
himself  vyith  the  recovery  of  Wessex.  In  882,^  he  was  again  afloat 
with  a  squadron,  capturing  four  Danish  ships  after  a  very  obstinate 
action.  In  885,  his  vessels  took  sixteen  Danish  pirates^  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Stour,  but  were  afterwards  themselves  defeated  by 
another  Danish  force.  Until  893,  however,  Danish  activity  was  less 
than  it  had  been  for  many  years  previously,  and  Alfred  had  a 
considerable  amomit  of  leisure  for  attending  to  the  improvement  of 
the  arts  of  peace. 

Many  of  the  Danes  who  had  been  driven  from  England  by  the 
energy  of  Alfred  were,  in  the  meanwhile,  ravaging  parts  of  the  Low 
Countries  and  the  north  of  France,  under  a  leader  of  great  ability 
named  Hasting.  Their  continental  successes  tempted  them  to  think 
again  of  England,  and  assembhng  at  Boulogne,  they  built  or 
procmred  a  fleet  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  ships,  embarked  with  their 
horses,  and  crossed  the  Channel  to  "  Lemenemouth,"  ^  where  part 
of  them  landed.  Some  are  of  opinion  that  Lemenemouth  was  the 
mouth  of  the  Bother.  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  landed  party  stormed 
a  fort  and  took  up  a  position  at  Appledore,  while  Hasting,  retaining 
with  him  eighty  ships,  proceeded  to  the  mouth  of  the  Thames,  and 
landed  at  Milton,^  where  he  formed  a  camp. 

There  is  no  record  of  what  Alfred's  fleet  was  doing  at  this  period, 
but  it  does  not  appear  to  have  met  the  enemy,  and  Hasting,  in  the 
next  year,  crossed  the  Thames  into  Essex,  and  fortified  himself  at 
South  Benfleet,  while  two  bodies  of  his  friends  co-operated  with 
him,  one,  consisting  of  forty  ships,  going  round  by  the  north  into 
the  Bristol  Channel  and  landing  a  force  on  the  north  coast  of 
Devonshire,  and  the  other,  of  one  hundred  ships,  going  down 
Channel,  and  landing  a  force  for  the  siege  of  Exeter.  Alfred  divided 
his  army  into  two  parts,  sending  one  against  Hasting  at  Benfleet, 
and  himself  leading  the  other  against  his  enemies  in  the  west. 
Hasting  was  driven  from  Benfleet,  and  his  fleet  was  part  taken  and 
part  destroyed,  but  he  fell  back  on  South  Shoebury,  and  was  there 

'  Sax.  Chron.,  355.  =*  7ft.,  358.  ^  7j_^  359, 

*  DifTiciilt  to  identify.     See  Southey's  ed.  of  'Lives  of  Admirals,'  i.  35. 
'  Sax.  Uliron.,  363,  364. 


805.]  ALFRED'S  SUCCESSES.  39 

joined  by  ships  from  East  Anglia  and  Northumbria.  In  the  west 
the  appearance  of  Alfred  caused  the  invaders  to  raise  the  siege  of 
Exeter  and  re-embark,  but  going  eastward,  they  landed  again  and 
attacked  Chichester.  There  they  were  driven  off,  with  the  loss  of  a 
few  ships.'  Hasting  made  fiirther  imsuccessful  efforts  to  push  his 
fortunes  in  England,  and  struggled  on  until  the  summer  of  897 ; 
but  he  then  gave  up  the  task  as  hopeless,  and  disbanded  his 
remaining  forces. 

It  was  in  897  apparently,  that  the  ships  of  the  new  and  improved 
type*  designed  by  Alfred  were  first  tried  in  action.  Six  Danish 
vessels  were  ravaging  the  coasts  of  Devonshire  and  of  the  Isle  of 
Wight,  and  the  King  ordered  out  against  them  nine  of  his  novel 
craft,  manning  them  partly  with  English  and  partly  with  Frisians, 
who  were  reputed  the  best  seamen  of  that  time.  The  Danes  were 
found,  three  afloat  and  three  aground.  The  three  which  were  in  a 
condition  to  move  immediately  issued  from  their  haven,  and  fought 
very  gallantly,  two,  however,  being  captm-ed  and  their  crews  put  to 
death,  in  accordance  vsdth  the  King's  principle  for  dealing  with  such 
freebooters.  The  third  escaped,  with  but  five  men  remaining  on 
board.  Going  into  the  haven  to  attack  the  other  vessels,  the  royal 
ships  all  managed  to  nm  aground,  too,  three  lying  close  to  the  three 
stranded  Danes,  and  the  rest  at  some  distance  on  the  other  side  of 
the  harbom-.  When  the  tide  had  run  out,  the  Danes  furiously 
attacked  the  Saxon  ships  near  them,  killing  seventy-two  of  their 
people,  but  themselves  losing  as  many  as  one  hundred  and  twenty. 
At  length  the  tide  rose  again,  and  it  would  have  enabled  the  English 
on  the  other  side  of  the  haven  to  intervene  with  decisive  effect,  but 
for  the  fact  that  it  floated  the  Danes  first.  They  plied  their  oars, 
and  escaped  from  the  immediate  danger,  but  so  badly  damaged  were 
they,  that  two  of  them  went  ashore  elsewhere  and  were  captured, 
and  their  crews,  being  conducted  to  Winchester,  were  there  hanged 
by  the  King's  command.* 

Having  been,  as  is  supposed,  the  first  EngUsh  sovereign  to 
command  a  squadron  in  action  at  sea,  Alfred  has  been  called  the 
first  English  admiral.  There  is,  perhaps,  danger  of  oven-ating  the 
importance  of  his  exploits  afloat.  He  won  no  decisive  victory  there ; 
and  it  is  easy  to  form  an  exaggerated  estimate  of  the  efficiency  to 
which  the  fleet  attained  vmder  him,  and  of  the  material  improve- 

'  Sax.  Chron.,  364-369.     .4  ^  Ih,  371.    See  ante.  Chap.  I.  p.  13. 

»  lb.,  370,  371. 


40  MILITARY  HISTOET  TO  1066.  [940. 

ments  which  he  introduced.  But  it  stands  to  his  credit  that  he 
appreciated  the  value  of  offensive  defence,  and  was  one  of  the  first 
Enghshmen  to  employ  it. 

Under  Edward  the  Elder  (901-925),  the  son  and  successor  of 
Alfred,  but  two  notable  naval  events  took  place,  although  during 
most  of  the  reign  the  Danes  were  troublesome,  both  on  the  coasts 
and  inland.  In  904,  Ethelwald,  a  son  of  Ethelred,  having  put 
forward  his  claim  to  the  crown,  obtained  Danish  assistance  from 
Northumbria,  and,  with  as  many  ships  as  he  was  able  to  collect, 
effected  a  descent  in  Essex, ^  subdued  it  and  persuaded  the  East 
Anghan  Danes  to  invade  Mercia ;  but  he  was  kiUed  in  a  skirmish  in 
the  course  of  the  following  year.  In  915  or,  according  to  others,  in 
918,  a  large  piratical  fleet  from  Brittany-  fell  upon  the  coasts  of 
Wales  and  carried  off  the  Bishop  of  Llandaff,  who  was  subsequently 
ransomed  by  Edward  for  forty  pounds. 

Athelstau  (925-941),  Edward's  son,  took  more  interest  than  most 
of  his  predecessors  in  foreign  politics,  and  had  a  share  ^  in  the 
restoration  of  Louis  d'Outremer,  son  of  Charles  the  Simple,  to  the 
throne  of  France.  In  933  he  invaded  Scotland,*  both  by  sea  and 
land ;  but  his  great  exploit  was  the  crushing,  in  937,  of  the  formid- 
able alliance  arrayed  against  him  by .  Constantine,  King  of  Scots, 
Olaf  (or  Anlaff)  son  of  Guthfiith,  Danish  king  of  Northmnbria,  Olaf 
(or  Anlaff),  Cuaran,  the  Danish  king  of  Dublin,  and  several  British 
princes,  including  Owen  of  Cumberland.  This  combination  was 
arranged  in  retahation  for  Athelstg^n's  action  against  Scotland,  and 
especially  for  the  manner  in  which  his  fleet  had  ravaged  the  coasts 
of  Caithness.  The  campaign,  which  seems  to  have  been  to  a 
considerable  extent  a  naval  one,  was  decided  by  the  victory  of 
Brunanburh,  where  Athelstan  routed  all  his  opponents.  A  trans- 
lation of  the  Saxon  war  song,  composed  in  honour  of  the  event, 
will  be  found  in  Freeman's  '  Old-Enghsh  History.' 

The  site  of  Brunanburh  is  imdetermined.  Some  j)lace  it  in 
the  Lothians,  some  in  Northumberland,  some  in  Yorkshire  and 
others  at  Brumby,  in  Lincolnshire.  Simeon  of  Dm'ham^  makes 
Olaf  Guthfrithsson's  fleet,  without  the  fleets  of  his  alhes,  to  have 
consisted,  on  the  occasion  of  this  descent,  of  no  fewer  than  615 
vessels ;  so  that  Athelstan's  power  must  have  been,  indeed, 
enormous. 

'  Sax.  Chron.,  372.  ^  Ih.,  377.  =  Flodoard,.  quoted  by  Daniel,  ii.  647. 

*  Sas.  Chron.,  383-385.     .  '  p.  25. 


973.]  EDGAR'S  NAVY.  41 

Edmund  the  Elder  (941-94G),  Edred  (940-935)  and  Edwy 
(955-959),  seem  to  have  all  been  capable  monai'chs,  although  the 
character  of  the  last,  owing  to  his  attitude  on  matters  of  ecclesias- 
tical policy,  is  bitterly  attacked  by  contemporary  monkish  historians. 
They  held  their  o\vn  against  the  Danes  who  were  already  estabhshed 
in  the  island ;  but  there  are  no  records  of  their  having  had  to  cope 
with  serious  Danish  irruptions  from  over  sea. 

Edgar  (959-975),  hke  his  immediate  predecessors,  was  little 
troubled  from  abroad,  and  utiHsed  the  comparative  peacefulness  of 
his  reign  in  organising  his  navy.  It  is  related  that  he  divided  his 
fleet  into  three  permanent  squadrons  of  equal  force,  stationing  one 
in  the  Noiih  Sea,  a  second  in  the  Irish  Channel,  and  the  third  on 
the  north  coasts  of  Scotland ;  and  that  every  year,  after  Easter,  he 
made  a  tour  of  inspection  round  his  realm  by  sea,  joining  the  North 
Sea  Squadron  first,  cruising  with  it  from  the  mouth  of  the  Thames 
to  the  Land's  End,  and  there  dismissing  it  to  its  station,  and  joining 
the  Irish  Channel  Squadron.  With  this  he  cruised  as  far  as  the 
Hebrides,  where  he  met  the  Northern  Squadron  and,  joining  it,  was 
conveyed  by  it  round  the  north  of  Scotland  and  back  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Thames.^  In  these  annual  evolutionary  cruises  he  visited  all 
the  ports  and  estuaries,  made  provision  for  the  secmity  of  the  coasts, 
and  occasionally  attacked  his  enemies. 

In  the  course  of  one  expedition  he  is  said  to  have  reduced  the 
Irish  Danes,  and  to  have  taken  Dubhn.  In  the  course  of  another, 
in  973,  he  is  said  to  have  been  met  at  Chester  by  the  kings,  Kenneth 
of  Scots,  Malcolm  of  Cumbria,  Maccus  of  Man,  Dunwallou  of 
Strathclyde,  Inchill  of  Westmoreland,  and  Siferth,  lago,  and  Howell 
of  Wales,  who,  in  token  of  subjection  to  him,  manned  his  barge 
and,  Edgar  steering,  rowed  him  on  the  Kiver  Dee.^ 

But  it  must  be  remembered  that  Edgar,  unlike  Edwy,  was  on 
excellent  terms  with  Dunstan  and  the  ecclesiastical  party,  and  that 
the  ecclesiastics  were  practically  the  sole  historians  of  those  times ; 
and  it  may  be  regarded  as  certain  that  Edgar's  naval  glory,  which 
was  no  doubt  considerable,  was,  if  anything,  rather  exaggerated  than 
minimised  by  the  chroniclers.  Ethelward,  one  of  the  few  con- 
temporary writers  who  possibly  was  not  an  ecclesiastic,  and  who, 

'  Matt,  of  West. 

2  Will,  of  Malmesbury,  i.  236  (ed.  Hardy) ;  Flor.  of  Wore,  578  (ed.  Petrie) ; 
Hoveden,  244,  etc. ;  but  the  names  of  the  kings  are  variously  given.  See  also  '  Libel 
of  English  Policie.' 


42  MILITARY  HISTORY    TO   1066.  [995. 

according  to  his  own  account,  was  nearly  related  to  the  royal  house, 
drops  hints  that,  after  all,  Edwy  may  not  have  been  inferior  as  a 
monarch  to  Edgar.  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  monkish  estimate  of 
Edgar  as  one  of  the  greatest  of  British  naval  reformers  has  received 
general  acceptance ;  and,  with  very  few  intervals,  there  has,  in 
consequence,  always  been  a  large  British  man-of-war  bearing  the 
king's  name  since  the  day  in  1668,  when  it  was  conferred  upon  a 
two-decker  at  the  instance  of  James,  Duke  of  York,  Lord  High 
Admiral,  who  had  previously  given  the  name  to  one  of  his  sons  who 
died  in  infancy. 

The  brief  reign  of  the  boy  Edward,  miscalled  The  MartjT, 
(975-979),  was  mieventful ;  but  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  his 
half-brother,  Ethelred  the  Purposeless  (979-1016),  was  full  of  naval 
incident ;  and,  indeed,  even  the  earlier  part,  from  its  very  beginning, 
witnessed  a  marked  revival  of  Danish  aggression  from  across  the 
North  Sea.  Not  however,  imtil  988  did  the  Danes  renew  their 
attempts  to  settle  in  the  country.  Up  to  that  date  their  expeditions 
were  merely  raids  and  forays. 

It  was  in  988  that  Olaf  Tryggvesson,  one  of  the  most  formidable, 
bloody  and  revengeful  of  the  Vikings,  harassed  Watchet  and  killed 
Gova,  the  Thane  of  Devon.  Olaf  was  the  son  of  a  Norwegian 
sea  king,  but  may  have  been  born  in  Britain.  In  991  he  led 
a  fleet  of  450  ships  to  Stone,  thence  to  Sandwich,  and  thence 
to  Ipswich,  and,  pressing  as  far  as  Maldon,  there  defeated  and 
slew  the  earldorman  Brihtnoth,  who  had  been  sent  against  him. 
Ethelred  made  some  attempts  to  assemble  a  fleet,  so  as  to  cut  off  the 
enemy,  but  his  plans  were  betrayed  by  the  earldorman  Elfric,  and 
only  a  very  partial  success  by  sea  was  secured.  In  994  Olaf  allied 
himself  with  Sweyn  ^  of  Denmark,  son  of  Harold  Blaatand,  and  the 
two,  with  ninety-four  ships,  made  an  abortive  attempt  on  London.^ 
Driven  thence  by  the  townsmen  they  devastated  Kent,  Susses  and 
Hampshire,  both  along  the  coast  and  for  some  distance  inland ;  and 
on  an  evil  day  Ethelred  agreed  to  buy  them  off  by  payment  of 
£16,000  and  the  provision  for  them  of  food  and  winter  quarters  at 
Southampton,  Olaf  promising  never  again  to  visit  England,  unless 
peacefully.^  In  the  spring  he  departed  for  Norway,  which  he 
wrested  from  Earl  Hacon  and  ruled  for  several  years ;  but,  though 
he  personally  kept  his  word,  his  promise  bound  no  one  save  himself, 
and  the  Vikings  presently  began  their  inciu'sions  anew. 

'  More  properly  Swegen.  -  Sax.  Chrou.,  402.  ^  lb.,  402,  403. 


1000.]  MASSACRE   OF   THE  DANES.  43 

In  997  ^  a  Danish  fleet  entered  the  Tamar,  went  up  to  Lidford, 
crossed  to  Tavistock,  burned  the  church  there,  and  carried  off  an 
immense  amount  of  booty.  In  998  the  Danes  ravaged  Dorsetshire 
and  Hampshire  ;  and  though  EngHsh  armies  were  sent  against  them, 
the  pirates  were  invariably  victorious.  In  999  they  sailed  up  the 
Medway,  disembarked  at  Rochester,  defeated  the  local  forces,  and 
ravaged  West  Kent.  Ethelred  collected  a  fleet  as  well  as  an 
army ;  but  the  latter  did  no  good  to  his  cause,  and  the  former, 
owing  to  delay  on  the  part  of  the  leaders,  was  not  ready  until  too 
late.^  It  is  probable  that  this  expedition,  like  several  previous 
descents,  was  bought  off,  and  that  the  refusal  of  Malcolm  of 
Cumbria  to  contribute  money  for  the  purpose  was  the  cause  of  the 
hostilities  which  Ethelred  waged  against  him  with  success  in  the 
following  year. 

But  a  nearly  contemporaneous  descent  upon  Normandy,  whither 
some  of  the  Danes  had  retired,  was  a  failure ;  nor  is  this  to  be 
wondered  at.  It  is  tolerably  clear  that  Ethelred's  naval  forces  were 
no  longer  in  hand,  and  were  in  fact  in  a  state  bordering  upon 
mutiny.  A  fleet  destined  to  support  the  king  on  his  Cumbrian 
expedition,  instead  of  accompanying  him,  had  gone  away  on  its  own 
account  and  ravaged  Maeuige,  which  some  take  to  have  been  Man 
and  others  Anglesey.* 

In  1001  the  Danes  reappeared,  this  time  at  Exmouth,  where  they 
were  joined  by  a  foreigner  named  Pallig,  who  had  received  favoiu's 
from  Ethelred,  and  had  sworn  fealty  to  him.  Great  havoc  was 
wrought  in  Devon  and  Somerset,  and,  the  forces  of  the  realm  having 
failed  to  eject  the  pirates,  a  humiliating  bribe  of  £24,000  was  given 
them  to  induce  them  to  depart  in  the  following  year.^ 

Then  it  was  that  Ethelred  bethought  himself  of  getting  rid 
of  the  bloodsuckers  who  were  preying  upon  his  everweakening 
inheritance  by  murdering  all  the  Danes  resident  in  England.  The 
crime,  or  as  much  of  it  as  was  possible,  was  perpetrated  on 
St.  Brice's  Day,  November  13th,  1002,''  and  in  the  massacre  a  sister 
of  Sweyn,  Prince  of  Denmark,  who  had  banded  himself  with  Olaf 
in  994,  perished.  This  cil'cumstance  seems  to  have  sealed  the 
fate  of  England.  The  massacre  thinned  out  the  Danes  who  lived 
in  what  had  in  earlier  times  been  the  Danelagh,  and  who  had  for 
generations  fitted  out  piratical  expeditions  against  the  rest  of   the 

'  Sax.  CLroii.,  406.  '  lb.,  407.  "  lb.,  407. 

*  lb.,  408,  409.  °  Ih. 


44  MILITAET  HISTORY   TO    1066.  [1005. 

country  and  provided  bases  of  operations  for  their  kinsmen  foraying 
hither  from  Denmark ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  it  exasperated  the 
Danes  at  home,  and  especially  Sweyn,  to  madness. 

Sweyn's  immediate  reply  was  a  descent,  in  the  course  of  which 
he  stonned  Exeter  and  captured  Sahsbury,^  and,  in  fact,  met 
with  little  resistance,  except  in  East  Anglia.  This  was  in  1003. 
In  1004,  after  having  drawn  off  for  the  winter,  he  returned,  sailing 
up  the  Yare  to  Norwich.  AVliile  some  of  his  heutenants  amused  the 
people  by  pretending  to  treat  with  them,  he  advanced  surreptitiously 
to  Thetford.  Ulfcytel,  Ethelred's  officer  at  Norwich,  ordered  the 
Danish  ships  to  be  destroyed-;  but  his  directions  were  not  attended 
to.  He  himself,  with  a  force  of  men,  followed  Sweyn,  and  met  him 
on  his  way  back.  A  fierce  battle  resulted,  but  Ulfcytel  was  killed, 
and  the  Danes  were  able  to  re-embark.  In  1006  they  came  again, 
in  greater  strength  than  ever,  captm-ing  and  sacking  Sandwich. 
Ethehed  bovight  them  off  with  provisions  and  £36,000  in  money. ^ 
Then  he  made  tardy  efforts  to  reorganise  a  fleet,^  and  in  1008  levied 
for  the  purpose  a  tax  which,  says  Nicolas,*  "  is  considered  the  first 
impost  of  the  kind  and  the  earhest  precedent  of  ship-money." 
Great  numbers  of  vessels  were  built,  some  authorities  say  800  ;  and 
probably  about  30,000  men  were  armed  for  service;  and  in  1009 
the  fleet  was  ordered  to  make  rendezvous  at  Sandwich.  But 
treacheiy,  mismanagement  and  misfortune  brought  the  armada  to 
nought. 

A  man  named  Wulfnoth,  a  South  Saxon,  bead  of  a  family  which 
subsequently  made  a  great  naval  reputation  for  itself,  and  father  of 
Earl  Godwin,  then  a  J'oung  man  in  his  teens,  induced  twenty  of 
Ethelred's  ships  to  follow  him,  and  carried  them  away,  probably 
with  the  design  of  turning  pirate.  Brihtric  was  despatched  in 
pursuit  of  him  with  eighty  vessels ;  but  this  squadron  fell  in  with  a 
violent  gale  of  wind  and,  being  dispersed,  was  tirrned  upon  in  its 
distress  by  Wulfnoth,  who  bm-nt  every  one  of  the  ships.  When  the 
news  reached  the  rendezvous  a  panic  seized  everyone  there,  the  king 
and  nobility  fled  to  London,  and  the  squadron  was  either  abandoned 
or  scattered. 

The  Danes  took  instant  advantage  of  the  confusion.  Thurcytel  ^ 
the  Tall,  leader  of  a  piratical  community  which  had  for  some 
time  been  estabUshed  at  lona,  and  which  had  just  been  broken  up, 

'  .Sax.  Chron.,  -ilO,  411.  ^  lb.,  -112,  413.  ^  Ih.,  413. 

*  Kiculas,  '  Hist,  of  Eoy.  Kav.,'  i.  -13. .  °  Or  Tburkel. 


1010.]  THUBCYTEL    THE    TALL.  45 

had  an  understanding  with  Swej'n,  and  arrived  with  fifty  ships 
at  Greenwich.  He  plundered  great  part  of  the  south  of  England, 
extorted  heavy  siims  by  way  of  ransom,  captured  Canterbury, 
thanks  to  the  treachery  of  Elfinar,  sacked  that  city,  and  murdered 
Ai-chbishop  Alphege  at  a  drunken  orgie  on  Easter  Saturday,  1012. 
Meanwhile  London  was  ineffectually  attacked,^  and  Oxford  was 
burnt.  Ethclred  could  do  nothing.  He  was  tired  of  buying  off 
invaders.  He  hired  Thurcytel,  and  forty-five  of  his  ships,^  to  assist 
in  the  protection  of  the  kingdom.  Sweyn  came  once  more,  in  1013, 
accompanied  by  his  son  Canute,  and  landed  at  Sandwich.  Thence 
he  went  to  the  mouth  of  the  Humber,  and  thence  along  the  Trent  as 
far  as  Gainsborough.  Northern  England  submitted  to  him ;  and 
when  he  had  horsed  his  army  he  marched  southward,  leaving  his 
prisoners  and  his  ships  under  the  care  of  Canute.  London  was 
attacked,  but  Thurcytel  contributed  to  the  defence ;  and  Ethelred 
was  able  to  repulse  the  Danes,^  who  thereupon  turned  their  attention 
to  the  reduction  of  the  West  of  England,  which  quickly  acknow- 
ledged Sweyn  as  king.  This  defection  decided  the  wretched 
Ethelred  to  abandon  his  country.  Once  more  Thurcytel  proved 
useful,  for  they  were  his  ships  that  escorted  the  unfortunate 
monarch  to  Normandy  ;  but  Thiu'cytel's  fidelity  was  only  hired,  and, 
thi-ee  years  later,  the  soldier  of  fortune  was  fighting  for  Sweyn's 
son  Canute  against  Etheh-ed's  son  Edmund  Ironside.  He  died 
Eegent  of  Denmark. 

Canute  succeeded  his  father  in  1014.^  At  the  news  of  the  old 
king's  death  Ethelred  retm'ned,  with  Edmimd  Ironside,  and  was 
acclaimed  by  the  Saxon  portion  of  the  people,  who  declared  "  that 
no  lord  was  dearer  to  them  than  their  natural  lord,  if  he  would  rule 
them  rightlier  than  he  had  before  done."  Etheh-ed  made  promises 
freely,  and  entered  into  a  kind  of  compact  with  his  subjects,  the 
first  of  the  kind  on  record  in  Enghsh  history.  One  of  the  first 
things  he  did,  however,  was  to  levy  £21,000  for  the  army,^  with 
which  he  marched  against  Canute,  who  was  at  Liudsey,  and  who 
retired  in  his  ships  to  Sandwich,  where,  after  mutilating  them  by 
cutting  off  their  hands,  ears,  and  noses,  he  landed  the  hostages  who 
had  been  entrusted  to  his  father  Sweyn.      "With  Sandwich  °  as  his 

'  Sax.  Chron.,  414.  ;  -  lb.,  418.  '  lb.,  418,  419. 

*  Jb.,  420.  ^  lb.,  420,  421. 

'  Later,  on  his  safe  return  from  a  iiilgrimage  to  liome,  Canute  gave  the  port  of 
Sandwich,  and  the  dues  arising  from  it,  to  Christ  Churcli,  Canterbury, 


46  MILITARY  EIST0E7   TO  1066.  [1020. 

base,  Canute  ravaged  Kent,  Somerset,  Dorset,  and  Wiltshire ;  later, 
he  laid  waste  Mercia  and  Northmnbria,  and  subdued  them ;  but 
while  he  was  still  preparing  for  the  final  reconquest  of  Wessex, 
his  rival  Ethehed  died  on  April  23rd,  1016. 

Edmund  Ironside  was  chosen  king  by  the  citizens  of  London, 
who  were  at  that  moment  threatened  by  the  presence  of  Canute  in 
the  Thames.  Canute  had  been  reinforced  by  the  desertion  from 
Edmund  of  Edric  Streona,  one  of  Ethehed's  oldest,  most  trusted, 
and  most  deceitful  advisers,  with  forty  ships.^  Edric  subsequently 
deserted  back  to  Edmimd,  and  again,  at  the  battle  of  Assandun, 
back  to  Canute — all  within  a  year.  Edmimd  was  iu  the  west  when 
in  May  or  June  Canute's  fleet  approached  London ;  and  the  invaders 
were  able,  by  digging  a  canal  round  the  south  side  of  the  city,  so  to 
station  their  vessels  that  they  could  act  both  above  and  below  bridge. 
The  place  was  held  by  the  inhabitants,  but  it  was  closely  blockaded 
by  water  and  invested  by  land,  until  Edmund,  after  much  fight- 
ing, returned,  and  obliged  the  Danes  to  raise  the  siege  and  retire 
down  the  river.  Various  successes  ^  were  gained  by  each  side  until 
towards  the  close  of  1016,  when  the  Danes  won  so  conclusive  a 
victory  at  Assandun,  supposed  to  be  Aslington  in  Essex,  that  the 
Saxon  Witan  itself  proposed  the  division  of  the  country  between  the 
rivals.  This  solution  had  scarcely  been  agreed  to  ere  Edmtmd  died, 
after  a  reign  of  only  seven  months,  and  Canute  became  sole  monarch 
of  England. 

The  naval  exploits  of  Canute  after  1016  scarcely  belong  to 
English  history,  for  although  this  great  king  spent  most  of  his  time 
in  this  country,  and  reckoned  it  the  chief  of  his  numerous  posses- 
sions, England  was  at  peace  during  most  of  his  reign.  Nicolas^ 
thus  summarises  from  the  Saxon  Chronicle  his  goings  and  comings  : 
"In  1018  he  sent  part  of  his  forces  back  to  Denmark;  but  he 
retained  forty  ships  rmtil  the  following  year,  when  he  went  with 
them  to  that  kingdom.  Canute  returned  to  England  early  iu  1020, 
and  in  1022  he  is  said  to  have  accompanied  his  fleet  to  the  Isle  of 
Wight ;  but,  as  in  1023,  he  is  stated  to  have  '  come  again  to 
England,'  it  would  seem  that  he  had  made  a  more  distant  voyage, 
probably  to  Denmark.  In  1025  Canute  again  visited  Denmark 
with  his  ships,  and  being  attacked  at  the  Holm  by  a  Swedish  fleet 
and    army,   after   a   sanguinary   conflict    the    Swedes   remained   in 

'  Sax.  Chron.,  422.  -  lb.,  422-424. 

=  Nicolas,  i.  48 ;  from  Sax.  Chron.,  426^29. 


1038.]  RISE   OF   GODWIN.  47 

possession  of  the  field.  His  return  to  England  is  not  noticed  ;  hut 
in  1028  he  went  from  England  '  with  fifty  ships  of  English  thanes ' 
to  Norway,  and  having  di-iveu  King  Olaf  out  of  the  country,  took 
possession  of  his  dominions." 

In  one  sense,  therefore,  we  may  reckon  Norway  as  England's 
first  foreign  conquest,  in  that  it  was  made,  partially  at  least,  by 
Englishmen,  though  for  the  Danish  rather  than  for  the  English 
crown.  In  another  direction  also  the  country  made  a  new  departure 
under  Canute,  who  established  the  Huscai-ls,  a  permanent  force  of 
fighting  men  governed  under  a  military  code.  They  were  either 
3000  or  6000  in  number,  and  constituted  the  earhest  approach  to  a 
standing  army  in  England.  The  invasion  of  Scotland  in  1031  was 
a  naval  as  well  as  a  military  expedition,  but  few  details  of  it  have 
been  handed  down  to  us ;  and  after  it,  until  Canute's  death  at 
Shaftesbury  in  November,  103-5,  there  was  peace. 

Upon  Canute's  death,  his  son  by  Emma,'  widow  of  King 
Ethelred,  seized  Denmark,  while  his  reputed  son  by  Elgiva  of 
Northampton  was  generally  supported  in  England,  though  not  by 
the  West  Saxons  nor  by  Godwin,  who  was  already  powerful.  In 
consequence,  the  former,  Hardicanute,  became  for  a  time  King  of 
Denmark  and  Wessex,  and  the  latter,  Harold  I.,  King  of  England 
north  of  the  Thames.  An  attempt  in  1036  by  two  of  Ethelred's 
sons  to  recover  their  father's  kingdom  failed,  and  was  bloodily 
pimished  by  Harold  ;  and  in  the  following  year  the  people,  becoming 
disgusted  with  Hardicanute's  long  absence  abroad,  forsook  him,  and 
gave  in  their  general  adhesion  to  Harold,  who  thus  reunited  the 
kingdom  into  a  whole,  which  has  never  since  been  split  up.  Emma 
was  banished  to  Flanders  ;  but  Harold  prudently  reconciled  himself 
with  Godwin,  who  had  put  himself  at  the  head  of  a  respectable 
English  party.  Hardicanute  was  little  inclined  to  submit  to  this 
arrangement,  and  in  1039  joined  his  mother  at  Bruges,  and  began 
preparations  for  an  invasion  of  England.  But  before  he  could  carry 
out  his  plans  Harold  died,  on  March  17th,  1040. 

Hardicanute  at  once  crossed  the  Channel,  arriving  at  Sandwich 
before  midsimimer  with  sixty  ships,  for  the  support  of  the  crews  of 
which  he  levied  a  tax  at  the  heavy  rate  of  eight  marks  per  rower. 
This  and  his  large  subsequent  levies  of  Heregeld,  as  well  as  his 
severities,  gained  him  much  unpopularity ;  and  in  the  hope  of 
bettering  his  position  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  he  sent  over  to 

'  Also  known  as  Edith. 


48  MILITARY  HISTORY  TO    1066.  [1013. 

Normandy  for  his  haK-brother  Edward,  son  of  Emma  by  Etheked, 
and  installed  him  at  court  as  heir  to  the  throne.  Accordingly,  when 
Hardicanute  died  in  June,  1042,  Edward,  later  known  as  the 
Confessor,  succeeded  without  serious  opposition. 

There  were  not  wanting  other  pretenders  to  the  crown.  One 
was  SwejTi  Estrithson,  a  nephew  of  Canute;  but  Godwin  was  on 
the  side  of  Edward,  and  Godwin  was  the  most  powerful  man  in  the 
country.  Magnus,  King  of  Norway  and  Denmark,  also  put  forward 
claims,  and  would  have  endeavoured  to  enforce  them  in  104.5,  had  his 
attention  not  been  distracted  by  the  attack  upon  him  of  Harold  Har- 
drada  and  Sweyn,  his  rivals  at  home.^  Meanwhile  Emma,  who  still 
coquetted  with  the  Danish  party,  and  who  seems  to  have  preferred 
her  connections  by  her  second  to  those  by  her  first  marriage,  was 
disgraced ;  and  later,  several  of  the  more  dangerous  Danish  lords  in 
England  were  banished  as  a  measure  of  precaution.  Thus  Edward's 
position  was  made  secure.  But  Edward  had  been  educated  at  the 
Norman  court,  and  had  Norman  sympathies  and  Norman  favourites. 
Danish  influence  gave  place,  not,  as  should  have  been  the  case,  to 
Enghsh,  but  to  Norman  ;  and  there  was  much  English  discontent. 

A  man  to  lead  the  national  party  was  happily  at  hand  in  the 
person  of  Godwin,  Earl  of  the  West  Saxons,  the  strongest,  most 
wealthy,  and  most  able  subject  of  his  day,  and  a  very  distinguished 
seaman.  He  seems  to  have  successively  misunderstood  the  ten- 
dencies both  of  Emma  and  of  Edward.  He  certainly  rendered 
valuable  assistance  to  the  plans  of  each,  vastly,  it  is  true,  increasing 
his  own  importance  and  social  dignity  in  the  process.  He  had 
married  Gytha,  a  niece  of  Canute  ;  his  daughter  Edith  married 
Edward  the  Confessor  ;  his  sons  and  nephews  were  all  advanced  to 
high  posts.  But  at  length  he  aroused  himself  to  the  growing 
seriousness  of  the  foreign  aggressions,  and  took  up  a  definite  position 
in  the  van  of  the  national  movement.  Godwin  forced  upon  the 
Enghsh  monarchy  almost  the  first  of  the  long  series  of  constitutional 
compromises  which  have  given  us  our  liberties.  He  may  have  been 
a  selfseeker  ;  undoubtedly  he  was,  in  some  stages  of  his  career,  very 
much  like  a  pirate.  But  he  initiated  a  good  work.  When  foreign 
influence,  grown  to  an  unexampled  height,  at  length  procured  the 
outlawry  of  him  and  his  family,  he  retired  to  Flanders,  to  reappear 
at  the  head  of  a  fleet.  He  was  beloved  and  admired  by  the  people, 
and  Edward,  the  most  overrated  of  the  English  kings,  was  supported 

'  Sax.  Chron.,  435. 


104j.]  THE  FLEET  AT  SASDWICII.  49- 

only  by  the  clei-f^'  and  the  foreifjners.  Opposition  was  liopeless  ;  the 
king's  forces  refused  to  tight  against  the  EngHsh  hero,  and  Edward 
had  to  give  way  on  nearly  all  points,  and  to  get  rid  of  the  raoi-e 
objectionable  of  his  Norman  advisers  and  sycophants.  Here  the  sea 
helped  in  the  striking  of  a  heax-y  blow  for  the  caiise  of  freedom ; 
and  although  Godwin  survived  his  triumph  for  only  a  year,  he  died 
victor  in  a  great  constitutional  struggle. 

But  the  naval  events  of  the  reign  must  be  noted  in  their  order. 
Godwin's  victory  came  late. 

The  fleet  seems  to  have  been  cared  for  throughout.  In  1044 
Edward  was  at  Sandwich  with  thirty-five  ships,  and  in  1045,  when 
the  invasion  of  Magnus  was  expected,  as  large  a  fleet  as  had  ever 
been  seen  in  England  was  collected  at  the  same  port.  Edward  was 
asked  by  Sweyn  to  assist  him  with  a  squadron  of  fifty  vessels  against 
Magnus,  but  the  request  was  refused.'  Magnus's  navy  being  re- 
puted to  be  exceedingly  powerful,  and  popular  opinion  being  aj)- 
parently  doubtful  whether  that  of  England  would  be  justified  in 
going  far  from  its  own  coasts  to  intervene  in  a  foreign  quarrel.  Nor 
was  the  refusal  unwise,  for  there  was  plenty  for  the  fleet  to  do  at 
home.  Not  long  afterwards  Sandwich  itself  was  attacked  by  the 
pirates  Lothing  and  Yrling,^  with  twenty-five  ships,  and  a  large 
amount  of  booty  was  carried  away.  Thanet  also  was  attacked,  but 
drove  off  its  assailants.  Essex  fared  less  fortunately,  and  was 
ravaged,  the  pirates  taking  their  spoils  to  Flanders  and  there  selling 
them.  The  king  was  at  sea  during  this  time,  but  did  not  succeed  in 
falling  in  with  the  freebooters. 

Baldwin,  Count  of  Flanders,  had  protected  the  operations  of 
these  and  other  sea-robbers,  and  consequently,  when,  in  1049, 
Baldwin  was  at  war  with  the  emperor,  and  the  latter  invited 
Edward  to  assist  in  blockading  the  territories  of  the  Count,  the 
King  of  England  was  disposed  to  comply,  and  once  more  collected 
his  fleet  at  Sandwich.^  But  he  appears  to  have  had  no  time  to  put 
to  sea  with  it  ere  Baldwin  and  the  emperor  came  to  terms,  and 
then,  deeming  that  so  large  a  force  was  unnecessary,  Edward  sent 
his  Mercian  contingent  home. 

The  rest  of  the  fleet  he  designed  to  utilise  for  another  object. 
Osgod  Clapa,  a  Dane  who  had  been  in  Edward's  service,  but  who 
had  been  banished  in  1040  for  suspected  complicity  in  the  machina- 
tions of  Magnus,  had  taken  to  piracy,  and  was  reported  to  be  at  Ulp 
'  Sax.  Cliroii.,  437,  438.  ^  lb.,  438.  »  76.,  438,  430. 

VOL.    I.  E 


50  MILITARY  BISTORY   TO   1066.  "  [1049. 

with  thirty-nine  ships  ;  whereupon  Edward  dispatched  j)art  of  his 
force  in  chase  of  the  rover,  who  ran  for  Flanders  with  six  ships 
only,  leaving  the  rest  to  plunder  Essex  ;  and  as  the  English  force 
seems  to  have  been  cojupletely  deceived  and  to  have  pursued  Osgod, 
the  plunderers  did  their  work  almost  unmolested,  and  re-embarked 
in  safety.^     Thus  the  great  armament  at  Sandwich  did  little  good. 

While  the  king  was  still  at  Sandwich,  Godwin's  eldest  son 
Sweyn,  who,  in  consequence  of  having  been  refused  permission  to 
marry  the  Abbess  of  Leominster,  whom  he  had  abducted,  had 
throvni  up  his  earldom  and  retired  in  a  huff  to  Denmark,  decided  to 
endeavour  to  make  his  peace  with  Edward,  and  arrived  with  seven 
ships  at  Bosham  for  that  purpose.  Upon  his  appearance  off  the 
English  coasts  he  was  apparently  treated  as  an  enemy,  for  the  men 
of  Hastings  took  two  of  his  vessels  and  brought  them  to  the  king 
after  having  killed  their  crews. ^  During  his  absence  his  earldom 
had  been  divided  between  his  brother  Harold  and  his  cousin  Beorn. 
Both  Harold  and  Beorn  were  consequently  opposed  to  the  return  of 
Sweyn,  and  directed  him  to  put  to  sea  again,  giving  him  four  days 
wherein  to,  do  so.  This,  no  doubt,  incensed  Sweyn.  Soon  after- 
wards an  English  squadron,  consisting  of  two  "king's  ships"  and 
forty-two  "people's  ships,"  under  Godwin,  and  another  of  his  sons, 
Tostig,  with,  apparently,  Beorn  on  board,  was  driven  by  stress  of 
weather  into  Pevensey  while  in  pursuit  of  pirates.  Sweyn  went 
thither,  and  begged  Beorn  to  accompany  him  to  Sandwich  and  to 
intercede  for  him  with  the  king.  Beorn  agreed,  and  seems  to  have 
started  in  a  vessel  of  his  own,  or  overland.  But  Sweyn  presently 
seized  him,  and  took  him  by  boat  to  his  own  vessel,  which  pro- 
ceeded to  Dartmouth,  where  Sweyn  murdered  his  cousin  and  buried 
his  body  in  the  church.  It  was  subsequently  removed  to  Win- 
chester, and  interred  near  that  of  Canute  ;  and  Sweyn  '■'  escaped  to 
Flanders,  to  be  pardoned  in  1050,  and  restored  to  all  his  possessions 
by  Edward. ' 

.Another  naval  event  of  1049  was  the  arrival  of  thirty-six  ships 
from  Ireland  to  assist  Griffith  of  Wales.  Towards  the  end  of  the 
year  Edward  "  discharged  nine  ships  from  pay,  and  they  went  away, 
ships  and  all ;  and  five  ships  remained  behind,  and  the  king 
promised  them  twelve  months'  pay."* 

At  this  time  matters  were  rapidly  coming  to  a  head  between 

'  Sax.  Chron.,  440.  =  jrj_^   44i_  3  ji,_^  440^  441. 

*  lb.,  441,  442. 


1052.]  HE  VOLT  OF  GODWIN.  5  J 

Godwin  and  Edward.  In  10.51  the  king,  contrary  to  the  desire  of 
the  earl  and  of  the  monks  of  Canterbury,  saw  fit  to  advance  to  the 
Archbishopric  a  Nonnan,  Eobert  of  Jumieges,  who  had  previously 
been  for  six  5'ears  Bishop  of  London.  Another  Norman  had 
been  made  Bishop  of  Dorchester,  and  the  English  party  was  greatly 
annoyed.  It  was  then  that  Godwin  was  ordered  to  Dover  to  punish 
the  townsmen  for  their  behaviour  to  some  piratical  followers  of 
Baldwin  of  Flanders.  Godwin  declined  to  do  this  unless  the  men 
were  first  given  a  fair  trial.  It  was  then  also  that  complaints  were 
made  by  the  people  of  Sweyn's  earldom  of  Hereford  that  some 
Normans  or  French  had  established  themselves  there,  and  were 
ill  treating  the  country  folk. 

Godwan  and  his  family  seem  to  have  thought  that  the  moment 
had  come  for  stern  resistance  to  Edward's  unreasonable  preference 
of  foreigners.  Sweyn  and  Harold,  and  even  Tostig,  who  had  lately 
married  a  sister  of  Baldwin,  were  of  one  mind.  The  Witan  at 
Gloucester  summoned  Godwin  to  attend  before  it.  The  earl  replied 
by  collecting  his  friends  at  Beverstone,  near  Malmesbury.  The 
Witan  removed  to  London,  and  outlawed  Sweyn,  but  contented 
itself  with  again  summoning  the  earl  and  Harold,  to  whom,  however, 
safe  conduct  and  hostages  were  refused ;  so  that  their  only  course 
was  flight. 

Godwin  and  Sweyn  went  to  Bosham,  embarked  thence  for 
Flanders,  and  stayed  abroad  during  the  winter.^  Harold  embarked 
at  Bristol  for  Ireland.  Sweyn,  recollecting  the  abducted  abbess  and 
the  murder  of  Beorn,  departed  on  a  pilgi-image  to  Jerusalem,  and 
died  while  on  his  way  back  ;  but  early  in  1052  the  other  members  of 
the  exiled  family  began  active  operations  with  a  view  to  return. 

Harold,  with  a  squadron,  appeared  off  the  mouth  of  the  Severn, 
sacked  some  places  in  Somersetshire  and  Devonshire,  and  killed  a 
number  of  people,  including  "more  than  thirty  good  thanes."  The 
threat  of  an  invasion  from  Flanders  by  Godwin  prevented  inter- 
ference ;  for  forty  ships "  of  Edward's  fleet,  probably  nearly  all  the 
vessels  then  in  commission,  lay  at  Sandwich  imder  the  Earls  Kalf 
and  Odda,  or  cruised  in  the  offing,  on  the  look-oiit  for  the  enemy. 
Godwin  evaded  them  and  landed  at  Komney,  where,  in  his  own 
territories,  his  popularity  raised  him  a  large  force,  all  the  "  butse- 
carls,"  or  boatmen,  of  Hastings  and  the  neighbouring  ports  joining 
him  enthusiastically.  It  is  less  than  forty  miles  by  sea  from  Sand- 
'  Sax.  Cbroii.,  44-i.  ^  Ingram  has  '■  smacks." 

E   2 


52  MILITARY  HISTORY   TO   1066.  [1002. 

wich  to  Bomney  Bay,  but  the  king's  ships  did  not  succeed  in  getting 
to  the  latter  place  in  time  to  prevent  the  earl  from  sailing  thence  to 
the  westward.  Balf  and  Odda  returned  to  Sandwich,  and  went 
thence  to  London,  where  it  is  not  astonishing  that  thej^  were 
superseded.  As  for  Godwin,  he  went  no  farther  west  than  the  Isle 
of  Wight,  and  was  there  joined  by  Harold,  with  nine  ships  from 
Ireland.  The  combined  force  returned  up  Channel,  picking  up 
more  butsecarls  at  Bomuej^  and  Folkestone,  and  reached  Sandwich 
"with  an  overflowing  army."'  The  royal  fleet  had  qiiitted  Sand- 
wich, and  Godwin  pressed  on  for  the  Thames.  He  mounted  as  far 
as  Sputhwark,  fomid  the  people  there  well  disposed  towards  him, 
entered  into  an  understanding  with  them,  landed  some  troops,  and 
advanced  cautiously  through  the  south  arch  of  London  Bridge. 
The  royal  fleet,  increased  to  fifty  ships,  seems  to  have  lain  some- 
where below  the  spot  where  now  stands  St.  Paul's ;  and  Godwin 
was  upon  the  point  of  attacking  it,  when,  happily,  an  arrangement 
was  come  to,  and  bloodshed  was  prevented." 

Thus  Godwin  trimnphed.  His  victory  led  to  the  outlawry  of 
Bobert  of  Jumieges,  Bishop  Ulf,  and  other  Norman  place-holders, 
who  escajped  with  considerable  difficulty  to  Normandy  ;  and  Enghsh 
influences  became  predominant  at  court.  But  in  the  following  year 
the  great  earl  died.  He  had,  however,  a  worthy  successor  as  chief 
of  the  party  of  England  for  the  English,  in  the  person  of  his  eldest 
surviving  son,  Harold,  a  time  West  Sa.\on,  j'et  also,  on  his  mother's 
side,  a  grand-nephew  of  Canute.  Harold,  while  his  brother-in-law, 
Edward  the  Confessor,  lived,  was  a  strong  and  patriotic  mayor  of 
the  palace  to  a  roi  faineant,  and  at  first  he  was  zealously  supported 
by  all  the  members  of  his  house,  including  his  brothers  Tostig,  Earl 
of  Northumbria,  Gyrth,  Earl  of  East  Anglia,  and  Leofwin,  who  held 
swa}'  in  Kent,  Essex,  and  adjoining  counties.  The  two  last,  indeed, 
remained  faithful  to  their  kinsman  to  the  death. 

In  1062,  Griffith  of  Wales  once  more  became  troublesome  ;  and 
Harold  and  Tostig  combined  to  repress  him.  The  campaign  was 
chiefly  military  ;  but  its  issue  was  much  influenced  by  the  brilliant 
naval  success  of  Harold,  in  1063,  at  lludeland,  where  the  Welsh 
fleet  was  destroyed.  Griffith  was  assassinated  by  one  of  his  own 
followers,  and  both  his  head  and  the  prow  of  his  ship  were  sent  as 
trophies  to  Edward.^  Then  came  the  defection  of  Tostig,  in  some 
sense  the  gloomiest  actor  in  the  events  which  were  fast  crowding 
'  Sax.  Chion.,  446-448.  »  Ih.,  448,  449.  ^  Ih.,  458. 


lOGG.] 


SUCCESSION   OF  llAEOin. 


53 


upou  England.  He  bad  governed  ill  in  Northiunbria,  and  his  people 
revolted,  deposed  him,  and  set  up  Morkere  in  his  stead.  Edward, 
advised  by  Harold,  admitted  the  demands  of  the  insurgents,  recog- 
nised Morkere,  and  banished  Tostig,  who  retired  to  nurse  schemes 
of  revenge  at  Bruges.  Morkere,  it  should  be  said  in  explanation, 
was  brother  of  Edwin,  Earl  of  Mercia,  and  of  Aldgyth,  wife  of 
Harold,  and  widow  of  Griffith  of  Wales  ;  so  that  the  transfer  of 
power  in  Northmubria  did  not  necessarily  reduce  the  predominance 
of  the  family  interests  of  the  House  of  Godwin. 

On  January  6th,  1066,  the  Confessor  died,  after  bequeathing  his 
kingdom  to  Harold.  The  old  king  left  no  children  of  his  own,  and 
although  there  was  a  nearer  heir  in  the  person  of  Edgar  Atheling, 


SHIP   OF   HAROLDS    FLEET. 
(Frovi  the  Bayeux  Tapestry.) 

grandson  of  Edmund  Ironside,  and  although  he  had  a  certain 
following,  he  was  but  a  child  of  eight,  and,  of  course,  was  not 
in  a  position  either  to  press  his  claims  or  to  moimt  the  throne  in 
those  turbulent  times.  Indeed,  it  seems  to  have  been  so  clearly 
recognised,  even  by  his  friends,  that  the  burden  of  the  crown  would 
have  been  too  heavy  for  the  boy,  that  no  serious  efforts  were  made 
to  secure  it  for  him.  On  the  other  hand,  Harold  was  strong, 
vigorous,  popular,  and  in  the  prime  of  life.  The  only  serious  cloud 
upon  his  prospects  was  one  which  Harold,  who  was  best  aware  of 
its  existence,  did  not  regard  as  threatening.  It  had  been  his 
misfortune,  years  eai'lier,  to  be  wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Ponthieu, 
and  to  be  handed  over  by  the  noble  upon  whose  territory  he 
was  cast,  to  William,  Duke  of  Normandy,  who  had  exacted  as  price 
of  release  a  sworn  promise  that  Harold  would  support  William's 
claim  to  the  inheritance  of  Edward.     Harold  either  looked  upon  the 


54 


MILITARY  HISTOBY   TO   1066. 


[1066. 


whole  affair  as  a  gi'iiu  jest,  or  considei'ed  that  no  promise  made 
under  duress  was  binding  upon  him  ;  and,  when  Edward  died,  took 
the  crown,  apparently  with  confidence. 

He  underrated  William's  ambition  and  pertinacity.  But  before 
the  moment  came  for  him  to  reckon  with  his  most  dangerous 
enemy,  he  had  to  deal  with  his  troublesome  brother  Tostig,  who, 
upon  learning  of  Harold's  accession,  appeared  with  a  fleet  off  the 
Isle  of  Wight,  and  levied  money  and  provisions.  Tostig's  offer  to 
co-operate  with  William  was  rejected ;  and,  quitting  the  south  coast, 
the  outlaw  went,  with  sixty  ships,  to  the  Humber,  whence,  however, 
he  was  di-iven  by  Edwin  of  Mercia.  Never  very  popular,  he  was 
thereupon  forsaken  by  most  of  his  followers,  and  proceeded  with 
only  twelve  vessels  to  Scotland.  Harold  Hardrada  of  Norway,  also 
at  that  time  cherished  vague  designs  against  England,  and  was  at 
the  Orkneys  with  a  large  force.  The  king  and  the  outlaw  met,  and 
agreed  to  work  together.  They  sailed  to  the  Humber,  landed, 
defeated  Edwin  and  Morkere  at  Fulford,  and  seized  York  ;  but  King 
Harold  of  England,  the  most  energetic  leader  of  his  age,  marched 
rapidly  north,  and  on  the  25th  of  September,  1066,  fell  upon 
the  invaders  at  Stamford  Bridge,^  on  the  Derwent,  and  gained 
a  bloody,  but  complete  victory,  Harold  himself  being  womided, 
but  Harold  Hardrada  and  Tostig  being  slain.  The  pursuit  was  hot, 
and  comparatively  few  of  the  enemy  gained  their  ships,  many  of 
which  were  burnt. 

'  Sax.  Chion.,  462-465. 


(      55     ) 


CHAPTEE  III. 

VOYAGES   AND   DISCOVEKIES    TO    1066. 

H.  W.  Wilson. 

Pre-Roman  voyages  of  the  Britons — Early  ships — A.^ricohi's  voyajjes — Intercoui'se  witli 
Irehaiid — Witli  the  continent— The  Saxons— Irish  voyages — Evidence — Corniac 
MacArt — Niall — Irish  sliijis — Two  kinds  of  voyages — Tlie  mythical — The  religions 
— To  the  Orkneys — To  Iceland — Irish  discovery  of  America — Evidence  of  Sagas — 
Ireland  the  Great — Story  of  Bjorn  Asbrandsson — Testimony  of  Edisius — 'Were  the 
Mexicans  Irish? — Ofl'a  and  his  ships — Athelstan — The  A'ikiugs — Othere — Wulf- 
stan  voyages  to  the  Baltic — The  Norsemen  ou  the  British  coast — The  Orkneymen 
— Their  manner  of  lighting — Kavages  of  the  Norsemen — The  Manxmen. 

'■"T'*'*^''"*'*!      rpHE  history  of  British  voyages  and  discoveries 

must  of   necessity  begin  with  Caesar.      The 

stories  of  Brutus'  or  Brute's  saiHng  to  Albion  in 

the   days   of   ^neas,  with   the    attendant    fables, 

may  be  dismissed  as  the  figment  of  some  ingenious 

monk's  brain.      They  appear  to  have  had  little  basis  in  legend  and 

none  in  history.     The  visit  of  Pytheas  of  Marseilles  to  the  British 

Isles  in  the   fourth  century  B.C.,  and  the  casual   mention   of   the 

Phoenician  tin  trade  with  the  Cassiterides — which  may  or  may  not 

be   some   part  of  England — are  the  only  references  to  our  history 

in  these  dark  ages.     The  indirect  evidence  of  British  seafaring  in 

these  times  is,  however,  considerable.     A  cork  plug,  discovered  in  a 

canoe  of  very  early  date  disinterred  from  the  silt  at  Glasgow,^  points 

to  intercourse  with  Spain  ;  Italian  earthenware  has  been  discovered 

in  Lanarkshire  ;  the  red  amber,  so  largely  found  in  early  barrows, 

indicates  a  trade  with  the  Baltic  countries  ; '"  whilst  torques  of  gold 

and  strings  of  biight-coloured  glass  beads,  which  cannot  have  been 

made  in  the  island,  are  equally  good  evidence  of  commerce  with  the 

Phoenicians  and  the  land  of  the  south. ^     Strabo  alludes  to  the  fact 

that  the  Romans  imposed  customs  duties  upon  the  British  imports 

from  Celtica,  which  consisted  of  ivory,  bracelets,  amber,  and  glass.* 

It   is   not  quite  certain  that  the  Britons  of  this  date  voyaged 

'  Elton,  'Origins  of  Eng.  Hist.,'  2nd  ed.  231;  Burton,  'Hist.  Scotland,'  i.  51. 
2  lb.,  63.  »  lb..  111.  •*  iv.  4,  circ.  180  a.u. 


56  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES    TO    106G.  [B.C.  100. 

themselves,  though  it  is  on  the  whole  probable.  They  were  not 
all  savages ;  on  the  contrary,  the  inhabitants  to  the  soiith  of  the 
Thames  appear  to  have  been  civilised,  and  to  have  made  consider- 
able progress  in  the  arts.  It  is,  of  course,  possible  that  these 
various  imports  were  conveyed  to  them  in  the  ships  of  Venetan  or 
German  traders.  This  is  the  supposition  of  those  who  doi;bt 
whether  the  early  Britons  had  ships  at  all,  or  anything  more 
than  the  coracle.'  But  some  coracles,  as  we  shall  see,  were 
capable  of  long  voyages. 

The  Latin  writers  never  explicitly  state  that  the  Britons  had 
ships ;  on  the  other  hand,  they  constantly  mention  the  Britons 
as  using  coracles.  Caesar,  when  he  had  to  cross  a  river  in  Spain, 
remembered  the  coracles  he  had  seen  in  Britain,  and  ordered  his 
soldiers  to  make  them.^  Lucan  ^  and  Phny,^  and  the  later  Festus 
Avienus^  are  as  positive.  That  the  British  had  ships  of  stout 
construction  may,  as  hinted  in  a  previous  chapter,  be  inferred  from 
the  passage  in  Caesar,  where  he  says  "  the  Veneti  obtained  help 
from  Britain,"  ^  as  well  as  from  a  mention  in  the  Welsh  Triads 
of  "  roving  British  fleets,"  and  from  the  fact  of  the  building  of  a 
ship  with  sail  and  oar  by  one  Ceri.  Surer  testimony  is  afforded 
by  the  two  boats  discovered  at  Glasgow,  both  of  which  are  built 
of  planks,  apparently  clinker  fashion,  and  fastened  together  with 

'  For  descriptions  of  tlie  coracle,  see  page  3  and  60,  n. 

-  '  Bell.  Civil.'  i.  54. 

*  '  I'harsal.'  iv.  131,  thus  translated  in  Nedhani's  '  Selden ' : 

"  Of  twigs  and  willow  boord 
They  made  small  boats,  covered  with  bullock's  hide, 
In  which  they  reached  the  river's  further  side. 
So  sail  the  Veneti  if  Padus  flow, 
The  Britons  sail  on  their  calm  ocean  so." 

■*  iv.  30,  uitilibus  nauigiis. 
'  '  Oraj  Marit.'  v.  103  : 

"  Kon  hi  carinas  quippe  pina  texere 
Acereve  norunt,  non  abiete  ut  usus  est 
Curvant  phaselos,  sed  rei  ad  rairaculum 
Kavigia  junctis  semper  aptant  pellibus." 

"  'Bell.  Gall.'  iii.  0.  The  word  for  "help"  is  "auxilia,"  which  ndght  jjerfectly  well 
mean  "troops,"  not  ships.  The  ships  of  the  Veneti  are  described  by  Ca;sar  as  tlat- 
keeled,  of  light  draught,  built  of  strong  oak  with  high  foc'sles  and  poops.  The  banks 
for  the  oars  had  beams  a  foot  square,  bolted  at  each  end  with  iron  jiir.s  as  thick  as  a 
man's  thumb.  Elton,  'Origins,'  231;  Burton,  'Scotland,'  i.  308;  Ca>sar,  'Bell 
Gall.'  iii.  9-13.  Ca:sar  asserts  that  Great  Britain  was  almost  unknown  to  the  G.auls 
— only  merchants  went  there.  The  Gauls  may,  however,  have  concealed  their  inter- 
course with  Britain  from  him. 


A.T).  81.]  EARLY  liRlTISH   COMMERCE.  57 

oaken  pins  and  nails  of  metal.  The  more  elaborate  of  these  boats 
were  18  feet  long.'  Vegetius,  in  his  treatise  on  military  art,  tells  us 
that  the  British  ships  were  painted  blue,  in  order  that  they  might 
escape  notice. - 

On  the  subjugation  of  Britain  by  the  Komans,  which  followed 
the  expeditions  of  Claudius  and  Agiicola,  a  considerable  trade,  as 
we  have  seen,  existed  with  Gaul.^  Agricola  sent  his  fleet  as  far 
as  the  Orkneys,  which  he  discovered  and  subdued.  "  Thule  "  was 
seen  in  the  distance,  but  was  not  approached,^  and  Great  Britain 
was  circumnavigated.  He  may  have  sent  his  ships  to  the  Isle  of 
Man,  as  inscriptions  and  remains  testify  to  the  presence  of  the 
Romans  there. ^  At  the  same  time  he  made  preparations  to  attack 
Ireland,  where,  he  had  learnt  from  traders  and  merchants,  there 
were  excellent  harbours.  It  is  thus  to  be  inferred  that  there  was,  at 
this  date  (a.d.  81),  intercourse  between  Ireland  and  Great  Britain. 
London  is  noticed  by  Tacitus  as  now  veiy  much  frequented  by 
traders,  which  again  is  evidence  of  travel.  The  commerce  was 
apparently  in  oysters,  slaves,  dogs,  tin,  and  lead,  and  was  carried  on 
from  the  ports  of  Southampton  and  Eichborough,  besides  London. 
Strabo  tells  us  that  the  favourite  ports  in  France  for  the  traffic 
with  England  were  Boulogne,  and  the  mouths  of  the  Ehine,  Seine, 
Loire,  and  Garonne.^  To  reach  the  last  two  some  very  difficult 
and  dangerous  navigation  would  be  necessary  past  Ushant  and 
the  Eaz  de  Sein,  demanding  seaworthy  ships.  In  the  reign  of 
Julian  (A.D.  360)  we  are  told  that  there  were  eight  hundred  ships 
engaged  in  the  corn  trade  between  Briton  and  Gaul.  The  Britons 
of  that  time  had,  however,  to  suffer  terribly  when  the  Eomans 
withdrew. 

The  budding  civilisation    of    the    island  was  abandoned  to  bar- 

'  Elton,  'Origins,'  231.  Tlie  stem  of  the  larger  boat  was  a  triangular  piece  of  oak, 
fitted  in  as  in  our  tiay.  In  one  boat  was  a  fine  axe  of  greenstone.  The  prow  of  tlie 
larger  vessel  was  galley  shajieil.  Early  representations  of  ships  are  also  found  on 
Scotch  sculptured  stones.  In  these  the  rigging  is  quite  complicated.  Burton,  'Scot- 
land,' i.  308.  Ko  such  early  representations  are,  however,  to  lie  foimd  in  the  '  Si)a!diiig 
Club  Book.'     Jas.  Stuart,  Aberdeen. 

-  'DeKeMilitari,'  iv.  37. 

'  Claudius  gave  by  law  privileges  to  those  wlio  built  sliii)s  of  10,000  modii,  or  about 
60  tons  burden.     Suet.  Claud.  18. 

■*  Tacitus,  'Agricola,'  10.  "Tlude"  was  i>robably  the  Sliethuul  group.  Tacitus 
alludes  to  the  strong  tides  and  races  thus :  "  The  waters  are  heavy  and  yield  with 
diniculty  to  the  oars ;  they  are  not  raised  by  the  winds  as  on  other  seas." 

''  Train,  '  History  of  the  Isle  of  Man,'  i.  43. 

'  The  passage  is  given.     'Monunienta  Britan.'  Scriptores,  Gr.  atcpie  Lat.  vi. 


58  VOYAGES  A^W    D1SC0VEBIE8  .TO   1066.  [A.D.  160. 

barism  and  outer  darkness.  There  is  the  scantiest  historical  record 
for  the  years  which  followed.  The  Comes  Littoris  Saxonici  and  the 
Comes  Britannia;  could  no  longer  protect  the  island  from  the  inroads 
of  Saxon  and  Celt.  Commerce  would  necessarily  decline  and  the 
sea  be  abandoned  by  the  weaker  Britons,  who  tied  to  Brittany, 
or  were  driven  from  the  British  coasts  by  the  depredations  of  the 
northern  pirates.' 

The  new  anivals  were  expert  seamen.  They  came  from  the 
Saxon  islands  near  the  Elbe  mouth  in  "  ceols,"  ^  and  were  in  the 
strictest  sense  pirates  or  adventurers.  Besides  these  "  ceols,"  which 
seem,  to  have  been  small  ships  built  of  wood,  they  had  also  skin 
boats.  Whilst  they  harassed  the  east  the  Irish  were  equally  busy 
on  the  west  burning  and  plundering.  To  their  early  voyages  we 
may  now  appropriately  turn. 

The  Celtic  inhabitants  of  Ireland  appear  to  have  been  bold 
navigators  at  a  very  early  date.  Unlike  their  kmsmen  the  Welsh, 
and  hke  the  Bretons,  Cornishmen,  Menevians,  and  West  Coastmen 
of  Scotland,  they  have  always  shown  a  taste  for  the  sea,  which  has 
declined,  but  not  disappeared,  with  the  lapse  of  time.  A  large 
proportion  of  the  sailors  serving  in  our  fleet  during  the  great  French 
war  were  Irishmen,^  and  the  fishermen  of  Connaught  are  good 
seamen  to  this  day.  They  are,  in  fact,  very  similar  in  character  and 
daring  to  the  Bretons. 

Of  Irish  voyages  in  the  early  Roman  and  pre-Eoman  times  we 
know  absolutely  nothing.  There  is,  however,  evidence  of  inter- 
course with  the  Roman  Empire  in  the  Roman  coins  which  have 
been  found  along  the  east  coast  of  Ireland.  They  date  from  the 
time  of  the  Republic  to  a.d.  160.*  Whether  they  came  from  Gaul 
in  Irish  boats,  or  whether  from  Britain,  cannot  be  determined. 
There  is  in  Spain  a  tradition  of  voyages  from  the  Basque  country, 

'  In  this  period  fall  the  voyages  of  Arthur,  which  are  probably  mythical,  reflecting 
tlie  tradition  of  the  Irish  anchorites'  travels.  He  is  said  by  Geofl'rey  of  Monmouth, 
whose  chronicle  has  no  historical  value  for  this  period,  to  have  subdued  Ireland  and 
Iceland,  and  to  have  extorted  homage  from  the  kings  of  Orkney,  Gotlan<l,  Norway, 
and  Denmark.  Larabarde  {timp.  1568 ;  see  Hakluyt,  B.L.  i.  3)  adds  Greenland  to 
tlie  catalogue  of  his  possessions.  It  is  significant  that  conteiuijorary  writers  never 
mention  Arthur  or  any  of  these  truly  remarkable  voyages.  Malgo,  whose  voj-ages  are 
also  recorded  by  Geofifrey  of  Monmouth,  is  probably  not  more  historical. 

="  Or  "  keels." 

*  Lecky,  'Hist.  England.' 

*  Stokes,  '  Ireland  and  the  Celtic  Church '  (London,  1886),  p.  16.  Skene,  '  Celtic 
Scotland'  CEdinburgh,  1890),  iii.  115,  doubts  their  historic  existence. 


A.D.  222.]  IRISH   VOYAGES.  5& 

al)out  '200  B.C.,  to  Ireliiud,'  the  ships  employed  being  made  of  tree- 
trunks  hollowed  out  and  covered  with  leather.  This  may  he 
reflected  in  the  Irish  story  of  the  "  Milesian "  invasion.  The 
dark  complexion  of  the  west  coast  population  gives  some  coun- 
tenance to  the  stor}',  and  a  careful  comparison  of  Basque  and  Irish 
skulls  has  fiu'ther  confirmed  it."  There  is  some  slight  interest  to 
the  student  of  naval  evolution  in  the  glimpse  of  early  Biscayan  ships 
which  it  affords. 

In  '222  A. D.,  according  to  the  'Annals  of  the  Four  Masters,'  a 
large  fleet  went  from  Ireland  over  sea,  and  did  not  return  for  three 
years.  During  that  time  Cormac  MacArt,  its  commander  and  the 
titular  king  of  Ireland,  was  ravaging  the  coasts  of  England.  The 
grip  of  the  Romans  on  Britian  had  been  weakened  by  the  failure  of 
Severus  to  quell  a  Celtic  insurrection  between  the  years  208-211  a.d., 
and  this  probably  was  what  encoiu'aged  Cormac's  inroads.  By  3(59 
the  Irish  ships  had  become  so  dangerous  that  Theodosius,  on  his 
reconquest  of  Great  Britain,  appointed  a  Comes  Britaiiniarum, 
besides  a  Dux  Britannia  and  a  Comes  Littoris  Saxonici,  to  protect 
the  western  coast  from  the  Irish.'  The  victories  of  Theodosius  are 
commemorated  in  Claudian's  verses  when  the  poet  sings  of  "  icy 
lerne  lamenting  the  heaps  of  slaughtered  Scots,"  "  the  Orkneys 
reeking  with  Saxon  gore,"  and  Thule  "  growing  warm  with  the 
blood  of  the  Picts."*  If  this  be  anything  more  than  poetic  licence, 
the  fleets  on  either  side  must  have  gone  far  afield.  Less  than  a 
half  centmy  later,  Niall  of  the  Nine  Hostages,  a  direct  ancestor  of 
our  Queen,  as  it  is  claimed,  was  plundering  in  the  English  Channel, 
and  fell  in  battle,  probably  off  Boulogne.^  The  Saxons  and  Scots, 
as  the  inhabitants  of  Ireland  were  called  at  an  early  date,  were  often 
confused  by  the  Komans,  which  may  explain  why  we  do  not  hear 
even  more  of  the  Irish. 

Sidonius  ApoUinaris    mentions  these  pirates  as  "ploughing  the 

British   sea   in   a   skin,   and  cleaving   the   grey   waters  in  a  sewn 

skiff."  "^     These  phrases  can  only  refer  to  coracles,  which  were  the 

earliest  fonu  of  boat  known  to  have  existed  in   this  country.     At 

the  same  time,  it  is  difficult  to  suppose  that  the  Irish  Celts  had 

'  Alvarez  de  Culinenar,  'Anii.ik's  d'E-'Jiiiignc,'  ii.  55  (1741). 
2  SkeiieV  'Celtic  Scotland,'  i.  1G!I-174. 

"  Cf.   Kltoii,  'Origiiies,'   2iid   ed.   .■i;!8 ;    Nedliaiu's    'Seidell,'  211;    Skene's    'Celtic 
Scotland,'  i.  101. 

■*  Claudian,  Flinders  and  I'etfie,  '  Mon.  Brit.'  xcviii. 
»  Stokes,  38.  «  Sid.  Apoll. 


60  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES    TO   1066.  [540. 

coracles  and  nothing  else.  The  '  Tripartite  Life  of  S.  Patrick,'  which 
is  of  the  tenth  or  eleventh  centuiy,  mentions  several  kinds  of  ships  : 
"  noe"  or  ship  ;  "  curach,"  or  coracle ;  "  ethar ;  "  "  long,"  or  vessel ; 
and  " coblach"  ;^  whilst  Adamnan,  in  his  'Life  of  Columba,'  which 
was  certainly  written  in  the  seventh  century,  and  which  is  therefore 
older  and  so  much  the  more  valuable,  mentions  nine  kinds  of  ships  : 
"  alnus,"  "  barca,"  "  cuupalhis,"  "  curuca,"  "  navis  longa,"  "  navis 
oneraria,"  "  navicula,"  and  "  scapha."^  From  this  it  is  perfectly 
clear  that  by  6.50  a.d.  the  Irish  had  made  considerable  progress 
in  the  art  of  ship  construction.  They  were  a  civilised  race,  and 
must  not  be  confused  with  the  painted  barbarians  of  the  early 
Eoman  writers. 

There  are  two  distinct  sets  of  Irish  voyages.  The  first,  which 
are  fully  narrated,  mythical ;  the  second,  true,  but  only  to  be 
inferred  from  facts  which  are  not  recorded  in  connection  with  the 
voyages  themselves.  In  addition,  the  claim  of  Ireland  to  the  dis- 
covery of  America  must  also  be  considered,  as  it  has  been  put 
forward  of  late  years  with  renewed  energy.  It  stands  somewhat 
apart  from  the  other  two  classes  of  voyages. 

Of  the  mythical  voyages — which  all  point  vaguely  to  a  dim 
knowledge  of  land  beyond  the  Atlantic — the  best  known  are  those  of 
the  sons  of  Ua  CoiTa,  who,  three  in  number,  sailed  with  five  others 
forty  days  and  forty  nights  out  into  the  Atlantic,  till  they  came  to  a 
land  of  men  moaning  and  lamenting.^  After  many  wild  adventures 
and  a  visit  to  an  Odyssean  inferno,  they  at  last  arrived  at  Spain. 
The  date  given  for  the  voyage  is  540.  A  little  later  St.  Brandan, 
Abbot  of  Cluainfert,  was  visited  by  a  friend,  Barontus,  who  told 
him  of  an  island  far  off  in  the  ocean,  which  had  been  promised  to 
the  saints.  For  this  island  St.  Brandan  set  sail  with  seventy-five 
monks  and  spent  seven  years  in  seafaring  and  adventiu'e.  He 
found   the   island,    which   was   no   sooner   seen  than  it  vanished.* 

'  '  Tripartite  Life  of  S.  Patrick '  (Chronicles  and  Kecords  Series),  vol.  i.  cxlix. 

^  A  full  description  of  this  kind  of  ancient  coracle  is  to  be  found  in  the  early 
'  Life  of  S.  Brendan,'  quoted  in  Heeves,  W.,  '  Vita  S.  Colunihic  Auctore  Adananano ' 
(Dublin,  1857),  pp.  169,  170.  This  coracle  was  made  of  greased  skins  fastened 
to  an  osier  frame.  Large  coracles  had  two  or  even  three  thicknesses  of  skin.  Tliey 
carried  masts  and  sails,  which  shows  tliey  must  have  been  of  tolerably  stout  con- 
struction. 

^  O'Curry,  '  Manuscript  Materials  for  h'ish  History,'  289. 

*  This  vanishing  island  was  in  later  years  often  reported  to  have  been  seen 
from  the  Canaries,  and  very  numerous  expeditions  were  sent  in  search  of  it.  See  also 
page  C3. 


891.]  "  SCOTS  "    VISIT  ALFRED.  61 

Though  not  so  named  in  the  narrative,  this  was  identified  with  the 
fabulous  island  of  Brazil  or  O'Brazile,  which  was  supposed  to  lie  to 
the  west  of  Ireland,  and  which  is  marked  in  all  early  maps.  The 
St.  Brandan  story  is  a  late  legend  and  cannot  be  traced  in  early 
Irish  history.  So  also  Maildun,  in  the  eighth  century,  sailed  to  the 
west  in  a  triple-hide  coracle  with  sixty  men,  and  saw  many  marvels, 
sea  monsters,  demon  horses,  red-hot  animals,  burning  rivers,  speak- 
ing birds,  and  submex'ged  cities.  But  these  tales  savour  rather  of 
fairyland  than  of  fact. 

Secondly  come  the  true  or  probable  voyages,  which  are  for  the 
most  part  connected  with  the  missionary  enterprise  of  the  Irish. 
Nothing  is  more  remarkable  than  the  vigour  and  energy  of  the  Irish 
chui-ch  in  the  seventh  and  eighth  centuries,  before  the  Norsemen's 
coming.  Irishmen  went  everywhere,  preaching  the  gospel.  We 
hear  of  them  in  South  Italy,  France,  Lower  Austria,  Switzerland, 
and  Germany.^  The  centre  of  activity  was  the  lonely  little  island 
of  lona,  from  which  bold  monks  crossed  in  boats  to  Lismore, 
Gairloch,  Tiree,  Eigg,  Skye,  and  Applecross,  voyaging  fearlessly 
upon  tempestuous  seas.  A  peculiar  feature  of  this  early  Irish 
Church  was  the  asceticism  which  led  its  votaries  to  seek  silence  and 
solitude.  They  spread  up  the  west  coast  of  Scotland  and  reached 
the  Orkneys  at  so  early  a  date  as  Columba's  time.  Thus  Adamnan 
relates  how  Columba  bids  the  ruler  of  the  Orkneys  treat  the  Irish 
pilgrims  gently.^  He  also  gives  the  voyage  of  Cormac,  who  was 
nearly  put  to  death  in  the  Orkneys,  and  afterwards  was  driven  from 
his  course  bj'  a  soutli  wind  fourteen  days'  and  nights'  voyage 
northwards  to  land,  which  may  have  been  the  Faroes  or  Iceland. 
On  the  way  he  was  nearly  lost,  as  "  foul  and  dangerous  beasts  smote 
his  coracle  so  hard  that  he  thought  they  would  pierce  the  skin 
covering  of  the  boat."  Through  the  praj'ers  of  Columba  he  was 
saved. ^  With  this  fourteen  days'  voyage  in  a  coracle  may  be 
compared  one  of  seven  days'  length,  mentioned  in  the  Saxon 
Chronicle.  Three  "  Scots,"  we  read  under  the  year  891,  came  to 
Alfred  in  a  hide  Ijoat  without  oars,  from  Iceland,  after  a  seven  days' 
passage  on  a  stormy  sea.  They  went  on  to  Rome  and  Jerusalem, 
being  probably  Munstermen,  who  about  this  time  pilgrimaged  much 

'  Bryant,    'Celtic  Irelaml,'   .'io ;   Stukes,  'Celtic  Cluircli,'   lol.     Coluuibaiuis  even 
asceiuls  the  Rhine,  and  voyajies  on  Lake  Constance. 

*  Adanin.  '  Vit.  tJolumb.'  ii.  42.     Columba  was  born  521,  anil  (lied  5117,  .\.v. 
^   Op.  cit. 


62  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVEEIES   TO   1066.  [950. 

to  Borne.     Possibly  the  use  of  the  coracle  may  have  been  required 
to  satisfy  asceticism.^ 

But  the  Irish  monks  did  not  stop  short  at  the  Orkneys.  Dicuil," 
an  Irishman,  who  wrote  in  the  ninth  century,  tells  us,  "  There  are 
many  other  islands  in  the  northern  British  Ocean  which  can  be 
approached  from  the  north  of  Great  Britain  with  full  sail  and  a  fair 
wind  in  two  daj^s  and  nights.  An  upright  monk  told  me  that  in  a 
small  boat  he  made  his  way  to  one  of  these.  The  islands  are  small 
.  .  .  and  our  anchorites  sailed  to  them  from  Scottia  and  dwelt  on 
them  .  .  .  but  they  are  now  deserted,  because  of  the  Norse  pirates." 
These  islands  are  j)robably  the  Shetlands  and  Faroes,  and  in  the 
latter  still  survives  a  tradition  of  holy  men  who  dwelt  there  before 
the  Norsemen.^  In  the  Shetlands  the  names  Papa  Stour,  Papa 
Litla,  and  Papa  Sund  recall  the  Norse  word  for  a  priest — "Papa." 
The  Norse  settlers  appeared  in  the  Faroes  about  the  middle  of  the 
ninth  century,  and  this  would  place  the  voyages  of  the  Irish  about 
the  end  of  the  eighth  or  beginning  of  the  ninth  century. 

So,  too,  if  we  may  believe  the  '  Islendingabok,'  at  the  coming  of 
the  Norsemen  there  were  Irish  priests  or  anchorites  in  Iceland.'' 
"There  were  there,"  says  Ari,  its  compiler,  "Christians  of  those 
whom  the  Norsemen  call  '  Papas  ' ;  but  they  straightway  retired 
because  they  did  not  wish  to  abide  there  with  Pagans.  They  left 
behind  them  Irish  books  and  bells  and  crosses,  whence  one  may 
gather  that  they  were  Irish."  Ari  is  equally  emphatic  in  another 
passage:  "Before  Iceland  was  settled  by  the  Norsemen  .  .  .  there 
were  Christians  there,  and  it  is  thought  that  they  came  from 
countries  to  the  west,  for  Irish  books,  bells,  and  crosses  have  been 
found  ...  at  Papey  and  Papyle  in  the  east  [of  Iceland]."  Finally 
Dicuil  asserts  that  "monks  have  dwelt  thirty  years  in  the  Isle  of 
Thule  between  February  and  August."*     He  speaks  of  the  short- 

'  (Jf.  S;ix.  Cliroii.,  year  891,  and  tlie«jiueni  quuteil  in  Reevesj'  'Ailaninan,'  285: 
"  Delightful  to  be  on  Benn-Edai' 
After  comini!:  o'er  the  white-hosonied  sea, 
To  row  one's  little  coracle 
Ochone!  on  the  swift-waved  shore. 
How  ra]iid  the  speed  of  my  coracle, 
And  its  stern  turned  iqion  Derry." 

''  Dicuil,  author  of  '  De  Mensura  Orbis,'  circ^  825  A.l>. 

'  I?ea\ivois,  'Comjite  Kcndu :  Con<;rfes  des  Americanistes'  (Nancy,  1875),  p.  08. 
'  The  '  Islcudiiigabi'.k  '  was  written  about  1120,  or  a  little  later,  by  Ari  I'roSi,  vide 
<'ha]iter  I. 

■'  '  De  Mens.  Orbis,'  vii.  2. 


950.]  IRELAND   AND  AMERICA.  63 

ness  of  the  summer  nights,  denies  that  the  island  is  surrounded  by 
ice,  and  mentions  a  frozen  sea  one  day's  sail  to  the  north.  It 
appears  from  his  words  that  the  monks  voyaged  to  Iceland  even  in 
winter.  The  strength  of  this  testimony  finds  corroboration  in  what 
we  read  elsewhere  of  the  Irish  anchorites,  and  it  is  difficult  to  refuse 
them  the  credit  of  discovering  Iceland  during  the  eighth  century. 

Whether  they  went  farther  still  afield  is  a  matter  for  speculation.- 
From  Iceland  to  (Treenland  is  only  a  short  passage — not  very  much 
longer  than  that  from  the  Shetlands  to  the  Faroes  or  from  the 
Faroes  to  Iceland.  There  may  too  have  been  land  at  some  time 
between,  as  the  early  Norse  voyagers  mention  "  Gunnibjorn's " 
skerries,  whilst  an  early  map  marks  a  terra  quae  fait  totalifer 
comhusta.  There  are  hints  and  stories  of  earlier  white  settlers, 
both  on  the  Greenland  coast  and  farther  south  towards  Winlaud,  in 
the  Norse  Sagas.  On  these  has  been  based  the  Irish  claim  to  the 
discovery  of  America.  It  does  not  appear  to  the  writer  that  there  is 
intrinsic  improbability  in  such  a  claim,  but  the  evidence  with  the 
lapse  of  time  must  necessarily  be  vague,  shadowy  and  inconclusive.' 

The  passages  in  the  Sagas  which  may  refer  to  these  Irish 
missionaries  or  settlers  are  as  follows :  "  Leif  Eriksson  sailed  to 
Greenland,  and  found  men  upon  a  wreck  at  sea,  and  succoured 
them'-  .  .  .  Then  likewise  he  discovered  Winland  the  Good."  This 
is  probably  the  event  to  which  allusion  is  made  elsewhere — "  Leif 
found  Winland  .  .  .  and  he  then  found  merchants  in  evil  plight  at 
sea,  and  restored  them  to  life  by  God's  mercy."  There  is  nothing 
whatever  to  show  that  they  were  not  daring  Norsemen  ;  indeed,  the 
Flateybook  would  lead  us  to  suppose  this.  Karlsefni,  sailing  south 
on  a  later  voyage,  discovered — if  we  can  believe  the  Saga — new-sown 
wheat  in  Vinland,^  and  also  came  upon  the  keel  of  a  ship  on  the 
coast.*  Thorwald,  brother  of  Leif,  saw  in  the  same  place  a 
"wooden  shelter  for  grain." '^     In  "  Markland,"    he   captured    five 

'  Ueauvoiti  is  the  nio.st  devoted  .npostle  of  the  Irish  claim.  Keeves,  the  most  recent 
authority,  cousiders  the  stories  puzzling,  and  not  to  be  readily  ex]ilaincd  away.  Torfivus, 
Rafn,  Zesterman,  and  De  Costa  are  amongst  the  other  believers.  Winsor,  'Hist. 
America,'  i.  83,  appears  scejitical,  as  also  is  Laing,  editor  of  '  Heimskringla.'  Cunning- 
ham, \V.,  'Growth  of  English  Industiy'  (i.  80),  is  favourable. 

-  Saga  of  Eric  the  Ited.     Keeves,  '  Finding  of  Wineland,'  li". 

'  76.,  47.  Reeves  translates  "self-sown  wheat,"  and  believes  it  to  have  lieen 
wild  rice. 

''  11).,  Ao.  Keeves  su]iposes  it  was  the  remains  of  one  of  lied  Erik's  shijis  carried 
south  by  the  current. 

=•  iL  OS. 


64  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES    TO   10G6.  [950.' 

"  Skrellings,"  or  probably  Eskimos,  of  whom  one  was  bearded. 
"  They  told  him  that  there  was  a  land  ou  the  other  side  over 
against  their  country  which  was  inhabited  by  people  who  wore 
white  garments,  and  yelled  loudly,  and  carried  poles  before  them  to 
which  rags  were  attached ;  and  people  believe  that  this  must 
have  been  White-man's-land,  or  Ireland  the  Great."  ^  In  the 
'  tslendingabok '  comes  a  story  of  Ari  Marsson,  who,  in  the  tenth 
century,  "was  driven  out  of  his  coiu-se  at  sea  to  '  White-man's-land,' 
which  is  called  by  some  people  Ireland  the  Great :  it  lies  westward 
in  the  sea  near  AVinland  the  Good  :  it  is  said  to  be  six  days'  sail 
west  of  Ireland.  Ari  could  not  depart  thence  and  was  baptised 
there.  The  first  account  of  this  was  given  by  Eafn  .  .  .  who 
sailed  to  Limerick,  and  abode  a  long  time  at  Limerick.'-  And 
Thorkill  states  that  Icelanders  reported  Ari  had  been  recognised 
there  and  was  not  permitted  to  leave,  but  was  treated  with  great 
respect."  ^ 

In  the  Eyrbyggia  Saga,*  which  is  of  far  less  historic  value,  is 
a  tale  that  has  usualh'  been  connected  with  Ireland  the  Great. 
According  to  this,  a  certain  chief,  Bjorn  Asbrandsson,  sailed  from 
Iceland  in  a  ship  and  vanished.  Some  years  later,  early  in  the 
eleventh  century,  Gudleif  was  "  engaged  in  a  trading  voyage  west- 
ward to  Dublin,  and  when  he  sailed  from  the  west  it  was  his 
intention  to  proceed  to  Iceland."  Sailing  west  from  Ireland,  north- 
east winds  caught  him  and  his  men,  and  drove  them  far  from  their 
course  to  the  south,  and  all  trace  of  land  was  lost.  The  summer 
was  nearly  over  when  they  came  in  sight  of  a  great  country,  which 
they  did  not  know,  and  entered  a  good  harbour,  and  men  came  to 
them  who  seemed  to  them  to  speak  Irish.  They  were  seized  and 
carried  inland,  when  a  council  was  held  to  determine  their  fate. 
But  whilst  the  council  was  being  held,  a  body  of  men  rode  up  with 
a  chief  and  a  banner  in  their  midst.  This  chief  was  tall  and  war- 
like, advanced  in  years  and  white  of  hair.     The  people   honoured 

'  Tlie  Saga  of  Red  Erik  is  probably  as  old  as  the  thirtceiitli  century  in  its  present 
form.  Op.  cif.  23,  24.  The  discovery  of  Winl.ind  by  tlie  Norsemen  took  place  about 
1000  A.n. 

-  Limerick  was  at  an  early  date  tlie  seat  of  a  Xorse  kin.i;doni. 

■■'  '  Islendiniiabok,'  10,  11.     '  Landnaniabuk,'  ii.  xxii. 

■*  The  Eyrliyggia  Saga  dates  from  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  centmy,  and  contains 
much  that  is  evidently  faliulous.  It  covers  the  jieriod  tVom  the  colonisation  of  Iceland 
by  the  Norsemen  to  the  middle  of  the  eleventli  century.  It  contains  the  Idstory  of  the 
notalile  men  of  the  Thorsness  peninsida  in  West  Ireland,  and  of  the  Eyrbygges  who 
were  the  lords  of  Eyre. 


950.]  "IRELAND    THE   GREAT."  65 

him  greatly.  He  accosted  the  Northmen  in  their  own  tongue  and 
showed  a  knowledge  of  Iceland.  Finally  he  permitted  the  Norsemen 
to  go,  with  the  warning  that  they  had  better  leave  the  country  and 
never  retui'n.  He  gave  Gudleif  a  gold  ring  which,  when  he  went 
back  to  Iceland,  the  people  to  whom  it  was  shown  knew  "to  be 
Bjom's,  who  had  vanished  years  before.*  In  this  passage  there  is 
nothing  to  identify  the  strange  land  with  Ireland  the  Great,  except 
the  allusion  to  the  Irish  tongue.  The  identification  has  been  the 
work  of  later  scribes,  and  the  story  has  much  of  the  fabulous  and 
improbable  about  it ;  for  example,  the  portentous  length  of  the 
voyage,  and  the  presence  of  horses  on  the  American  mainland.^ 

With  these  Norse  passages  may  be  given  the  vague  tradition, 
said  to  be  recorded  in  the  early  Irish  chronicles,  that  "  Ireland  the 
Great  was  known  to  the  west,  a  great  country  " ;  and  the  mention 
in  the  Arabian  geographer  Edrisius  in  the  twelfth  century  of 
"  Irandah-al-Kabirah,"  or  Ireland  the  Great,  as  lying  a  day's  sail 
beyond  "  Eslandah,"  which  is,  assumed  to  be  a  copyist's  error  for 
"  Islandah."  ^ 

Enthusiasts  for  the  Irish  discovery  have  made  the  most  of  these 
passages,  and  there  has  been  the  usual  attempt  to  find  philological 
resemblances  to  the  GaeHc  in  the  languages  of  the  American  natives. 
Ireland  the  Great  has  been  variously  assumed  to  He  about  the 
mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  south  of  this  on  the  Floridian  coast,  in 
Mexico,  in  Cuba,  Brazil,  and  the  Azores.  There  is  no  ground  in 
history  for  any  of  these  identifications.  Beauvois,  indeed,  has  seen 
in  the  Mexican  Quetzalcoatl,  who  came  from  Tula,  some  allusion  to 
Irish  missionaries  from  Thule,  and  has  found  in  Mexican  rites 
traces  of  Celtic  Christian  ritual.*  But  all  this  is  guess-work, 
however  ingenious.  It  is  sufficient  to  know  for  certain  that  the 
Irish,  about  the  time  when  the  Norsemen  were  beginning  to  appear 
on  their  coast,  or  even  earlier,  had  sailed  to  the  Orkneys,  Shetlands, 
Faroes,  and  Iceland,  and  that  there  was  a  general  tradition  amongst 
the  Norsemen,  and  even  in  Ireland,  long  before  the  voyages  of 
Columbus,  to   the  effect   that   beyond  the  Atlantic   lay  a  country 

•  Op.  ci«.  84-87. 

^  Efforts  have  been  made  to  evade  tliis  difficulty  by  supposing  that  Bjom  and  his 
companions  rode  or  were  carried  in  litters. 

'  Beauvois,  '  Compte  Kendu  :  Congres  de  Americanistes '  (1875),  p.  81.  "  Three 
days'  navigation  from  the  northern  point  of  Scotland  is  Kslandah,  400  miles  long  and 
150  broad ;  thence  to  Irlandah-el-Kabirab  is  one  day's  sail." 

*  Beauvois,  '  Comte  Rendu :  Congres  de  Americanistes '  (1683),  p.  8C. 

VOL.   I.  F 


66  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES   TO   10G6.  [900. 

peopled  with  white  men,  who  spoke  a  tongue  which  sounded  hke 
Irish.  Some  have  argued  that  Ireland  the  Great  was  only  Spain,  but 
this  is  hardly  probable :  others  have  seen  in  the  legend  a  reflection 
of  the  Gaelic  voyages  to  Iceland,  with  which  they  would  identify 
Ireland  the  Great.  The  story  of  the  Zeni  has  been  called  in  as 
testimony,  and  "  Estotiland  "  has  been  converted  into  "  Escotiland," 
or  Scotland,  the  old  name  for  Ireland.  The  white-robed  priests 
waving  banners,  chanting,  and  carrying  with  them  bells  and  books 
to  these  far  distant  shores,  have  shared  the  common  fate  of  the  bulk 
of  mankind  and  vanished  without  leaving  a  trace  of  their  name  or 
race  in  Ireland  the  Great.  Their  names  still  abide  in  the  lonely 
Orkneys,  where  also  may  be  seen  to  this  day  their  cells,  and  in  far 
Iceland.  It  may  even  be  that  their  blood  flows  in  the  fast-vanishing 
Ked  Indian  of  to-day.  But  guesses  and  conjectures  can  ill  supply 
the  place  of  historical  record  and  evidence,  though  if  the  Irish  could 
sail  to  Iceland  in  coracles  there  are  few  feats  of  navigation  which  we 
could  pronounce  impossible  for  them. 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that  when  the  Saxons  had  settled  down  in 
England  they  appear  to  have  lost  their  skill  in  seamanship.^  The 
influence  of  Christianity,  to  which  they  were  rapidly  converted,  was 
in  some  degree  against  the  ferocious  piracy  of  those  days,  which 
alone  made  sea-faring  profitable.  None  the  less,  they  held  trade  in 
high  honour,  and  all  through  the  centuries  of  their  domination 
the  wealth  of  England  was  increasing.  Offa,  King  of  Mercia, 
endeavoured  to  end  the  reliance  upon  foreign  transport  and  en- 
couraged his  people  to  build  ships  and  carry  their  goods  themselves. - 
He  also  concluded  treaties  of  reciprocity  for  the  protection  of  his 
merchants ;  but  quarrels  with  Charlemagne  interfered  with  his 
objects.^  Alfred  greatly  improved  the  art  of  shipbuilding,  con- 
structing larger  and  more  serviceable  vessels ;  ^  whilst  Athelstan 
ordained  that  any  merchant  who  made  three  successful  voyages 
should  be  a  Thane. ^ 

In  Alfred's  reign  ^  the  presence  of  the  Danes  and  Norwegians, 

'  Northumbria  had  a  considerable  fleet,  ■which,  under  Edwin  (circ.  G20),  subdued 
the  isles  of  Anglesey  and  Man.     See  Bede,  '  Eccl.  Hist.'  ii.  v. 

''  Lindsay,  W.,  'Merchant  Shipping,'  i.  341. 

'  Matt.  Paris,  '  Chron.  Majora,'  Chron.  and  RoUs  Series,  i.  3-18 ;  Lappenbcrg, 
'England,' 231,  232. 

*  Sax.  Chron.  A.D.  897. 

'■  'Anct.  Laws,'  81;  cf.  Strutt,  'Chronicles,'  i.  337. 

"  1'ho  "voyages"  of  Arculf  and  Willibald  about  690  and  720  are  interesting — 
though  a  great  part  of  their  joiu'ucy  was  certainly  performcil  on  land — as  showing  the 


900.]  ALFUED   AND    TRAVEL.  67 

who  were  appearing  on  the  coast,  pkuulering  and  l)in-ning,  as  the 
Saxons  had  done  centuries  before,  reawakened  an  interest  in 
geography  and  exploration.  Alfred's  anxiety  to  learn  of  distant 
countries  led  him  to  send  for  two  hardy  Danish  sailors,  Ohthere,  or 
Oddr,  and  Witlfstan.  The  former  was  a  nobleman  of  great  wealth 
and  power.  He  told  the  king  that  he  lived  farthest  to  the  north  of 
all  Norsemen.  "  The  land  thence  is  very  far  to  the  north,  but  it  is 
all  waste.  And  on  a  certain  time  he  wished  to  find  how  far  to  the 
north  land  lay.  So  he  sailed  north  as  far  as  whale  hunters  ever  go 
and  thence  north  again  three  days.  Then  the  land  bent  east,  and  he 
sailed  along  it  four  days  till  the  land  bent  south,  and  he  sailed  also 
to  the  south  five  days  till  he  came  to  a  great  river,  up  which  he 
dared  not  sail,  for  it  was  all  inhabited." '  On  a  second  voyage  he 
went  to  "  Sciringesheal,"  ^  and  thence  to  Haddeby  [in  Schleswig]. 
On  this  voyage  he  passed  Iceland  on  the  right  and  then  the  islands 
which  are  between  Iceland  and  Britain. 

Wulfstan  *  said  that  he  went  from  Haddeby  to  Truso  in  seven 
days  and  nights,  and  that  the  ship  was  running  all  the  way  with 
sail.  He  had  Weonodland  (Mecklenburg  and  Pomerania)  on  the 
right,  and  Langland  Falstey  and  Sconey  (Skanor,  S.  Sweden)  on  his 
left.  Then  he  passed  Bornholm,  the  people  of  which  had  their  own 
king,  Bleking,  Oland,  and  Gotland,  which  belonged  to  Sweden. 
Next  he  came  to  the  land  of  the  Wends  and  the  great  river  Vistula, 
near  which  lies  Witland  of  the  Esthonians.  He  notes  that  the 
Vistula  runs  into  the  Frische  Haff,  and  gives  the  dimensions  of  the 
latter  correctly,  showing  clearly  his  personal  knowledge.     Esthonia 


cirly  lines  of  navigation  in  the  Jleditei-ranean.  Arculf  was  not  certainly  English ;  he 
was  a  bishop,  and  perhaps  a  Freucli  bishop.  He  visited  Adanman,  Abbot  of  loua  (see 
p.  60),  who  wrote  his  travels.  It  appears  that  he  was  a  pilgrim  to  the  Holy  Land. 
He  sailed  from  Palestine — how  he  got  there  is  not  stated — to  Alexamhia,  Crete,  Con- 
stantinople, and  thence  by  Sicily  to  Konie.  Willibald,  Bishop  of  Eichstadf,  ohiit  786, 
was  a  native  of  Hampshire,  and  father  of  S.  Walpurgis.  In  718  he  travelled  overland 
to  Rome,  and  thence  went  to  Palestine,  voyaging  in  a  ship  from  Gaeta  to  Naples,  Reggie, 
Catania,  Samos,  and  Ephesus.  Thence  he  went  on  foot  to  Patera,  where  again  he  took 
ship  for  Miletus,  Cyprus,  and  Tarsus.  He  proceeded  to  Palestine  on  foot,  .and  returning 
embarked  at  Tyre,  whence  he  sailed  for  Constantinople,  Sicily,  and  Najiles.  No 
LaterestLng  details  are  given  of  the  voyage,  for  which,  see  '  Early  Travels  in  Palestine ' 
(Bohn,  lH-17),  pp.  13-22. 

'  Alfred's  'Orosius'  (Bohn),  249.     He  evidently  sailed  into  tlie  White  Sea  and  the 
mouth  of  the  Dwina. 

''  Not  certainly  identified.     Possibly  Christiauia. 

'  Bosworth,  .J.,  'Alfred  the  Great's  Descri])tion  of  Europe'  (London,  fol.  1855), 
pp.  18-2-i  of  the  translation. 

F   2 


68  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES    TO    1060.  [950. 

is  described  as  very  large,  with  numerous  towns  and  a  king  in  each. 
There  is  much  honey,  and  no  stint  of  fish,  whilst  the  nobles  drink 
mare's  milk  and  the  poor  mead.  The  dead  are  burnt  after  days  or 
months  of  wassail.'  The  relatives  preserve  the  bodies  during  this 
period  by  "  bringing  the  cold  upon  them,"  or  by  the  use  of  ice.^ 

Alfred  is  also  said  to  have  sent  Sighelm,  apparently  a  layman  of 
distinction,  to  the  tombs  of  SS.  Thomas  and  Bartholemew  in  India. 
He  had,  according  to  the  Saxon  Chronicle,  made  a  vow  to  this 
effect,*  probably  when  England  was  in  possession  of  the  Danes. 
Sighelm,  with  Athelstari,  carried  royal  gifts  to  Eome,  and  then 
must  have  taken  ship  for  Egypt.  After  that  they  would  follow  the 
eastern  trade  route  through  the  Eed  Sea.  No  details  of  the  voyage 
survive,  except  that  the  ambassadors  retiu-ned  safely,  bringing  rich 
presents  of  gems  and  spices  to  Alfred.  Evidence  of  increasing 
navigation  is  afforded  by  Alfred's  laws,  of  which  the  thirtieth  lays 
down  certain  regulations  for  passengers  arriving  in  England. 

Throughout  the  eighth,  ninth,  and  tenth  centuries  the  Norse- 
men and  the  Danes,  a  terrible  race  of  freebooters,  were  arriving 
and  settling  on  our  coasts.  The  boldest  and  most  successful  of 
navigators,  for  whom  the  sea  had  no  terrors,  it  is  to  them  perhaps 
that  the  England  of  to-day  most  owes  its  love  of  the  sea.  As  they 
successively  occupied  the  Orkneys,  the  Hebrides,  the  Isle  of  Man, 
and  the  fairest  spots  oil  the  coasts  of  England  and  Ireland,  and 
became  dwellers  in  Britain,  their  feats  concern  us.  They  were  of 
two  races,  dark  and  light ;  the  first,  the  Danes  proper ;  the  second, 
the  Norsemen  or  Norwegians.  They  fared  over-sea  from  the  iron- 
bound  and  barren  coasts  of  Norway,  or  from  the  flat  sandy  plains  of 
Denmark,  guided  by  the  stars,  as  the  compass  was  then  miknown ; 
and  when  near,  but  out  of  sight  of  land,  loosed  birds  to  know  in 
which  direction  to  steer.* 

'  It  is  known  tbat  the  ancient  PruBsians  burnt  tlieir  dead.  Bosworth,  p.  23, 
note  32.     This  truth  shows  that  Widfstan  was  not  romancing. 

^  Wulfstan  is  called  an  Englishman  in  Hakluyt,  but  this  ajipears  to  be  only  an 
assertion. 

^  Sax.  Chron.,  a.d.  883.  Cunningham,  W.,  in  '  Growth  of  English  Industry,'  i.  81, 
gives  Sigeburt,  Bishop  of  Sherbourne,  for  Sighelm.  The  credibility  of  the  voyage  has 
been  q\icstioned,  but  unjustly  it  would  seem.  It  is  not  mentioned  in  Asser.  A  close 
intercourse  with  Rome  was  kept  up  in  Alfred's  days;  travellers,  of  course,  going 
overhand,  .^thelhelm  was  sent  887,  Beocca  888  ;  vide  Saxon  Chronicle.  The  Northmen 
at  an  early  date  had  a  trade  rovite  to  the  East,  as  a  great  number  of  Arabian  coins 
have  been  dug  up  in  Sweden.     Cimniugbam,  8-1. 

*  Forstcr,  '  Voyages  and  Discoveries  in  the  North,'  considers  that  the  Norsemen 
discovered  the  art  of  sailing  near  the  wind  (pp.  77,  78). 


1000.]  NORSEMAN  AND   DANE.  69 

The  first  attacks  of  the  Norsemen  were  directed  mainly  against 
the  religious  houses.  They  took  Lindesfarne  in  793 ;  in  794  parties 
were  in  the  Wear,  whilst  others  were  wasting  the  Western  Isles  and 
South  Wales.  In  802  and  806  they  burnt  the  monastery  at  lona  ; 
in  807  they  were  on  the  west  and  south  coast  of  Ireland ;  in  815 
they  had  planted  a  settlement  at  Armagh  ;  in  835  they  were  on  the 
Cornish  coast,  and  thenceforward  their  irruptions  were  continuous. 
The  Orkneys  became  practically  part  of  Norway  :  this  was  their 
base,  whence  they  sailed  to  Iceland,  Ireland,  England,  and  France. 
The  voyages  of  the  Orkneymen  fill  the  Sagas,  and  these  islanders 
sailed  with  the  Viking  fleets  to  Barcelona,  Pisa,  Eome,  and 
Constantinople  in  the  ninth  century.^  Kolf,  who  led  the  Northmen 
in  their  conquest  of  Normandy,  was  himself  an  Orkneyman,  son  of 
Rognvald,  Earl  of  Orkney. 

The  Norseman  and  Dane,  when  in  course  of  time  they  settled 
down  and  were  absorbed  into  the  population,  must  have  imparted 
something  of  their  enterprise  and  skill  in  navigation  to  the  Anglo- 
Saxon.  Commerce  between  the  Scandinavians  in  England  and 
the  Scandinavians  of  Norway  and  Iceland  would  arise.  Chester 
and  Bristol  began  to  trade  with  Dublin  and  the  Far  North,  though 
the  insecurity  of  the  seas,  which  were  infested  by  vikings,  probably 
not  too  careful  to  spare  their  own  countrymen,  must  have  at  first 
restricted  the  vohune  of  commerce.  The  Christian  Northmen,  too, 
voyaged  to  the  Holy  Land  ;  a  journey  of  Canute's  to  Eome  is 
mentioned  in  the  Saxon  Chronicle,  A.D.  1031,  but  it  is  not  said 
whether  he  travelled  overland. 

A  fine  picture  of  an  Orkney  voyage  and  fight  in  the  last  year 
before  the  conversion  to  Christianity  is  given  in  the  Earl's  Saga. 
Thorfinu  of  Orkney  and  King  Karl  of  Scotland  had  a  feud,  and 
Thorfinu  harried  Karl's  land,  but  was  surprised  by  Karl  with 
eleven  long  ships  when  he  had  only  five.  The  eleven  ships  rowed 
up  against  the  five,  when,  as  the  poet  sings — 

"  With  war  snakes  five  the  wrathful  cliief 
Rushed  'gainst  eleven  of  tlie  king, 
And  hating  flight,  hiiiiseH'  held  on 
His  course  with  constant  heart. 
The  seamen  laid  their  sliiiis  ahoard. 
Along  the  tlnvarts  the  t'oenien  fell. 
Sharp-edged  steel  in  blood  was  bathed, 
Black  blood  of  Scottish  men." 


Hardo  Sigurdssou  sailed  to  Micklegarth. 


70  VOYAGES  AND  DISCOVERIES   TO   1066.  [1030. 

Thorfinn's  men  when  they  landed  were  not  gentle  to  their 
enemies.  "  They  so  fared  amongst  thorpes  and  farms,  and  so 
bui'ned  everything  that  not  a  cot  stood  after  them.  They  slew,  too, 
all  the  fighting  men  they  found,  but  women  and  old  men  dragged 
themselves  off  to  woods  and  wastes  with  weeping  and  wailing. 
Much  folk,  too,  they  made  captives  of  war,  and  put  them  in  bonds, 
and  so  drove  them  before  them."  This  same  Thorfinn  harried 
Ireland,  Galloway,  and  even  North  England;  where,  however,  the 
English  captured  a  band  of  his  men  and  slew  all  but  the  runagates, 
whom  they  considerately  returned.  Thorfinn  took  to  peace  and  the 
fear  of  God  in  his  old  age.  The  Norsemen  of  the  Orkneys  and 
the  Siidereyar,  or  Hebrides,  and  AVestern  Isles  appear  to  have  been 
the  boldest  and  most  warlike  of  their  race ;  whilst  in  the  Isle  of 
Man  was  a  powerful  Norse  colony,  the  king  of  which,  Hakon,  is 
said  in  the  Chronicles  to  have  sailed  round  Biitain  with  three 
thousand  six  hundi-ed  ships.  The  Manxmen  are  not  mentioned 
during  these  early  years  as  pirates  or  voyagers,  though  they  must 
have  been  both.^  They  were  soon  converted  to  Christianity,  which 
may  have  interfered  with  the  profession  of  plunder.^ 

'  In  973,  says  Oswald.  '  Vestigia  Manniae  insulae  .aiitiquiora.'  (Douglas,  1860, 
p.  117.)  Macon,  King  of  Man,  was  appointed  Edgar's  admiral  on  the  British  seas,  and 
sailed  on  them  with  three  hundred  and  sixty  ships.  This  is  not  noticed  in  the  Saxon 
Chronicle,  unless  Macon  were  one  of  the  six  kings  who  came  to  Edgar  at  Chester,  and 
no  authority  is  given. 

^  It  must  be  remembered,  however,  that  the  term  "  pir.ate "  carries  no  reproach  as 
late  as  the  sixteenth  century,  and  that  the  most  pious  Christians  reconciled  robbery  of 
the  stranger  with  their  facile  consciences  in  the  days  of  EUz.abeth. 


(     71     ) 


CHAPTEE  IV. 

CIVIL   HISTOEY   OF   NAVAL   AFFAIBS,    1066-1154. 

Ships  of  the  eleventh  century — The  Long  Serpent — Harold's  fleet — Eeasons  for  its 
failure  to  oppose  William  I. — The  Normans — William  I.  as  pirate — His  claims  to 
the  English  crown — His  preparations — His  ships — The  Mora — The  Danegeld 
revived — William  as  conqueror — The  admiral's  court — -The  law  of  wrecks — Ships 
of  the  twelfth  century — Loss  of  the  WJiite  Ship — Size  of  ancient  vessels  probably 
underrated — Rarity  of  trustworthy  representations  of  them — M.  Jal's  remarks. 

rjIHE  Anglo-Saxon  ships  of  the  period  of 
the  Norman  conquest  did  not,  in  all 
probability,  differ  materially  from  those  of  a 
somewhat  earlier  date,  save  in  that  they  were 
larger.  The  warships  can  scarcely  have  been 
very  different  from  those  of  the  contemporary  Danes,  Swedes,  and 
Norwegians,  with  whom  the  Anglo-Saxons  of  the  first  half  of  the 
eleventh  century  came  into  such  frequent  and  unpleasant  contact. 
The  dimensions  of  the  Gokstad  ship  have  been  given.  In  the 
eleventh  century,  they  were  largely  exceeded.  Even  Olaf  Trygg- 
vesson,  who  died  or  disappeared  about  the  year  1000,  had  a  ship, 
the  Lv)ig  Serpent,  measuring  no  less  than  117  feet  in  length, 
and  carrying  600  men.  Such  a  vessel  ^  was,  of  course,  decked  ; 
and  the  usual  division  of  the  hull  was  into  five  cabins  or 
compartments.  The  foremost  one  was  the  "  lokit,"  in  which,  in 
a  royal  vessel,  the  king's  standard-bearers  were  quartered.  Next 
came  the  "  sax,"  probably  a  general  store-room,  and  the  "  ki'ap- 
room,"  where  sails  and  tackle  were  kept.  Abaft  this  was  the 
"  fore-room,"  containing  the  arms-chest,  and  forming  the  living- 
room  of  the  warriors;  and  astern  of  all  was  the  "lofting"  or  gi-eat 
cabin,  which  was  devoted  to  the  commander.  In  port,  at  night, 
the  deck  was  covered  with  a  "tilt"  or  ridge-pole  with  pillars  and 
rafters,  supporting  a  cloth,  the  ends  of  which  seem  to  have  been 

'  See  Nicolaysen's  paper  on  the  Viking  Ship. 


72 


CIVIL   BISTORT,   1066-1154. 


[1066. 


fastened  with  cords  to  the  ship's  side  at  a  level  with  the  deck. 
Beneath  this  the  rowers  may  have  slept. 

The  build  of  merchantmen  was  much  like  that  of  men-of-war, 
except  that  the  latter  had  more  length  in  proportion  to  beam.  A 
saga  tells  how  at  Nidaros  ^  in  1199,  King  Sverre  Sigurdsson  seized 
some  trading  ships,  hewed  them  in  two  transversely,  and  lengthened 
out  their  keels  and  sides  that  they  might  be  used  as  war  vessels. 
But  it  may  well  be  that  Harold  never  possessed  any  ships  as  large 
as  the  Long  Serpent,  and  that  most  of  his  vessels  closely  resembled 
the  Gokstad  relic. 

There   is   absolutely   no   reason   to   doubt   that   Harold    had    a 


SELH«nrc 

NdllMAN    WAR   VESSEL    OF    THE   ELEVENTH    CENTURY. 

(As  rcatori'it  hij  M.  A.  Jal,  after  the  wdiriitiuns  in  the  Baijeux  Tapestry,  the  '*  lioman 
de  Roil"  and  the  *'  lioman  de  Brut."') 

considerable  fleet.  Indeed,  the  Saxon  Chronicle  expressly  says  that 
in  the  spring  of  1066  the  largest  fleet  and  army  ever  seen  in 
England  were  assembled  at  Sandwich  to  resist  the  invasion 
threatened  by  WilHam  of  Normandy.  It  is  not  clear  that  any 
squadron  of  importance  was  detached  from  Sandwich  against  Tostig 
and  Harold  Hardrada,  and  therefore  it  becomes  interesting  to  inquire 
■why  William,  when  he  came,  was  not  opposed  at  sea. 

The  explanation  in  the  Saxon  Chronicle^  is  a  little  vague  and 
imsatisfactory.  It  is  to  the  effect  that  the  crews  refused  to  serve 
alter  September  8th,  the  feast  of  the  Nativity  of  the  Virgin,  and 


'   New  TvondlijeiE.     The  ancient  name  is  still  lioine  by  a  Norwegian  man-of-war. 
"  p.  463. 


1066.]  CAUSES   OF  HAROLD'S   COLLAPSE.  73 

that,  their  provisions  being  gone,  "no  man  could  keep  them  there 
any  longer."  The  men  went  to  their  homes,  and  the  ships  were 
sent  up  to  London,  many  being  lost  on  the  passage.  It  is  just 
possible  that  Edward's  abolition  of  the  Danegeld  or  Hercgeld — 
re-established  later,  but  not  under  Harold — may  have  had  an  in- 
fluence, concerning  which  we  know  nothing  definite,  upon  the 
condition  of  the  English  fleet  at  the  moment  of  the  Norman  in- 
vasion ;  but  it  is  still  more  likely  that  the  king's  departure  from 
Kent  to  put  down  the  troubles  in  Yorkshire,  coupled  with  the  fact 
that  the  seamen  had  been  on  continuous  service  for  the  unusually 
long  period  of  five  or  six  months,  accounts  for  everything.  They 
were  not  prepared  nor  accustomed  to  remain  from  home  for  so  great 
a  time ;  the  harvest  may  have  been  spoiling  in  the  fields,  and,  what 
more  natural  than  that,  when  the  royal  eye  was  withdrawn  from  the 
fleet,  the  men  should  qi;it  it  ? 

The  loss,  no  matter  the  explanation  of  it,  of  the  command  of  the 
Channel,  was  very  dangerous,  as  it  must  always  be,  to  England ; 
but  it  cannot  be  shown,  either  that  Harold  underrated  the  im- 
portance of  having  a  fleet,  or  that  he  did  not  do  all  that  lay  in  his 
power  to  hold  his  fleet  together,  while  he  was  in  the  south.  That 
Harold  fought  two  great  battles  ashore,  one  near  York  and  the  other 
near  Hastings,  within  three  weeks,  having  been  wounded  in  the 
first,  and  having,  between  the  first  and  the  second,  crossed  vdth  a 
large  army  the  rugged  and  almost  roadless  England  of  that  day,  is 
a  proof,  not  only  of  extraordinary  energy,  but  also  of  the  terrible 
nature  of  the  difficulties  with  which  this  gallant  prince  was 
harassed.  Even  had  he,  in  his  brief  and  stormy  reign,  failed  to  do 
half  what  he  did,  he  could  scarcely  have  been  reproached. 

The  new  conquerors  of  England  were,  with  the  Danes  and  the 
Saxons  who  had  preceded  them,  the  childi'en  of  the  common  stock 
of  northern  pirates,  assuredly  the  strongest  stock  that  ever  influenced 
the  destinies  of  the  world.  But,  as  Professor  James  Eowley  ^  puts 
it,  the  Normans  had  been  advanced  in  civilisation  some  stages 
further  than  the  others  by  a  few  generations  of  residence  in  the 
land  of  a  more  hiunanised  people,  and  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
settled  states. 

Pie  continues  :  "  Their  marvellous  efficiency  in  their  pahny  days 
is  probably  explained  by  their  having  kept  their  native  hardiness 
of  character — their  moral  muscularity,  as  we  may  call  it — and  their 
'  lu  'Diet,  of  Eug.  Hist.,'  p.  766. 


74  CIVIL   BISTORT,   1066-1154.  [1066. 

bold  spirit  of  enterprise,  unimpaired  by  the  culture,  the  turn  for 
art  and  taste  for  the  finer  pursuits,  that  they  acquired  by  Uving  in 
Gaul.  Their  new  experience  merely  added  intellectual  keenness, 
deftness,  and  brilliancy  of  stroke  to  their  resources  for  action ;  the 
old  stimulating  forces,  their  courage  and  their  endurance,  remained. 
Their  ferocity  had  become  valour,  and  their  bodily  strength  the 
mastery  of  circmnstances.  That  they  owed  the  qualities  which 
made  their  practical  capacity  to  the  good  fortime  that  planted  them 
on  French  soil,  is  suggested  by  the  totally  different  history  of  their 
kinsfolk  who  had  taken  up  their  abode  in  other  lands.  The 
marauding  bands  of  Norwegian  pirates  that  had  been  roaming 
about  and  forming  settlements  along  the  Seine  in  the  ninth  and 
tenth  centuries,  were  at  last  admitted  to  an  authorised  participation 
in  the  soil  by  an  agreement  that  Charles  the  Simple  made,  in  912, 
at  St.  Clair,  on  the  Epte,  %\"ith  their  most  formidable  leader,  Eolf 
the  Norseman.  Thus  taken  within  the  j)ale  of  continental  civihsa- 
tion,  they  rapidly  profited  by  their  advantages.  They  became 
Cludstians ;  they  discarded  their  own  and  adopted  the  French 
language ;  they  cast  aside  their  semi-barbarous  legal  usages,  and 
took  those  of  the  French  cultivators  of  the  soil,  over  whom  they 
dominated  ;  they  learnt  or  discovered  improved  modes  and  principles 
of  fighting ;  they  acquired  new  weapons,  the  shield,  the  hauberk, 
the  lance,  and  the  long-bow ;  they  became  masterly  horsemen  ;  thej- 
developed  an  impressive  style  of  ai'chitecture,  and  built  churches 
and  monasteries ;  they  founded  bishoprics  ;  in  a  word,  they  soon 
fm-nished  themselves  with  the  whole  moral,  spiritual,  and  practical 
gaiTiitiu'e  of  hmnan  conduct  then  available,  with  additions  and 
improvements  of  their  own.  Their  territory  had  increased  by  taking 
in  both  kindred  settlements,  and  the  lands  of  neighbouring  peoples, 
till,  from  a  vaguely  described  '  land  of  the  Norsemen,'  it  became 
historic  Normandy.  Yet  this  wonderful  gi-owth  was  compatible 
with  a  pohtical  condition  which  was  often  not  far  removed  from 
anarchy.  The  aristocratic  class  that  the  free-Uving,  hot-natured 
pirate  leaders  had  founded,  and  the  unrestrained  passions  of  the 
dukes,  replenished  from  generation  to  generation,  were  ever  on  the 
watch  for  an  opportunity  to  break  loose  from  all  rule,  and  govern 
themselves  and  the  native  tillers  of  the  soil  that  lay  beneath  them, 
at  their  sole  discretion.  Nor  did  the  sense  of  moral  obligation  keep 
pace  with  the  other  elements  of  progress ;  a  connection  free  from  the 
marriage  tie  was  held  no  shame ;  bastardy  brought  no  taint.     But 


106G.]  PIRATICAL  NATURE   OF  THE  INVASION.  75 

in  spite  of  these  defects,  the  Normans  made  themselves  the  foremost 
race  in  Europe." 

The  period  of  English  history  ending  in  1066,  relieved  though  it 
was  hy  episodes  of  national  union  and  conspicuous  patriotic  devotion, 
must,  upon  the  whole,  be  regarded  as  a  period  of  almost  continuous 
piratical  struggles  for  the  dominion  of  the  island.  The  leading 
prince  of  the  da}',  no  matter  whether  he  was  called  Cymbeline, 
Carausius,  Allectus,  2Esc,  Egbert,  Edward  the  Elder,  Edgar, 
Canute,  or  Harold,  was,  it  must  be  feared,  little  better  than  the 
strongest  pirate  who  happened  at  the  moment  to  have  ships  in 
the  Narrow  Seas.  That  several  of  these  pirates  used  their  power 
beneficently,  and  that  a  few  more  were,  in  addition,  great  statesmen 
and  enlightened  monarchs,  can  scarcely  be  held  to  alter  the  facts. 
Might  counted  for  everything :  right,  and  the  general  good  of  the 
people  and  of  the  State,  for  Httle,  and  often  for  nothing  at  all. 
Until  Godwin's  time,  even  popular  opinion  was  practically  a 
dormant  factor;  and  the  middle  classes,  as  well  as  the  masses, 
were  only  so  many  pavims  in  the  stirring  games  played  by  the 
big  sea  rovers.  In  1066  England  was  conquered  by  pirates  for 
the  last  time. 

Duke  Wilham  claimed  the  crown  of  England*  by  right  of 
donation  from  Edward  the  Confessor ;  by  election ;  by  grant  from 
the  Pope  ;  and  by  right  of  arms  ;  but  he  w^as  a  prince  who  regarded 
the  first  three  grounds  of  claim  as  of  small  importance  and  cogency 
in  comparison  with  the  fourth.  Upon  the  strength  of  the  first 
three,  he  gained  only  a  relatively  feeble  following ;  nor  was  the 
indignation  of  his  friends  much  stirred  either  by  the  recollection 
that  the  Norman  bishops  had  been  driven  from  England  by  the 
instramentahty  of  the  family  of  Godwin,  or  by  the  knowledge 
that  Harold  had  forgotten  his  oath.  The  great  lever  wherewith 
Wilham  induced  his  nobles  to  identify  themselves  with  his 
projects  was,  rather,  a  promise  of  spoil ;  -  for  the  old  pirate 
traditions  were  still  flourishing  vigorously  in  the  hearts  of  all 
Normans,  whether  bishops,*  barons,  or  burghers.  The  Pope's 
consecrated  Gonfanon  was  useful ;  the  ring  with  a  hair  of  St.  Peter 
served  its  tui-n ;  but  the  conquest  would  not  have  been  effected,  nor 

'  'Cliron.  de  Norm.,'  xiii.  235  ;  Tliierry,  j.  283.     See  also  Freeman,  passim. 

"  Eadiiier,  Eist.  i.  7 ;  Will,  of  Mulines.  '  De  Gest.  Pont.  Augl.,'  290. 

'  The  Bishop  of  Bayeux  contributed  forty,  and  the  Bishop  of  Le  Mans  thirty  ships. 
Remi,  priest  of  Fecamp,  sent  twenty  men-at-arms  in  exchange  for  a  promise  of  an 
Knglish  bishopric. 


76  CIVIL  BISTORT,   1066-1154.  C1O66. 

even  attempted,  had  not  William  been  able  to  paint  in  glowing 
colours  a  seductive  picture  of  booty  to  be  taken,  and  place  to 
be  won.     The  whole  adventure  was  essentially  piratical. 

The  preparations  for  the  expedition  are  graphically  portrayed 
in  the  Bayeux  Tapestry.^  "Workmen,"  says  Wace,  "were 
employed  in  all  the  ports,  cutting  of  planks,  framing  of  ships 
and  boats,  stretching  of  sails,  and  rearing  of  masts."  Many  of 
the  craft  were  built,  no  doubt,  with  a  view  to  the  particular 
service,  and  no  other ;  just  as,  more  than  seven  centuries  later, 
Napoleon's  invasion  flotilla  was  brought  into  being.  For  the  most 
part,  they  were  clearly  not  of  the  type  of  the  regular  sea-going 
fighting  ships  of  the  day,  but  much  smaller,  and  of  lighter  scantling. 
A  few  only  appear  to  have  been  of  stouter  character. 

It  is  quite  impossible  to  say  how  many  ships  were  assembled. 
Wace  gives  the  number  at  696  ;  Simeon  of  Durham,  at  900  ;  the 
'  Chronique  de  Normandie,'  at  907  "  great  ships " ;  William  of 
Jumieges,  at  "  three  thousand  which  carried  sails  " ;  and  a  con- 
temporary manuscript,  preserved  in  the  Bodleian,^  at  1000.  Wilham 
of  Poitiers  notes  that  while  Agamemnon  needed  but  1000  vessels  to 
conquer  Troy,  William  required  more  to  win  the  crown  of  England. 
Thierry's  conclusions  are  that  the  fleet  consisted  of  400  capital 
ships,  and  more  than  a  1000  transports,  carrying  60,000  troops. 

This  estimate  gives  a  mean  of  about  forty-two  men  per  ship ; 
bi\t  nothing  like  that  number  can  be  distinguished  on  board  any  of 
the  craft  figured  in  the  Bayeux  Tapestry.  Even  in  William's  flag- 
ship, the  Mora,  only  ten  are  visible,  although  thirteen  shields  are  to 
be  seen  ranged  along  the  starboard  gunwale,  and  although  these  and 
the  corresponding  shields  on  the  port  side  may  lead  us  to  suppose 
that  at  least  twenty-six  fighting  men  were  present. 

How  far  the  Tapestry  should  be  trusted  as  a  real,  and  not  merely 
a  conventional  representation  of  the  events  of  the  expedition,  is  a 
problem  excessively  diflicult  to  solve ;  but  if  it  be  recollected  that 
the  work  of  illustration  was  done  by  women ;  that,  in  all  pro- 
bability, none  of  these  women  were  with  the  fleet ;  and  that  in  no 
age  have  women  been  the  most  accurate  and  trustworthy  delineators 
of  episodes  in  naval  history,  we  may  perhaps  safely  decHne  to  con- 
sider this  interesting  and  remarkable  piece  of  needlework  as  a  very 
serious  historical  docmnent.  Yet,  as  regards  some  details,  it  is 
corroborated  by  outside  evidence.  The  Bodleian  manuscript  aheady 
»  Now  at  Baveux,  iu  the  Hotel  de  Yille.  ^  jig_  3632. 


10G6.] 


THE  "mora:' 


77 


referred  to,  says  of  the  Mom  : — "  //(  j^rora  ejusdem  navis  fecit  fieri 
eadem  Matildes,  infantidum  de  auro,  dextro  indice  monstrantem 
Angliam  et  sinistra  mano  imprimentcm  cornu  eburneum  on": 
which,  being  translated,  is  :  "In  the  prow  of  the  same  ship  the  said 
Mathilda  caused  to  he  fashioned  a  golden  figure  of  a  hoy,  pointing 
with  his  right  fore-finger  towards  England,  and  with  his  left  hand 
pressing  an  ivory  horn  to  his  mouth."  The  Tapestry  shows  what  is 
evidently  this  boy,  but  places  the  figure  at  the  stem  instead  of  at  the 
prow,  and  puts  the  horn  into  the  right  hand,  and  a  goufanon  into 
the  left.  This  is  exactly  the  kind  of  not  entirely  baseless  inaccuracy 
which  might  be  expected  in  a  canvas  worked  on  hearsay  evidence  by 
ladies  personally  unfamiliar  with  the  matters  to  be  celebrated  ;  and 


THE   "  MORA." 
(.From  the  Baijcux  Tapcsinj^ 


it  possibly  affords  a  fair  general  meastire  of  the  amount  of  confidence 
that  ought  to  be  j)laced  in  the  Tapestry. 

In  the  picture  of  the  Mora,  the  single  mast  is  suimormted  by  a 
gold  cross, ^  below  which  appears  a  banner  of  white,  charged  with 
a  gold  cross  within  a  blue  border.  There  is  a  single  sail,  the  sheet 
of  which  is  held  by  the  steersman ;  and  this  sail  is  of  vertical 
stripes,  red,  brown, ^  and  red.  In  his  right  hand,  over  the  starboard 
quarter,  the  steersman  holds  the  clavus,  which  is  shaped  somewhat 
like  a  capital  J,  with  a  cross-piece  recalling  the  yoke  of  a  modem 
boat's  inidder.  Other  vessels  in  the  Tapestry  have  an  anchor 
hanging  at  the  bows ;  or  are  being  pulled  by  rowers ;  or  are  being 

'  Wace  saj's,  by  a  gilt  brass  vane  and  a  lantern.     The  cross,  or  vane,  is,  un- 
Ibrtimately,  cut  oft"  in  the  illustration. 
'  Or  yellow.     The  culnurs  have  faded. 


78  CIVIL   HISTORY,   1066-1154.  [1066. 

drawn  to  the  water  by  meaus  of  ropes  running  through  a  block 
attached  to  a  post ;  or  have  their  single  mast  struck  by  being 
lowered  forward ;  or  are  laden  with  from  thi-ee  to  eight  horses,  as 
well  as  with  men.  The  hulls  of  all  are  painted  in  horizontal  stiipes, 
blue,  yellow,  and  red  being  the  predominating  colours.  The  horses 
are  represented  as  reaching  the  shore  by  the  simple  process  of 
jumping  over  the  gunwales  into  the  water,  and  then  wading  or 
swimming.  The  captain  of  the  Mora  was  Stephen  Fitz  Erard, 
father  or  grandfather  of  the  Thomas  Fitz  Stephen,  who,  in  1120, 
commanded  the  Blanche  Ncf,  and  perished  with  her.  Prince 
William,  and  about  one  hundred  and  forty  of  the  nobihty,  besides 
servants,  on  the  rocks  of  the  Eas  de  Catteville.  Mathilda,  wife  of 
the  Conqueror,  for  her  services  in  providing  the  Mora,  was  given 
the  county  of  Kent.^  Fitz  Erard  was  exempted  from  taxation  in 
respect  of  his  house  at  Southampton. - 

According  to  some  authorities,  among  whom  Wace  is  to  be 
included,  WiUiam  destroyed  or  burnt  his  fleet  after  he  had  effected 
his  landing  in  England  ;  but  the  fact  is  doubtful.  The  probability 
is,  that  if  he  destroyed  any  craft  at  all,  he  destroyed  only  the 
small  temporary  vessels  which  had  been  knocked  together  for  the 
invasion,  and  which  promised  to  be  useless  for  other  pm-poses ;  for 
there  is  no  evidence  that  he  ever  underrated  the  value  of  a  navy  ; 
and  all  that  we  know  of  him  tends  to  prove  the  contrary.  It  is 
true,  however,  that  at  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  he  seems  to  have 
had  but  a  small  one.  The  greater  part  of  the  old  navy  of  Harold 
had  been  carried  off  to  Ireland,  after  that  prince's  death,  bj'  his 
sons  Godwin,  Magnus,  and  Edmund  ;  and  the  comparative  impunity 
of  the  various  sea  rovers  and  others  who  attacked  the  kingdom  soon 
after  the  Conquest,  shows  that  WilHam's  fleet  was  insignificant  for 
the  moment.  It  may,  nevertheless,  have  still  included  all  the 
regular  warships  which  had  taken  part  in  the  descent  of  1066. 
But  at  the  earliest  opportunity  the  Conqueror  largely  increased  it ; 
and  five  years  after  his  success,  if  not  before,  he  had  a  respectable 
fighting  force  at  sea. 

It  was  partially  supported,  at  least  towards  the  conclusion  of  the 
reign,  by  means  of  a  revived  Danegeld,  or  Heregeld.  In  1084 
the  rate  was  six  shillings  the  hide  of  land.     Under  William  Eufus, 

'  But  Odo  was  later  made  Earl  of  Kent.     He  is  believed  to  liave  died  1096,  at  the 
siege  of  Antioch — a  fine  type  of  turbulent  fighting  bishop. 
2  '  Domesday,'  i.  52. 


1066.]  WILLIAWS  POLICY.  79 

a  Danegeld,  of  foiir  shillings  the  hide,  property  of  the  Church  not 
excepted,  was  levied  for  the  defence  of  Normandy.  Under  Henry  I., 
the  annual  Danegeld  is  said  ^  to  have  been  twelve  pence  the  hide, 
"  which  was  sometimes  given  to  the  tything  men."  Stephen  at  his 
coronation  promised  to  remit  the  tax ;  but  Selden ''  declares  that  it 
was  occasionally  paid  in  the  time  of  Henry  II.,  though  it  may  be 
questioned  whether  the  tax  which  formed  a  subject  of  dispute 
between  Henry  and  Becket  in  1163  was  really  Danegeld,  in  spite  of 
the  fact  that  in  that  year  "  Danegeld "  ^  ceased  to  be  a  distinct 
item  in  the  royal  revenue,  and  made  room  for  "  douum "  or 
"auxilium"  (aid).  The  navy  was,  however,  more  particularly  and 
regularly  supported  by  the  furnishing  of  contingents  of  ships  and 
men  from  the  ports  and  towns,  as  stipulated  by  their  tenures.  And 
sometimes  the  crown  made  special  arrangements,  as,  for  example, 
when  Wilham  I.*  exchanged  a  carucate  of  land  near  Lincoln  for  the 
ship  of  one  Utchel,  as  recorded  in  '  Domesday.' 

There  should  be  no  misapprehension  as  to  William's  attitude 
towards  England  after  his  success.  AValsingham  speaks  of  him 
as  '^  rex  electus" :  Matthew  Paris  and  Matthew  of  Westminster 
call  him  "  rex  acclamatus  "  ;  but  he  was  in  fact  a  despotic  conqueror, 
and  England  was  his  spoil  and  booty.  He  seized  the  estates  of  the 
conquered,  and  gave  them  to  his  friends  ;  and  nothing  can  be  more 
convincing  upon  this  score  than  the  words  of  Wilham  of  Poitiers,* 
a  fighting  priest,  who  was  one  of  William's  chaplains.  "  The 
EngUsh  merchants,"  he  says,  "  add  to  the  opulence  of  their  country, 
rich  in  its  own  fertiHty,  still  greater  riches  and  more  valuable 
treasures  by  importation.  These  imported  treasures,  which  were 
considerable,  both  for  their  quantity  and  their  quahty,  were  either 
to  have  been  hoarded  up  for  the  gratification  of  their  avarice,  or  to 
have  been  dissipated  in  the  indulgence  of  their  luxurious  inclina- 
tions. But  William  seized  them,  and  bestowed  part  on  his 
victorious  army,  part  on  chm-ches  and  monasteries ;  and  to  the 
Pope  and  the  Church  of  Eome  he  sent  an  incredible  mass  of  money 
in  gold,  and  many  ornaments  that  would  have  been  admired  even 
at  Constantinople." 

Much  has  been  made  of  the  fact  that  William,  after  Senlac  and 

'  Anct.  Laws,  228.  ^  '  Mare  Claus.,'  xxv. 

'  For  the  whole  subject,  see  FreemauV  '  Norm.  Couq.,'  iv.,  and  Stubbs's  '  Conslit. 
Hist.' 

*  '  Domesday,'  i.  336.  "  Will,  of  Poit.,  266. 


80  CIVIL   mSTORT,   106G-1154.  [1100. 

the  advance  on  London,  was  actually  offered  the  crown  by  the 
elders  of  the  kingdom  ;  but  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  Edgar 
Atheling  was  the  first  choice  of  these  elders,  and  that  it  was  only 
after  they  realised  that  William  had  power  to  compel  submission 
that,  probably  with  a  view  to  saving  their  possessions  from  total 
confiscation,  they  submitted.  Nor  did  the  country,  as  a  whole, 
submit  even  then.  The  west  was  unconquered  until  1068 ;  the  north 
was  imdominated  for  two  years  longer.  While  we  allow  William 
to  have  been  a  great  statesman,  and  Norman  rule  to  have  been  a 
wholesome  tonic  episode  for  England,  we  need  not  shut  our  eyes 
to  the  truth  that  the  Conqueror  took  and  held  the  conquest  by 
the  might  of  his  sword,  and  without  the  smallest  regard  to  the 
wishes  of  any  section  of  the  native  population.  In  this  respect,  he 
differed  from  William  III.  who,  also,  in  some  sense,  was  a  conqueror. 
Wilham  I.  struck  upon  his  own  initiative,  and  for  his  own  ends  : 
Wilham  II.  came  over  with  a  mandate  in  his  pocket  from  the  best 
part  of  the  nation.  After  1066,  in  consequence,  England  was 
merged  in  Wilham  I.  ;  while,  after  1688,  Wilham  III.  was  merged 
in  England. 

There  was  much  naval  activity,  as  wiU  appear  in  the  next 
chapter,  in  the  reigns  of  William  I.  and  William  Eufus ;  but  few 
records  bearing  upon  the  subject  of  naval  improvements,  or  of  the 
civil  side  of  maritime  affairs,  have  reached  us,  either  from  those 
reigns  or  from  the  reign  of  Stephen. 

But  the  reign  of  Henry  I.  is  interesting  as  having,  apparently, 
vsdtnessed  the  first  definite  establishment  of  an  Admiral's  Court 
(Court  of  Admiralty)  in  England,  and  as  having  produced  several 
laws  regulating  maritime  affairs.  The  Admiral's  Com-t  was,  no 
doubt,  a  gradual  outgrowth  of  institutions  which  had  existed  under 
the  Saxon  kings,  every  admiral  or  superior  sea-commander  having, 
of  necessity,  a  certain  jurisdiction,  in  order  to  enable  him  to  main- 
tain discipline  and  to  protect  the  interests  of  those  under  him. 
Prynne,  commentating  Coke,  alludes  to  an  ordinance'  made  at 
Ipswich,  in  the  reign  of  Henry  L,  by  the  Admirals  of  the  North 
and  West,  containing  the  procedure  for  outlawing  and  banishing 
persons  attainted  in  the  Admiral's  Com-t  of  felony  or  trespass ;  and 
as  there  is  no  earher  mention  of  such  a  court,  but  only  of  previous 
ordinances,  it  may  be  concluded  that  the  Admiral's  Court,  known  by 
that  name,  dates  from  that  time. 

'  I^  the  '  Black  Book  of  the  Admirahy.' 


1120.]  SIZE   OF  NORMAN  SHIPS.  81 

The  ancient  Common  Law,  relatin<T  to  wrecks,  directed  that 
when  a  vessel  was  lost  at  sea,  and  the  goods  or  cargo  floated  to 
land,  they  should  belong  to  the  king,  in  accordance  with  a  harsh 
principle  to  the  effect  that,  as  Blackstone  says,  by  the  loss  of  the 
ship,  all  property  in  it  passes  away  from  the  original  owner. "  But 
Henry  modified  this,  and  ordained  that,  if  any  person  escaped  alive 
from  the  ship,  it  should  not  be  deemed  to  be  a  wreck. ^ 

Some  judgment  may  be  formed  of  the  size  and  nature  of  ships 
of  the  period,  from  the  story  of  the  accident  which  has  already  been 
touched  upon  as  having  befallen  several  members  of  the  royal 
family,  in  the  year  1120.  Henry  I.  had  been  for  some  time  in 
Normandy  and,  in  November,  assembled  a  squadron  at  Barfleur  to 
convoy  him  back  to  England.  He  was  met  by  Thomas  Fitz 
Stephen,  commanding  a  vessel  described  as  La  Blanche  Nef,  who, 
upon  the  strength  of  his  ancestor  having  steered  William  I.  to 
England,  prayed  the  Idng  to  go  on  board  his  ship,  and  make  the 
passage  in  her.  The  White  Ship  had  been  lately  built  to  the  order 
of  Prince  William,  Henry's  only  legitimate  sou,  a  young  man  of 
about  eighteen,  who  had,  a  very  short  time  before,  married  a 
daughter  of  the  Count  of  Anjou.  Henry  had  made  other  arrange- 
ments for  his  own  passage,  but  bade  Thomas  Eitz  Stephen  carry 
over  the  princes  and  princesses.  Accordingly,  there  went  on  board. 
Prince  William,  his  natural  brother  Eichard,  his  natural  sister 
Mary,  Countess  of  Perche,  Eichard,  Earl  of  Chester,  and  his  wife 
Lucia,  niece  to  the  king,  and  abovit  a  hundred  and  forty  nobles,  of 
whom  eighteen  were  ladies  of  high  rank.  There  was  an  equal 
number  of  servants,  seamen,  etc.,  or  about  three  hundred  in  all. 
The  White  Shij)  pulled  fifty  oars,  and  Prince  William,  who  was 
interested  in  her,  induced  the  captain  and  sailors,  by  plying  them 
with  wine,  to  race  the  royal  galley,  in  which  Henry  was. 

The  king's  ship  had  already  sailed  when  the  White  Shij)  weighed 
after  sundown.  Fitz  Stephen,  in  hopes  of  gaining  on  the  chase, 
kept  his  vessel  as  close  in  shore  as  possible,  trusting  to  the  bright 
moonlight  to  enaljle  him  to  avoid  the  I'ocks  ;  but  he  presently  struck 
on  a  reef  in  the  Eas  de  Catteville,  and  stove  in  the  White  Shijj's 
port  side.  "  The  crowded  state  of  the  vessel,"  says  Nicolas,  "  and 
perhaps  the  inebriated  condition  of  the  crew,"  rendered  useless  all 
efforts  to  get  the  ship  into  a  position  of  safety,  and  she  soon  ^\•ent 
down.     When  sIk^  first  struck,  the  seamen  got  out  a  l)oat,  and  jiut 

'  Blackstone,  i.  290. 
VOL.    I.  G 


82  CIVIL   HISTORY,    1066-1154.  [1154. 

Prince  William  and  a  few  more  into  it ;  and  these  pushed  off,  and 
might  have  escaped,  had  not  the  prince  insisted  on  returning  to  the 
rescue  of  his  half-sister.  As  the  boat  neared  the  wreck,  so  many 
people  leapt  into  her  that  she  capsized,  and  all  in  her  were  lost. 
Two  persons  clung  to  the  mast  of  the  White  Ship.  One,  cramped 
by  the  chill  of  the  night,  fell  off  and  was  dro^Aiied ;  and  the  only 
man  who  survived,  to  be  saved  next  morning  by  fishermen  from  the 
shore,  was  Berauld,  a  butcher  of  Kouen.' 

Nicolas  ^  considers  that  the  numbers  said  to  have  embarked  in 
the  White  Ship  on  this  occasion  must  have  been  exaggerated,  "for 
it  is  exceedingly  doubtful  if  any  vessel  of  the  period  was  capable  of 
holding  so  many  people."  It  seems  unnecessary  to  raise  such  an 
objection.  We  have  little  definite  information  concerning  the 
dimensions  of  the  largest  ships  of  the  time,  but  if  Olaf  Trygg- 
vesson,  at  the  end  of  the  tenth  centmy,  built,  as  the  Norse 
chroniclers  tell  us,  a  vessel  117  feet  long,  there  is  surely  no  reason 
whj'  Prince  William,  in  the  first  quarter  of  the  twelfth  century, 
should  not  have  built  a  ship  of  equal  length ;  and  such  an  one 
could  have  carried  three  hundred  people  without  much  difficulty. 

We  are,  most  of  us,  liable  to  be  influenced  in  om-  estimate  of 
the  ships  of  remote  periods  by  the  rude  and  obviously  inaccurate 
representations  that  have  been  handed  down  to  us,  especially  on 
coins  and  sculptures.  In  those  days  there  were  no  people  who, 
after  following  the  sea  and  learning  w^hat  ships  were  like,  did  as 
artistically  inclined  naval  officers  of  the  nineteenth  century  have 
done  over  and  over  again.  The  painter,  the  medallist,  and  the 
sculptor  were  landsmen ;  and  we  are  no  wiser  in  trusting  their 
versions  of  what  ships  were  like,  than  we  should  be  in  trusting  a 
modern  North  Sea  fisherman's  version  of  what  some  totally  un- 
familiar instrument,  such  as  a  pulsometer,  or  a  polariscope,  is  like.^ 

'  SiBi.  of  Durham,  242  ;  Bromton,  1012  ;  AVill.  uf  Malmes.  ii.  653  ;  Ord.  Yit.  867,  etc. 

2  I.  101. 

'  M.  Jal,  writing  on  this  suliject,  calls  attention  to  the  small  bas-reliefs  of  ships  east 
on  the  gas-standards  for  the  Paris  boulevards  by  M.  A.  Muel  in  1837  (see  cut,  next 
page),  and  to  the  extraordinary  representations  of  galleys  to  be  foimd  in  various  modern 
paintings  and  sculptures  of  the  arms  of  Paris  ;  and  he  imagines  an  archaeologist  of  some 
future  age  commenting  as  follows  upon  relics  discovered  in  the  ruins  of  the  French 
capital :  "  The  vessels  which  we  find  represented  on  the  bases  of  candelabras,  on  the 
beaks  of  rostral  columns,  on  shields,  and  on  the  pedestals  of  certain  statues  emblematic 
of  towns,  faithfully  figure  the  French  vessels  of  the  early  years  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  This  is  beyond  all  doubt.  A  plan  of  Paiis  for  1839  shows  us  the  Ministry  of 
■Marine  dose  to  the  place  which  was  thus  ornamented  with  so  many  ships,  probably  on 


1154.] 


MISLEADING   IMPRESSIONS    OF  OLD    SHIPS. 


83 


Moreover,  iii  those  ages,  all  artistic  representation  was  highly  con- 
ventional. What  would  the  Oriental  artist  who  designed  the  first 
willow-pattern  plate  give  ns  by  way  of  a  picture  of  a  torpedo-boat 
destroyer?  How  far  an  ingrained  instinct  for  the  conventional 
treatment  of  things  may  lead  the  artist  astray,  was  well  shown  in 
some  of  the  Japanese  and  Chinese  illustrations  of  events  in  the  war 
between  China  and  Japan  in  1894-95.  Many  of  the  most  curious 
of  these  were  executed  by  eye-witnesses  of  the  operations  com- 
memorated, and  were  obviously  intended  to  be  honest  records,  so  far 
as  the  conventionaHties  permitted.  Where  absolute  ignorance  of 
the  real  nature  of  the  object  represented  has  co-operated  with  con- 
ventionalism as  abject  as  any  that  ever  limited  a  Chinaman,  no 
result  that  can  be  very  edifying  to  the  modern  eye  is  to  be 
expected. 

account  of  the  vicinity  of  that  Ministry,  and  in  ortler  to  eoiumeniorate  tlie  transport  to 
France,  by  the  French  navy,  of  the  obelisk  of  Luxor.  Here  is  one  proof.  The 
'  Ahnanack  Eoyal  et  National '  of  the  same  date  informs  us  that  in  the  Louvre  there 
was  a  Naval  Museum,  that  at  the  hea<l  of  tlie  Ministry  of  Marine  there  was  a  vice- 
admiral,  that  to  assist  this  vice-admiral  there  was  a  C'onseil  de  VAmiraute,  and,  finally, 
tliat  there  were  two  painters  attaclied  to  the  Ministry.  Here  is  another  proof.  It  is 
impossible  to  suppose  that,  under  the  very  noses  of  such  autliorities,  artists  could  liave 
made  imai;inary  representations  of  ships,  and  the  Governnieut  could  have  adoi)ted  such 
representations  in  preference  to  more  acciu'ate  ones."  As  may  be  seen,  the  artist  of 
1837  playeil  fast  and  loose  as  well  with  tlie  wind  as  with  the  shi]i.  His  wind  blows 
in  two  directions  simultaneously;  and  the  ship  apparently  ]irogrcsscs  stern  foremost. 
'  Arcliiologie  Navale,'  i.  .30-38. 


JIISI.EADISG    EFFIGY    OF   A    SHIl',    AS   SUOWX    ON    CtAS-STAXDAKU.S   CAST   IN    1837 
FOR   THE   SEIGIIliOURHOOD   OF   THE    MIXISTRY    OF    IIARIXK,    I'AUIS. 

(,Fiuin  Jut's '  Jn-hcolugk  Xuriih,'  1810.) 


G    2 


(     84     ) 


CHAPTEE  V. 

MILITARY    HISTORY   OB'   NAVAL    AFFAIRS,    ]  066-1154. 

The  Norman  Conquest — William  crosises  the  Channel — Harold's  energy  anil  gallantry — 
The  battle  of  Senlac — Descents  by  the  sous  of  Harold — Danish  attempts  on 
England — William  improves  his  fleet — Operations  against  Scotland  and  Maine — 
William's  naval  prestige — -Success  of  William  Eufus — Robert's  mismanagement  of 
the  fleet — Success  of  Magnus — Robert's  claim  to  the  crown — His  good  fortune  and 
his  weakness — Stephen  remits  the  Danegeld  to  the  prejudice  of  the  navy. 

WHEN  William,  Duke  of  Normandy,  bad 
i^.i-V-^  determined    to   invade   England,    with 

;^v£v^*  the  view  to  secure  for  himself   the  crown  of 

Edward  the  Confessor,  he  found  himself  face 
__^  to  face  with  great  difficulties,^  which  he  over- 
came only  by  convincing  his  rather  reluctant 
followers  that  the  spoils  of  the  island,  in  the  shape  of  lauds,  wealth, 
prefei-ment,  and  well-dowered  heiresses,^  would  amply  repay  them 
for  the  trouble  and  expense  incurred.  But,  having  appealed  to 
them  on  these  grounds,  and  on  the  ground  of  religious  duty,  he 
quickly  secured  general  support,  and  gradually  assembled  the 
necessary  transports  and  war  vessels  in  the  mouth  of  the  little 
Kiver  Dives,  near  the  modern  Trouville,  where  also  he  collected 
his  army. 

There  the  armada  was  delayed  by  contrary  winds  for  about  a 
month,  but  at  length  weighing,  it  made  its  way  north-eastward, 
along  the  coast,  suffering  from  continued  foul  weather  on  the 
passage,  and  losing  several  ships,  with  their  crews,  until  it  dropped 
anchor  off  Saint  Valery-en-Caux,  a  few  miles  westward  of  Dieppe. 
The  summer  seems  to  have  been  an  unusually  wet  and  rough  one. 
Kain  and  unfavourable  winds  succeeded  one  another,  trying  the 
patience  of  all  concerned,  and  imperilling  the  venture  ;  and  WilHam 
found  it  expedient  to  keep  up  the  enthusiasm  of  his  followers  with 

'  'Clu-ou.  dc  Norm.'  -xiii.  235. 

-  Will.  ofMalmes.  ;  '  De  (.'est.  Pout.  Augl.'  290;  Ord.  Vit.,  p.  494;  Eadmer,  i.  7. 


1060.] 


LANDING    OF    WILLIAM    1. 


85 


frequent  religious  services,  and  their  spirits  with  drink.'  Even 
these  resources  were,  however,  beginning  to  fail  him,  and  a  con- 
viction that  Heaven  itself  was  opposing  the  design  was  rapidly 
taking  possession  of  the  superstitious  Nonnans,  when,  in  the  night 
following  a  specially  ornate  and  impressive  service,"  in  the  presence 
of  the  holy  relics  of  Saint  Valery,  wind  and  weather  moderated. 
Next  mornmg  the  troops  were  again  embarked,  and  liefore  sunset  on 
September  27th,  1066,  the  entire  force  was  under  weigh. 

The  duke  himself  led  the  fleet  in  the  Mora,  which,  by  dawn,  had 
so  far  outsailed  her  consorts  that  not  one  of  them  was  visible,  even 
from  the  masthead.  The  ship  was  therefore  anchored,  and  the 
people  went  to  breakfast,  spiced  wines,  among  other  things,  being 


HAROLDS   SHIP. 
CFrom  the  Baijcitx  Tajje'^tru.) 

served.  After  breakfast,  first  four  and  then  numerous  vessels  were 
sighted,^  and  when  the  major  part  of  the  fleet  had  come  up,  the 
duke  weighed  again  and  proceeded.  A  few  hours  later,  on  Sep- 
tember 28th,  be  effected  an  unopposed  landing  in  Pevensey  Bay, 
and,  according  to  Wace,  destroyed  his  fleet  as  soon  as  he  had  thrown 
his  army  on  shore. 

William  remained  for  a  time  on  the  coast,  expecting  reinforce- 
ments, while  Harold  hurried  across  England,  to  make  a  concen- 
tration of  his  forces  at  London.  Speaking  generally,  the  south 
flocked  to  him,  while  the  north  held  aloof.  Harold  was  counselled 
to  send  one  army  forward  to  strike  at  the  invader,  and  to  himself 
remain  in  London,  to  organise  another  as  a  second  line  of  defence ; 
but  the  advice  did  not  agree  with  his  brave  and  impetuous  natui'e. 


Will,  of  Poit.  198. 


-  Wace,  14G. 


Will,  of  Poit.  19'J. 


86  MILITARY  HISTORY,    1066-1154.  [1066. 

He  pressed  south,  with  all  men  -whom  he  had  managed  to  draw  to 
his  standard,  and,  on  October  13th,  encamped  on  Senlac  Hill,  which 
he  fortified  with  a  ditch  and  a  palisade. 

In  the  meanwhile,  AVilliam's  reinforcements  miscarried.  They, 
too,  were  probably  to  have  landed  at  Pevensey,  but  they  went 
further  to  the  eastward,  disembarked  at  Eomney,  and  were  attacked 
and  routed  by  the  inhabitants. 

The  Normans  spent  the  night  in  confession  and  prayer,  and  in 
the  moriring  advanced  over  the  high  ground  of  Telham  to  the  valley 
at  the  foot  of  Senlac'  The  invaders  were  in  three  m.ain  diArisions. 
On  their  right  were  mercenaries  under  Eoger  Montgomery  and 
William  FitzOsbern,  afterwards  Earl  of  Hereford ;  on  the  left  were 
the  Poitevius  and  Bretons,  under  Alan  of  Bretagne ;  and  in  the 
centre  were  the  archers  and  men-at-arms  of  Normandy,  mider  the 
duke  himself.  In  each  division,  archers  were  in  the  van,  footmen  in 
the  centre  or  main  body,  and  cavalry  in  the  rear. 

As  for  the  English,  who  were  behind  their  palisade,  the  Huscarls, 
or  Thingamen,  regular  troops  of  the  king,  held  the  centre,  while 
the  vdngs  were  formed,  inefficiently  enough,  of  raw  and  ill-armed 
country  levies. 

The  Norman  attack  was  prefaced  at  nine  o'clock  by  heavy 
arrow-fire,  under  cover  of  which  the  infantry  presently  assaulted, 
but  could  make  no  impression.  Indeed,  the  Norman  left  broke  and 
fled,  and  the  English  right  got  out  of  hand,  in  spite  of  Harold's 
orders,  and  pursued.  William  personally  drove  back  his  fleeing 
Bretons,  who,  as  soon  as  they  had  re-formed,  easily  routed  their 
piu'suers,  and  forced  the  remnant  of  them  again  -within  the  enclosure. 
But  the  English  held  their  own  on  the  hill,  though  whenever  they 
sallied  forth  they  were  repulsed.  At  length  the  Norman  right 
scaled  the  slope  on  the  English  left ;  and,  seeing  all  ready  for  the 
final  onslaught,  AVilliam  bade  his  archers  fire  high,  so  as  to  drop 
their  arrows  over  the  paUsade  upon  the  heads  of  the  defenders. 
This  greatly  annoyed  the  EngHsh,  who,  in  addition,  were  beginning 
to  feel  the  effects  of  their  prolonged  exertions.  At  the  critical 
moment  Harold,  the  soul  of  his  army,  fell,  struck  by  an  arrow  in 
the  eye.  The  Huscarls  ranged  themselves  around  their  fallen  leader, 
and  prepared  to  sell  their  lives  as  dearly  as  possible ;  the  country 
levies  took  to  flight ;  and,  as  the  night  gathered,  ever  smaller  grew 

'  For  tlie  Battle  of  Hastings,  see  Freeman's  '  Numian  CVniquest,'  iii. ;  William  of 
Poitiers's  'Gesta  Gulielmi';  AVace's  'Roman  de  Kou';  and  tlie  Baj'eux  Tapestiy. 


1069.]  SWEYN'S  INVASION.  87 

the  knot  of  stern  men  swinpnj,'  tlieir  ])anish  axes  on  the  Hill  of 
Seulac,  luitil  the  last  went  down,  and  the  battle  was  lost.  Harold 
fell  at  six  in  the  evening,  after  the  fight  liad  raffed  for  nine  hours. 
The  slaughter  and  pursuit  continued  until  far  into  the  hours  of 
darkness,  and  until  60,000  Englishmen  had  perished. 

Instead  of  at  once  marching  upon  London,  the  conqueror  waited 
on  the  south  coast  until  he  had  burnt  Romney,'  by  way  of  chastise- 
ment to  its  inhabitants  for  having  interfered  with  his  reinforcements, 
and  iintil  he  had  besieged  and  taken  Dover. 

The  story  of  how  William  completed  his  conqvxest  needs  telhng 
here  only  so  far  as  it  falls  directly  within  the  limits  of  naval  history. 

He  had  not  been  a  year  upon  the  throne  ere  one  of  the  three 
sons  of  Harold,  who  had  sought  refuge  in  Ireland,  and  who,  after 
the  fall  of  their  father,  behaved  much  as  Prince  Eupert  behaved 
after  the  fall  of  Charles  I.,  undertook  a  piratical  expedition  into  the 
Bristol  Channel.  At  Bristol  he  was  beaten  back  to  his  ships,  but  in 
Somersetshire  he  landed,  and  fought  an  indecisive  battle,  in  which 
he  killed,  among  others,  Ediioth,  William's  Master  of  the  Horse. 
He  does  not  seem,  however,  to  have  been  very  successful,  and  he 
returned  to  Ireland  without  having  accomplished  much.-  The 
e.xiled  princes  made  another  descent  in  the  following  year,  when 
they  landed  in  the  Tavy  with  sixty-four  vessels,  but  were  so  badly 
used  by  the  Devonshire  people,  that  scarcely  two  ships'  crews 
escaped  to  sea.^ 

Far  more  formidable  was  an  attempt  made,  in  10(50,  to  disturb 
the  new  order  of  things  in  England.  Sweyn,  King  of  Denmark, 
conceiving  himself  to  have  inherited  some  right  to  the  crown,  and 
being  encouraged  by  the  Dano-Saxon  part}'  in  England,  as  well, 
apparently,  as  b}'  the  sons  of  Harold,  who  had  again  sought  refuge 
in  Ireland,  equipped  a  great  fleet  of  two  hundred  and  forty  ships,^ 
and  put  it  imder  the  command  of  his  brother  Osbern  and  his  sons 
Harold  and  Canute.^  Edgar  Atholing,  grandson  of  Edmund  Iron- 
side, who,  after  the  Conquest,  had  been  kindly  received  at  the  court 
of  Wilham,  had  already  been  removed  thence  by  his  friends  to 
Scotland,  where  one  of  his  sisters,  Margaret,  presently  married 
King  Malcolm  III.  (Canmore).     Edgar  was  only  eleven  years  of  age, 

■  Will,  of  Poit.  20-t. 

2  Sax.  Chron.,  269  (higram). 

'  n.,  270. 

■"  As  Sim.  of  l>iirli;iiii  s^ys;  but  Will,  of  limit.,  ami  Matt.  I'aris  s.iy  three  hundred. 

"  Sax.  Cliron.  270  (Ingram)  says  that  three  soils  of  Swoyii  took  part. 


88  MILITARY  in  STORY,    106C-115i.  [1070. 

but  was  useful  as  a  puppet.  It  was  arranged  that  he,  with  three 
Saxon  earls  of  influence,  at  the  head  of  the  Northumbrians,  should 
join  the  Danes  on  their  amval ;  and  although  it  is  not  now  clear 
what  advantage  the  Saxon  royal  family  hoped  to  derive  from  the 
venture,  it  is  plain  that  the  combination  promised  to  be  exceedingly 
advantageous  to  the  Danes.  The  latter  entered  the  Humber  with- 
out ox^positiou  about  August,  pushed  up  the  Ouse,  landed,  were 
joined  by  the  northern  insurgents,  and,  after  a  brief  and  bloody 
campaign,  stormed  York,  and  massacred  the  Norman  garrison.^ 

In  the  meantime,  William,  with  a  considerable  army,  was 
advancing  from  the  south,  and  the  Danes,  always  more  anxious 
about  booty  than  territorj%  and  always  desirous  of  being  ^-ithin 
touch  of  the  sea,  left  York  to  the  care  of  the  Northumbrians,  and 
mthdrew  with  their  plimder  and  their  prisoners  to  the  head  of  the 
Humber,  where  they  encamped  for  the  winter  in  sight  of  their  ships. 
WiUiam  seems  to  have  temporised  with  Osbern,  while  devoting  all 
his  energy  to  the  punishment  of  the  rebels,  whom  he  completely 
scattered. 

In  the  spring  Sweyn  in  person  arrived  in  the  Humber,  raided 
the  valleys  of  the  Nen  and  Great  Ouse,  and  estabhshed  himself 
at  Ely,  whence  he  attacked  and  plmidered  Peterborough.  William, 
still  -without  a  fleet  of  sufficient  force,  appears  to  have  dis- 
trusted his  ability  to  deal  with  the  maurauders  and  to  have  at 
length  bribed  them  to  depart  with  their  spoils.  They  sailed  ;  but 
their  return  voyage  was  not  a  fortunate  one,  for  they  were  over- 
taken by  a  storm,  and  lost  many  of  their  ships  and  much  of  their 
treasure.  A  few  Danish  vessels,  probably  separated  by  the  storm 
from  the  main  body,  made  their  appearance,  towards  the  end  of  the 
year,  in  the  Thames,  but  remained  only  a  very  short  time,  and 
retired  without  accomplishing  anything  of  importance.^ 

William  had  by  that  time  made  some  progress  in  the  direction  of 
suppljdng  himself  with  a  fleet.  In  1071  he  was  able  to  send  ships, 
as  well  as  land  forces,  against  Earl  Morkere,  who  had  rebelled,  and 
who  was  crushed ;  and  in  1072  he  penetrated  into  Scotland,  as  far 
as  Fife,  with  the  co-operation  of  a  squadron,  and  at  Abernethy 
obUged  Malcolm  III.  to  swear  fealty  to  him/  and  to  surrender 
Duncan,  subsequently  Duncan  II.,  as  a  hostage.  In  1073,  again, 
William  utihsed  his  fleet   for   the  recovery  of   Maine,*  which  had 

'  Three  tlumsaml  are  said  to  have  been  killed.         -  Su.k.  (.'hrcm.  276  (Ingrain). 
^  lb.,  277,  278.  '  /*.,  278. 


1090.]  XAVAL    SUCCESSES    OF  BUFUS.  89 

rebelled  ;  and  in  lUTo,  when  no  fewer  than  two  hundred  sail,  under 
Canute,  son  of  Swej'n,  and  Earl  Hakon,  left  Denmark  to  attack 
England,  the  Conqueror's  prestige  was  so  great  tliat  the  enemj^ 
upon  x'eflcction,  saw  fit  to  I'etire  without  risking  a  combat.' 

A  few  years  later,  in  1083  or  1085,  an  invasion  from  Denmark 
was  once  more  threatened  by  Canute,  aided  by  Olaf  of  Norway,  with 
sixty  ships,  and  by  Robert,  Count  of  Flanders,  with  six  hundred,^ 
bitt  either  spontaneous  dissensions  among  the  confederates,  or  dis- 
agreements judiciously  fomented  by  the  money  and  iniluence  of 
William,  caused  the  project  to  miscarry.^  Indeed,  the  Conqueror, 
although  generally  successful  in  his  naval  undertakings,  had  little 
respite  during  liis  reign  from  the  machinations  of  his  enemies  abroad, 
and  of  his  rebeliioiis  suljjects  on  the  continent,  and  at  the  verj'  time 
of  his  death  he  was  engaged  in  a  war  with  France.  But  of  the 
naval  features  of  these  campaigns  few  details  have  been  preserved. 

William  Eufus,  in  1087,  seized  the  crown  of  England  in  defiance 
of  the  rights  of  his  elder  brother  Robert,  and  in  conseijuence,  he 
had  to  keep  his  acquisition  by  means  of  the  sword.  Robert's  chief 
supporter  in  England  was  the  Conqueror's  half-brother  Odo,  Bishop 
of  Bayeux  and  Earl  of  Kent,  the  most  notable  of  the  many  fighting 
prelates  of  the  age.  Odo  occupied  and  fortified  some  of  the  Kentish 
ports,  while  Robert  collected  a  naval  and  military  force  in  Normandy  ; 
but  the  co-operation  of  the  two  leaders  was  ill  managed,  and  after  a 
first  brief  blush  of  success,  Robert's  straggling  vessels  and  reinforce- 
ments destined  for  Odo  were  over  and  over  again  ciit  off  by  the 
squadrons  of  William,  until,  when  the  latter  had  turned  the  tables 
and  assumed  the  offensive,  the  elder  brother  was  glad  to  make  peace. 

Robert,  thus  reduced  to  inactivity,  sought  employment,  and  was 
entrusted  in  1091  with  the  conduct  of  a  considerable  naval  expedition 
against  Scotland,  Malcolm  having  re-espoused  the  cause  of  Edgar 
Atheling  and  invaded  England.  William,  with  the  army,  met  the 
Scots  at  Leeds,  and  Canmore  was  induced  to  again  swear  fealty ; 
but  in  the  meantime  the  English  fleet  fared  almost  as  badly  as 
would  have  been  the  case  had  the  Scots  fought  and  fought  success- 
fully, for  it  was  overtaken  by  a  storm,  and  many  of  its  vessels 
were  lost.* 

'  Sax.  Chron.,  282  (Insram). 

'  Will,  of  Malnies.  ii.  437;  Sax.  Chron.,  288  (Ingram);  Puutauus,  Hi7. 

"  Flor.  of  Wore,  641. 

■*  Huveilen,  2G5  (Savile) ;  Bromton,  987. 


90  MILITABY  HISTORY,    1006-1154.  [1100. 

William  always  cherished  designs  for  the  conquest  of  Wales,  and 
pending  the  day  when  he  should  have  leisure  to  turn  the  whole 
forces  of  his  kingdom  against  that  principahty,  he  allowed,  and 
probably  encouraged,  the  border  nobles  to  make  war  on  their  own 
account  with  the  unreduced  west.  Numerous  small  wars,  or  free- 
booting  raids  resulted.  One  of  these  campaigns,  midertaken  in 
1098-99  by  Hugh,  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,  and  Hugh,  Earl  of  Chester, 
serves,  as  Campbell  points  out,  as  an  illustration  of  "  how  imprudent 
a  thing  it  is  to  depend  on  armies  without  fleets,"  ^  or  in  more 
modern  phrase,  of  the  importance  of  sea  power.  The  Earls  invaded 
Anglesey,  where  they  met  with  little  resistance,  and  wrung  a  great 
amomit  of  plunder  from  the  inhabitants  ;  but  while  they  were  in  the 
full  tide  of  their  success,  Magnus,  a  northern  adventurer,  swooped 
down  from  the  Orkneys  with  a  small  squadron,  and  not  only  took 
from  the  invaders  all  the  spoil  which  they  had  collected,  but  killed 
Hugh  of  Shrewsbury.- 

In  the  last  year  of  his  reign,  William  betrayed  extraordinary 
energy  in  repressing  a  rebellion  in  Maine,  of  which,  with  Nor- 
mandy, he  had  taken  charge  in  pursuance  of  an  agreement  with  his 
brother  Eobert,  who  had  gone  on  the  First  Crusade.  The  king 
was  hunting  in  England  when  he  leamt  that  Le  Mans,  the  capital 
of  the  province,  was  besieged  by  the  insurgents.  Without  dis- 
mounting he  rode  on  to  the  nearest  seaport,  and  hurrying  on  board 
a  small  vessel,  obliged  the  master  to  put  to  sea,  in  spite  of  the 
prevalent  bad  weather.  Reminded  that  he  was  alone,  he  said,  "  I 
shall  see  who  will  follow  me,  and  if  I  understand  the  youth  of  this 
kingdom,  I  shall  have  people  enough."  Remonstrated  with  on  the 
danger  of  crossing  the  Channel  with  a  foul  %vind  and  a  heavy  sea, 
he  exclaimed,  "  I  never  heard  of  a  king  that  was  shipwi'ecked. 
Weigh  anchor,  and  you  will  see  that  the  wind  will  be  with  us."  ^ 
He  landed  safely  at  Barfleur,  and  relieved  Le  Mans  with  the  troops 
already  in  Normandy.  After  his  return  he  was  preparing  a  fleet 
for  operations  beyond  sea,  when  on  August  2nd,  1100,  he  was 
accidentally  killed. 

Eobert  had  shortly  before  returned  from  his  crusade,  and  when 
he  learnt  that  his  youngest  brother  Henrj^  had  assumed  the  crown, 
he  assembled  a  fleet  at  Treport.  Henry  made  corresponding 
preparations,  issuing  orders  to  the  butescarles  along  the  coasts  for 

'  Campbell,  i.,  103  (ed.  1817).  -  Sax.  Cluuu.,  ;!17  (Ingram). 

3  Will,  of  Malines.  ii.  502  ;  All",  of  Beverley,  ix. 


1100.]  ROBERTS  INVASION.  91 

a  risorons  observation  of  persons  coming  from  Nonuandy,'  and  to 
the  fleet,  to  be  prepared  to  put  to  sea.  But  the  position  of  Henry 
was  very  precarious.  He  had  not  only  a  bad  title  but  also  a 
reputation  for  energetic  strictness,  whereas  Robert  had  a  good  title, 
had  much  distinguished  himself  in  the  East,  and  was  popular  on 
account  of  his  good  nature  and  easy-going  ways.  Desertions  from 
Henry  reinforced  Eobert  botli  by  sea  and  by  land. 

The  king,  awaiting  the  expected  invasion  at  Pevensey,  dispatched 
his  fleet  to  meet  that  of  his  brother  as  soon  as  he  learnt  that  the 
latter  had  sailed.  Several  ships  went  over  to  the  foe.  The  body  of 
the  fleet  missed  the  hostile  squadron,  which,  keeping  somewhat 
down  Channel,  effected  a  landing  at  Portsmouth.  Henry,  after 
concentrating  at  Hastings,  moved  to  Winchester,  many  of  his 
followers  quitting  him,  and  Eobert  advanced,  and  by  a  courageous 
blow  might  have  gained  the  Idngdom,  lint  that,  giving  way  to  the 
influence  of  the  nobles,  and  of  Anselm,  Archbishop  of  Canterbmy, 
he  suffered  himself  to  be  persuaded  to  treat."  In  the  event,  Henry 
was  recognised  as  King  of  England,  and  Robert  received  a  pension 
and  certain  territorial  concessions  on  the  continent.  Robert  did  not 
long  adhere  to  his  bargain,  and  in  HOG  Hemy  crossed,  unopposed 
by  sea,  to  Noniiandy,  won  the  battle  of  Tenchebrai,  took  Robert 
prisoner,  and  kept  him  captive  at  Cardiff  until  his  death.  William 
CHto,  Robert's  eldest  son,  maintained  for  some  time  his  father's 
pretensions,  and  obliged  Henry  to  make  frequent  expeditions  to 
the  continent,  and  also  to  keep  a  considerable  fleet  in  readiness, 
until  1124,  when  William  abandoned  the  struggle  and  retired  to 
Elanders. 

Stephen's  title  to  the  crown,  like  that  of  Henry  I.,  was  a  bad 
one.  He  claimed  as  a  son  of  Adela,  a  daughter  of  William  the 
Conqueror,  who  had  married  Stephen,  Count  of  Blois ;  but  he  was 
a  younger  son  at  best,  and  there  were,  moreover,  much  nearer  heirs, 
the  nearest  of  all  to  the  late  king  being  Matilda,  or  Maud,  only 
daughter  of  Henry  I.,  and  widow  of  the  Emperor  Henry  V.  Her 
second  husband,  Geoffrey  of  Anjou,  was  unpopular  in  England,  and 
although  homage  had  been  done  to  Maud  as  the  future  Queen  of 
England,  in  ll'iU,  the  new  alliance  contracted  in  11'28  antagonised 
so  many  of  the  nobles,  that  Stephen  secured  the  succession  without 
much  difficulty.     To  reconcile  his  subjects  to  his  rule,  he  remitted 

'   Hoveden,  2G8;  Flor.  t.f  \V(HO.,  G.'jO. 

-   Sax.  Chron.,  322  Clngram");  Bronitoii,  998  ;  Hoveden,  2(18  (Savile). 


92  MILITARY  HISTORY,    1066-1154.  [1154. 

the  tax  known  as  the  Danegeld  or  Heregeld,  and  thus  deprived 
himself  of  large  part  of  the  supplies  out  of  which  a  fleet  could  be 
maintained ;  yet  in  1137  he  was  able  to  invade  Normandy  ^  with  an 
army  and  a  considerable  squadron,  and  in  spite  of  the  resistance  of 
Geoffi-ey  of  Anjou,  to  temporarily  restore  the  province  to  the  English 
crown. 

But  his  success  was  short  lived.  The  Empress  Maud,  accom- 
panied by  her  bastard  brother  Eobert,  Earl  of  Gloucester,^  invaded 
England ;  and  for  several  years  afterwards  the  country,  owing 
to  the  varying  fortunes  of  the  combatants,  was  in  a  complete 
state  of  anarchy,  dm-ing  which  the  navy  was  almost  entirely 
neglected.  From  1145  to  115'2  the  empress  withdrew,  and  left 
Stephen  master  of  England ;  but  in  the  latter  year  the  war  was 
renewed  by  Maud's  son  Henry,  then  an  able  and  popular  lad  of 
nineteen.  The  struggle  was  terminated  in  1153  by  the  treaty  which, 
though  known  as  that  of  Wallingford,  was  actually  concluded  at 
Westminster,  and  which  stipulated  that  Stephen  should  retain  the 
kingdom  during  his  lifetime,  and  should  then  be  succeeded  by  Henry. 
Stephen  profited  little  by  this  arrangement,  dying  on  October  '25th 
in  the  following  year. 

'  Bromton,  1026. 

-  Ih.,  1029  ;  Hobt.  of  Glouc,  460. 


(      9B 


CHAPTEE  VI. 

VOYAGES   AND    DISCOVERIES,    1066-1154. 

H.  W.  Wilson. 

Effect  of  the  comiuest  on  n.avigation — Voyage  of  Saewulf  to  Palestine — Encounter  witli 
tlie  Saracens — His  route  liouie — Depredations  of  tlie  Orlincy  men — Englisli  pirates 
in  the  Meiiiterrauean — Hognvald  of  ( >rliney's  voyage — Battle  witli  tlie  Saracen  cogs — 
^fanner  of  Ipoariling — Adclanl — The  Crusades — Voyages  to  the  north — Scotland. 

rpHE  iiiviisioii  and  conquest  of  England  by^the 
Normans  must  have  strengthened  the  con- 
nection between  England  and  the  continent,  and 
so  have  promoted  trade  and  navigation.  In  105'2, 
just  before  the  conquest,  the  Cinque  Ports  are  noted 
as  possessing  many  ships,  but  English  craft  do  not  as  yet  appear 
to  have  ventured  outside  the  Bay  of  Biscay  to  the  south,  whilst 
navigation  to  the  north  was,  it  is  probable,  mainly  in  the  hands  of 
Scandinavians.  In  1095  is  a  curious  notice  of  Joint  ownership  of 
ships,  when  we  hear  that  Godric,  who  later  became  a  saint,  a  native 
of  Walpole,  in  Norfolk,  held  one-half  of  one  ship  and  a  quarter  of 
another.  The  almost  absolute  silence  of  contemporary  authorities 
on  the  subject  of  seafaring  during  the  Norman  period,  is  at  least 
remarkable,  though  it  does  not  by  any  means  prove  that  there  were 
no  voyages.  Early  in  the  twelfth  century  the  Scots  annalists  men- 
tion the  present  of  an  Arab  horse  and  Turkish  armour,  as  given  by 
King  Alexander  to  St.  Andrews.  This  would  point  to  intercourse 
with  the  Mediterranean  countries. 

In  the  year  1102  one  Saewulf,  a  merchant  who  afterwards 
became  a  monk  at  Malmesbury,  pilgrimaged  to  the  Holy  Land. 
As  usual,  he  seems  to  have  gone  overland  to  Italy,  whence  he  sailed 
to  the  Ionian  Isles,  and  there  disembarking,  travelled  on  foot  to 
Negropont.  After  this  he  took  ship  and  sailed  by  Tinos,  Syros, 
Mykonos,  Naxia,  Karos,  Amorgos,  Samos,  Scio,  Mitylene,  Patmos, 
Cnidus,  and  Cyprus  to  Joppa,  where  he  found  a  great  fleet  of 
ships  assembled,  bringing  pilgrims.  A  violent  storm  arose  and  his 
ship  was  wrecked,  but  he  had  escaped  by  going  ashore  before  the 


94  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1006-1154.  [1075. 

gale  reached  its  height.^  On  his  return  he  embarked  at  Joppa,  but 
did  not  dare  to  veutiu'e  out  to  the  open  sea  for  fear  of  Saracens ;  a 
statement  which  clearly  indicates  that  navigators  had  begun  to  sail 
direct  for  their  destination  instead  of  deviously  following  the  outline 
of  the  coast.  Coasting  along  near  Acre,  his  ship,  in  company  with 
others,  encountered  a  fleet  of  twenty-six  Saracen  vessels,  which 
were  conve3dng  an  army  to  "  Babylonia."  The  Saracens  suiToiuided 
the  pilgrims,  and  two  of  the  Christian  ships  fled.  "But  our  men," 
says  SaewniK,  "ready  to  meet  death  in  the  cause  of  Christ,  took 
their  arms  when  the  foe  was  a  bow-shot  off,  and  stationed  them- 
selves as  quickly  as  might  be  on  the  forecastle  of  our  ship — for  our 
dromon  carried  two  hundi'ed  men-at-arms."  For  an  hour  the 
enemy  debated  whether  to  attack,  and  then,  noting  the  bold  face 
of  the  pilgrims,  hauled  off.  Three  of  his  ships  were  taken  after- 
wards by  certain  Joppa  Christians.  Thence  Saewulf  sailed  along 
Sj'ria  to  Cyprus  and  Little  Antioch,  being  hereabouts  ofttimes 
assailed  by  pirates,  who  were  beaten  off.  Then  he  went  by  Patras, 
Rhodes,  Stromlo  (Stampali),  Samos,  Scio,  Smyrna,  Mitylene, 
Tenis  (Tenedos),  and  Gallipolis  to  Eaclea  (Heraclea,  now  Eregli, 
on  the  Sea  of  Marmora),  where  his  narrative  abruptly  ends.  - 

The  Orkneymen  in  the  Norman  period  caused  some  trouble  by 
their  depredations  on  the  coast.  In  1075,  as  the  Saxon  Chronicle 
tells  us,  a  large  fleet  under  Hakon  of  Norway  came  to  plunder,  but 
retired  incontinently  on  hearing  something  of  William's  administra- 
tion. In  the  days  of  Stephen  an  Orkney  fleet  pillaged  Aberdeen, 
Hartlepool,  Whitby,  Pilawick,  and  Langton.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  English  had  themselves  taken  to  playing  pirate  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean. In  110'2  one  Hardine,  an  Englishman,^  was  with  a  fleet 
of  two  hundi'ed  ships  which  put  into  Joppa,  and  in  1105  an  English 
pirate  named  Godric  sails  boldly  into  the  same  port,  with  King 
Baldwin  of  Jerusalem.  The  Saracens  off  the  port,  with  "  '20  gallies 
and  13  shippes,"  endeavoured  to  surround  them,  but  "by  God's 
help  the  billows  of  the  sea  swelling  up  and  raging  against  them, 
and  the  king's  ship  gliding  and  passing  through  the  waves  with  an 
easy  and  nimble  course,  arrived  suddenly  in  the  harbour  of  Joppa."  * 
A  few  years  later  a  fleet  of  English,  Danish,  and  Flemish  ships 
arrived.  The  crusading  warfare  with  the  Saracens  was  familiarising 
our  navigators  with  the  waters  of  the  Mediterranean. 

'  Of  thirty  sliips,  all  but  seven  were  wrecked. 

-  AVright,  T.,  'Early  Travels  in  Palestine'  (London,  1S17),  jip.  xxi.,  .'^1-50. 

5  Hakhiyt,  1!.  L.  ii."l5.  *  lb.,  ii.  12. 


1150.]  ROGNVALD   AV    THE   MEDITERRANEAN.  95 

In  1150  the  Orkne3'ingers'  Saga  tells  us  of  a  great  expedition 
made  by  Earl  Eognvald  of  Orkney  to  the  Mediterraneim  and 
Palestine.  The  expedition  started  first  from  Bergen,  and  then 
picked  up  a  number  of  Orkney  ships,  sailing  rather  late  in  the 
summer  with  fifteen  vessels  in  all.  They  voyaged  by  Scotland, 
Northumberland,  England,  and  France,  and  came  without  further 
incident  to  Nerbon  (probably  Bilbao).  There  they  were  entertained 
by  Queen  Ermingerd,  whose  husl)and  was  dead ;  the  earl  took  her 
hand  and  set  her  on  his  knee,  as  she  poured  out  wine  for  him,  and 
her  folk  wished  him  to  marry  her,  but  he  would  not  till  he  had 
done  his  voyage.  So  he  sailed  west  to  Galicialand,  in  the  winter 
before  Yule,  and  meant  to  tarry  there  for  Yuletide.  And  in  tliat 
place  was  the  castle  of  a  stranger  lord,  which  the  townsmen  besought 
him  to  take.  .This  he  presently  assailed,  heaping  wood  round  the 
walls  and  kindling  it.  Then  the  walls  of  the  castle  yielded  before 
the  fire,  and  Rognvald  sent  for  water  to  cool  the  rubble,  and  they 
cooled  it  and  rushed  in  and  took  the  castle.  After  this  they  departed 
from  Galicialand  and  held  on  west,  harrying  the  heathen  who 
dwelt  thereabouts.  And  when  off  Spain  a  great  storm  smote  them 
and  they  lay  three  days  at  anchor,  so  that  they  shipped  much 
water  and  all  but  lost  their  ships. 

Anon  they  hoisted  sail  and  beat  out  to  Njorfa  Sound  (Gut  of 
Gibraltar)  with  a  cross  wind,  and  sailed  through  Njorfa  Sound, 
when  the  weather  mended ;  but  six  ships  parted  company  from 
the  earl  and  sailed  to  Marseilles.  Then  they  came  to  the  south  of 
Sarkland,  and  near  Sardinia,  yet  they  knew  not  that  they  were  near 
land.  The  weather  was  calm,  and  the  sea  smooth,  but  mists  hung 
over  it  though  the  nights  were  light,  so  that  they  saw  scarcelj'  at 
all  from  their  ships.  Now  it  came  to  pass  that  one  morning  the 
mist  lifted,  and  they  stood  up  and  looked  eagerly,  and  then  saw  two 
small  islets  narrow  and  steep  ;  and  looking  again  one  islet  had  gone. 
Then  said  the  earl:  "Needs  must  these  be  ships  which  they  call 
dromons  ;  they  are  big  as  islands  to  look  upon."  And  then  he 
called  together  the  bishop  and  his  captains,  and  said :  "  I  call  you 
together  for  this  :  see  ye  any  chance  that  we  may  win  victory  over 
those  of  the  dromon?"  And  the  bishop  answered:  "A  dromon 
is  hard  to  grapple  with  a  longship  ;  and  they  can  pour  brimstone 
and  burning  pitch  under  your  feet  and  over  your  heads."  Then 
said  a  captain,  Erhng :  "  There  will  be  little  hope  in  rowing  against 
them.     Yet  somehow  it  seemeth  to  me  that  should  we  run  under 


96  VUYAGES   AND   DISCOVERIES,    10(i6-115J.  [1150. 

the  dromon :  in  this  way  her  bolts  will  pass  over  us,  if  we  hug  her 
very  close."  And  the  earl  said  :  "  That  is  spoken  like  a  man. 
Now  will  we  make  ready  and  row  against  them.  And  if  they  are 
Christians,  then  will  we  make  peace  with  them  ;  but  if  they  are 
heathens,  then  Almighty  God  will  yieljd  us  this  mercy  that  we  shall 
win  the  victory  over  them."  Then  the  men  got  out  their  arms  and 
heightened  the  bulwarks,  and  rowed  briskly  up  to  the  enemy ;  and 
it  seemed  to  them  that  those  on  the  dromon  dared  them  to  come 
on  with  shoutings  and  bailings. 

Earl  Eognvald  laid  his  ship  aft  alongside  the  dromon,  and 
Erling,  too,  laid  his  aft.  John  and  Aslak  laid  their  ships  forward  on 
either  board,  and  the  others  were  also  on  either  board ;  and  the  sides 
of  the  dromon  stood  up  so  high  that  they  could  not  reach  up,  and 
pitch  and  brimstone  were  poured  upon  them,  but-  the  weight  of 
weapons  fell  beyond  them  in  the  sea.  And  as  their  onslaught 
prospered  not,  the  bishop,  with  two  others,  pushed  off  and  with 
bowmen  drove  the  dromon's  men  to  cover.  Then  Eognvald 
shouted  to  his  men  to  hew  asunder  the  broadside  of  the  dromon ; 
and  above  Erling's  ship  hung  the  great  anchor  of  the  dromon,  and 
the  stock  pointed  downwards.  Then  was  Audun  the  Bed  lifted  up 
on  the  anchor  stock,  and  others  he  helped  up  to  him,  till  they  stood 
thick  on  the  stock,  and  hewed  till  they  could  enter  the  dromon. 
And  the  earl  and  his  men  boarded  by  the  lower  hold,  and  Erling  and 
his  by  the  upper ;  and  there  were  many  Saracens  and  blackamoors 
on  board,  so  that  it  was  an  exceeding  hard  fight.  Then  they  slew 
much  follv  and  got  much  goods,  and  took  a  man  taller  and  fairer 
than  the  rest,  and  other  captives  ;  and  after  the  battle  they  feasted, 
and  stripped  the  dromon  and  set  her  on  fire.  Then  it  was  as  if 
molten  metal  did  flow  from  her,  and  they  knew  that  she  had  carried 
hidden  silver  and  gold. 

Thence  they  sailed  under  Sarkland  to  a  coast  town,  and  made 
truce  with  the  townsmen,  and  sold  their  prisoners ;  but  the  tall  )nan 
none  would  buy,  wherefore  the  earl  set  him  free.  Then  he  rode  up 
the  country,  bidding  Eognvald  godspeed ;  but  Eognvald  fared  to 
Crete  in  foul  weather,  and  after  whiles  a  fair  wind  came  for  them 
to  go  to  Acreburg,  and  they  sailed  thither,  and  fared  to  the  Jordan, 
and  came  back ;  and  after  that  they  sailed  for  Micklegarth  (Con- 
stantinople), and  they  took  great  pains  with  their  sailing  and  came 
with  great  pomp.  Menelaus  was  emperor  of  Micklegarth,  and  gave 
them  much  goods.     They  stayed  there  the  winter ;  then  Eognvald 


1154.]  GROWTH  OF  TRADE.  97 

departed  home,  by  Bulgarialand  and  Dyrrachburg  (Durazzo),  and 
Poule  (Apulia)  and  Eome,  to  Norway.^  In  the  desperate  fighting  of 
this  voyage  we  seem,  as  has  been  justly  remarked,  to  have  a  fore- 
taste of  the  exploits  of  Drake  and  Greville. 

About  this  time,  or  a  few  years  earUer,  Adelard,  or  Aethelhard  of 
Bath,  travelled  or  voyaged  round  Spain,  North  Africa,  Greece,  and 
Asia  Minor.  Little  or  nothing  is  known  about  him  or  his  adven- 
tures." Now  too  we  begin  to  find  evidence  of  constant  voyages  and 
pilgrimages  to  the  Holy  Land,  though  few  details  are  given,  and  we 
have  httle  beyond  the  bare  record.  Thus  in  1128,  Hakluyt  tells  us 
that  William,  an  Englishman,  a  canon  regular  of  Jerusalem,  was 
made  Archbishop  of  Tyre.^  About  1143,  Eobertus  Ketenensis 
travelled  to  Dalmatia,  Greece,  and  Asia.  A  little  later  the  Crusades 
began  to  stimulate  the  development  of  English  shipping,  as  the 
knights  and  their  followers  required  generally  to  be  conveyed  by  sea 
to  the  Holy  Land.  At  the  same  time  the  Norman  contempt  for 
trade  was  dying  out,  and  voyages  were  being  made  from  Bristowe 
or  Bristol,  to  Iceland  and  Norway.*  From  Grimsby  chapmen  sailed 
to  the  Orkneys,*  Norway,  Scotland,  and  the  Siidereyar  (Hebrides). 
Berwick-on-Tweed  has  numerous  ships,  and  one  Canute  of  that 
town,  on  a  ship  of  his  being  captured  by  the  east  of  Orkney,  hired 
fifteen  vessels,  gave  chase,  and  recaptured  her.^  So,  too,  in  Scotland 
statutes  appear  gi'anting  certain  privileges  to  merchants  who  are 
trading  abroad,  and  English  fishermen  begin  to  cross  the  Firth  of 
Forth.'  English  traders  are  found  resident  at  Montpelier,'  and  a 
treaty  between  Barbarossa  and  Hemy  II.  concerning  merchants  and 
merchandise,  testifies  to  the  growing  intercourse  between  England 
and  Germany.*  At  the  same  time  the  defective  geographical  know- 
ledge of  Giraldus  Cambrensis,  who  flourished  towards  the  close  of 
the  twelfth  century,  proves  that  the  writers  and  chroniclers  were 
ignorant  of  the  results  of  these  voyages. 

'  Dasent,  op.  cit.  1G3.     I  have  abbreviated   the  original,  striving   to   retain   tiie 
archaism  of  style. 

-  Diet.  Nat.  Biogr.,  '  Ailelard  of  Bath.' 
'  Hakluyt,  ii.  16. 

*  Will.  Malmesbury,  '  Dc  Gest.  Pont.,'  101. 
"  Orkneyingar  Saga,  97,  98. 

^  Torfa;us  Arcades,  i.  32. 

'  Macpherson,  '  Annals  of  Commerce,'  i.  324. 

*  Macpherson,   335,   supposes   that  they   did   not   come  there  by  sea.     I   do  not 
understand  why  not. 

»  Hakluyt,  i.  128,  129. 

VOL.    I.  H 


(98    > 


CHAPTEE  VII. 

CIVIL   HISTORY   OF   THE    NAVY,    1154-1399. 

Effects  of  the  Ci\il  War — The  great  ports — Commerce — Twelfth-century  ships — The 
esnecca — Galleys — Other  craft — Weapons — Greek  Fire — The  Trench-the-Mer — 
Organisation  of  the  Palestine  Expedition — Treaty  of  co-operation  between  England 
and  France — Rudimentary  articles  of  war — Regulations  for  the  fleet— Arrest  of 
ships — The  Law  of  Wreck — The  "Ancient  Towns" — The  laws  of  Oleron — Methods 
of  naval  warfare — Longships — Cogs — Schuyts — The  port,  reeves — Embargo  on 
shipping — Jealously  of  King  John  concerning  English  vessels — The  fleet  in  1205 
— Vessels  hired  from  or  for  the  king — Orders  for  freight — The  Keeper  of  the  Ships 
— Officers  in  the  thirteenth  centurj' — Gear  and  stores — Dockyards — Prize-money 
— Enlistment  and  impressment  of  seamen — Wages — The  Right  of  the  Flag — Names 
of  ships — Purchase  of  stores — Cabins — Pa}'  under  Henry  III. — ^Rates  of  freight — 
Laying-up  of  ships — Prizes  under  Henry  III. — Impressment — Police  of  the  narrow 
seas — Ireland  and  the  Navy — Provisions — Lighthouses — Flags — Privateering  and 
piracy — Further  modification  of  the  Law  of  Wreck — The  magnet — ^Bayomie  and 
the  Navy — The  Welsh  expeditionary  squadron — The  Scots  expeditionary  fleet — 
The  Cinque  Ports — New  Charters — "  Ejections  " — The  Sovereignty  of  the  Seas 
— Flags  under  Edward  I. — Piracy  in  the  narrow  seas — Complements  of  ships — 
The  rudder — Fireships — Quarter — Naval  payments — Requisitions  of  shipping — 
Beacons — Roj'al  fish — Ravensrode — The  Flamands  and  the  Sovereignty  of  the 
Seas—"  Admiral " — Naval  officers  of  the  thirteenth  century — New  types  of  ships 
— La  Phelipe — "  Sail  stones  " — Flags  under  Edward  III. — Sales  of  ships  to 
foreigners  —  Gunpowder- — ^  Cannon  —  Breechloaders  —  The  'Black  Book  of  the 
Admiralty' — The  duties  of  admirals — -The  Channel  ferry — Illegal  taxation  for 
naval  purposes — Privileges  of  the  Cinque  Ports — Treaty  with  Portugal — Chaucer's 
shii)man — The  Walney  relics. 

TTNDER  the  Ange\'in  Idugs  the  navy  of 
England  attained  at  times  a  splen- 
dour and  prestige  which  it  had  never 
before  approached.  In  accordance  with 
the  stipulations  of  the  Treaty  of  Wallingford,  Henry  II.  peaceably 
succeeded  Stephen  at  the  latter's  death  in  October,  11.54,  in  spite 
of  the  fact  that  Stephen's  son  Wilham  was  living,  and  that  Henry 
did  not  arrive  in  England  until  six  weeks  after  the  late  sovereign's 
demise. 

The  truth  probably  is  that  the  country  was  weary  of  civil  war ; 
for,  according  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  the  sufferings  of  the 


1154.]  JBE- STATE  OF  ENGLAND.  99 

land  had  been  unexampled.  Describing  the  attitude  of  the  nobles  to 
Stephen,  the  chronicler  says:  "When  the  traitors  perceived  that 
he  was  a  mild  man,  and  soft  and  good,  and  did  no  justice,  then 
did  they  all  wonder  .  .  .  Every  powerful  man  made  his  castles 
and  held  them  against  him.  They  cruelly  oppressed  the  wretched 
men  of  the  land  with  castle  works.  "When  the  castles  were  made, 
they  fiUed  them  with  devils  and  evil  men.  Then  they  took 
those  men  that  they  thought  had  any  property,  both  by  night 
and  by  day,  peasant  men  and  women,  and  put  them  in  prison  for 
their  gold  and  silver,  and  tortured  them  with  unutterable  tortures. 
....  Many  thousands  they  killed  ^\•ith  hmiger.  I  cannot  and  may 
not  teU  all  the  womids  or  all  the  tortm-es  which  they  inflicted  on 
wretched  men  in  this  land,  and  that  lasted  the  nineteen  years  while 
Stephen  was  king ;  and  ever  it  was  worse  and  worse.  They  laid 
imposts  on  the  towns  continually,  and  when  the  wretched  men  had 
no  more  to  give,  they  robbed  and  burned  all  the  towns,  so  that  thou 
mightest  go  well  all  a  day's  journey,  and  thou  shouldst  never  find  a 
man  sitting  in  a  town  or  the  land  tilled  .  .  .  Never  yet  had  more 
wretchedness  been  in  the  land,  nor  did  heathen  men  ever  do  worse 
than  they  did  .  .  .  The  bishops  and  the  clergy  constantly  cursed 
them,  but  nothing  came  of  it,  for  they  were  all  accursed,  and 
forsworn,  and  forlorn.  However  a  man  tilled,  the  eai-th  bare  no 
corn,  for  the  land  was  all  fordone  by  such  deeds,  and  they  said 
openly  that  Christ  and  his  saints  slept." 

Although,  therefore,  William,  son  of  Stephen,  had  his  partizans, 
he  could  not  command  their  active  intervention.  Henry,  young, 
powerful,  and  popular,  and  not  Wilham,  seemed  to  be  the  right  man 
to  bring  order  out  of  chaos.  Already  Lord  of  Normandy  and  Anjou, 
he  had  acquired  by  his  marriage  in  115'2  with  Eleanor  of  Aquitaine, 
a  large  territory  in  the  south  of  France.  He  quickly  restored  peace, 
justice,  and  good  goveiiunent. 

At  that  time  the  two  great  commercial  ports  of  the  kingdom 
were  London  and  BrLstol.  Of  the  former  Wilham  of  Malmesbury  ' 
says,  "  The  noble  city  of  London,  rich  in  the  wealth  of  its  citizens, 
is  filled  with  the  goods  of  merchants  from  every  land,  and  especially 
from  Germany,  whence  it  happens  that  when  there  is  a  dearth  in 
England  on  account  of  bad  harvests,  provisions  can  be  bought  there 
cheaper  than  elsewhere,  and  foreign  merchandise  is  brought  to  the 
city  by  the  famous  Eiver  Thames."  This  German  trade  is  again 
•  '  De  Gest.  Pont.  Aug.'  ii.  133. 

H  2 


1-00  CIVIL   EISTOBY,   1154-1399.  ,[1170. 

mentioned  in  a  letter^  sent  by  Henry  to  the  Emperor  Frederick 
in  1157,  and  containing  the  phrase,  "  Let  there  be  between  ourselves 
and  our  subjects  an  indivisible  unity  of  friendship  and  peace,  and 
safe  trade  of  merchandise."  Of  Bristol  WilUam  of  Malmesbury^ 
tells  us  that  "  its  haven  was  a  receptacle  for  ships  coming  from 
Ireland  and  Norway,  and  other  foreign  lands,  lest  a  region  so  blessed 
with  native  riches  should  be  deprived  of  the  benefits  of  foreign 
commerce."  Henry  encouraged  the  growing  trade,  and  in  one 
of  his  ordinances  of  1181  there  is  a  passage  which  reads  almost  hke 
an  early  Angevin  premonition  of  certain  provisions  of  the  navigation 
laws.  It  directs  the  itinerant  justices  to  declare  in  each  county -that 
no  one  under  the  heaviest  penalties  should  buy  or  sell  any  ship  to  be 
taken  out  of  England,  nor  induce  any  seaman  to  remove  thence.^ 

Of  the  size  to  which  Henry's  ships  attained,  some  indication  is 
afforded  by  the  statement  that  in  March,  1170,  the  fomideriug  of  a 
single  vessel  cost  the  Uves  of  four  hundred  persons.*  Neither 
Charnock  ^  nor  Southey  *  expresses  incredulity  upon  the  point,  nor 
does  there  seem  to  be  any  valid  reason  for  refusing  to  accept  the 
assertion ;  but  Nicolas '  is  of  opinion  that  it  is  "  one  of  the  usual 
exaggerations  of  chroniclers  whenever  they  mention  numbers  ;  or  the 
ships  of  the  twelfth  centmy  were  at  least  four  times  larger  than  they 
are  supposed  to  have  been."  The  truth  certainly  is  that  tweKth- 
century  vessels  were  often  very  much  larger  than  Nicolas  imagined 
them  to  be.  Still,  it  is  not  likely  that  any  vessels  of  that  age  were 
designed  to  carry  so  large  a  complement  as  four  hundred.  The 
particular  vessel  in  question  was  at  the  time  engaged  upon  transport 
duty,  and  may  well  have  been  crowded  to  the  extent  of  double  her 
normal  crew,  or  even  more.  No  British  man-of-war  of  the 
eighteenth  century  had  a  proper  complement  of  more  than  about 
850  officers  and  men  ;  yet  many  instances  are  on  record  of  eighteenth- 
century  ships  having  been  at  sea  for  considerable  periods  with  1200, 
1500,  or  even  2000  souls  in  them.  To  assume  that  twelfth-century 
ships  were  sometimes  crowded  for  short  voyages  in  corresponding 
proportion  is  not  unreasonable,  and  that  assumption  would  reduce 
the  normal  complement  of  the  ship  of  Hemy  II.  that  was  lost  to 
about  270,  or  even  to  170. 

'  Ratlevicus,  i.  c.  17  (Hakluyt).  •  °  'Marine  Architecture,'  i.  328. 

=  '  De  Gest.  Pont.  Ang.,'  iv.  161.  «  Southey,  i.  144. 

'  Benedict  of  Peterboro,  i.  365-3G8  (Hearne).  '  Nicolas,  i.  104. 
*  Bromton,  1060. 


1189.]  TYPES    OF  SHIPS.  101 

The  ship  in  which  the  king  himself  was  accustomed  to  make  his 
passage  to  and  from  the  continent,  in  the  twelth  centmy,  was  of  the 
type  known  as  "  esnecca,"  or  snake.  She  seems  to  have  been  a  long 
swift  vessel ;  but  little  more  is  known  concerning  her.  The  post  of 
captain  or  "  nauclerus,"  of  the  esnecca,  was  an  office  of  importance, 
and  was  held  under  Hemy  I.,  at  one  time  by  one  Roger,  "  the  son- 
in-law  of  Albert  " ;  and  under  Henry  II.  by  William  and  Nicholas, 
sons  of  the  said  Eoger,  conjointly.'  The  pay  appears  to  have  been 
12(1.  per  diem.^  The  king's  esnecca  was  the  first  royal  yacht ;  and, 
like  the  royal  yachts  of  later  days,  was  used  not  only  for  the  con- 
veyance of  the  sovereign,  but  also  for  that  of  other  gi-eat  and 
princely  personages.  Geoffrey  of  Brittany,  sou  of  Henry  II.,  is 
recorded  to  have  been  a  passenger  in  her  in  1166,*  "  the  king's 
daughter "  in  1176,*  and  the  Duke  of  Saxony,  with  the  queen, 
in  1184.5 

The  reign  of  Eichard  I.,  who  succeeded  his  father  Henry  II.  in 
1189,  saw  the  opening  of  a  new  period  in  English  naval  history. 
For  the  first  time  the  fleet  undertook  a  distant  expedition  of  con- 
quest ;  for  the  first  time  a  regular  code  of  naval  law  was  established, 
and  for  the  first  time  England  headed  a  great  naval  combination  of 
the  powers,  and  publicly  took  her  place  in  the  front  rank  of  the 
maritime  states. 

The  English  vessels  of  the  period  were  galleys,  or,  as  they  were 
subsequently  called,  galliasses,  gallions,  busses,*  dromons,  vissers 
or  ursers,  barges  and  snakes.  The  distinctions  separating  all  these 
classes  have  not  been  very  accurately  ascertained. 

The  galley  was  a  reproduction,  possibly  with  slight  modifications, 
of  the  well-known  Mediterranean  craft  of  the  name ;  the  gallion 
was  a  galley  with  but  one  bank  of  oars ;  the  buss  was  a  heavy 
and  slower  vessel,  of  great  strength  and  capacity ;  the  dromon, 
certainly  a  large  ship  of  war,  seems  to  have  been  sometimes 
a  galley  of  heavy  biu'den  and  sometimes  a  vessel  with  sail- 
power  only ;  the  visser  was  a  shallow  ilat-bottomed  transport  for 
horses  ;  the  barge  was  not  unlike  the  modern  coasting-barge  or 
hoy,  and  the  snake  (esnecca)  was  the  equivalent  of  the  modem 
yacht  or  dispatch  boat.  There  is  nothing  to  show  that  any  vessel 
of  the  time  had  more  than   one   mast ;    but   two    and   even   three 


1  I 


Archajologia,'  vf.  116,  etc.  *  Pipe  Holis,  22  Heu.  II.,  roll  136. 

Dialogue  of  the  Exchequer,  i.  c.  vi.  "  Jb.,  .'U  Hen.  II.,  roll  Uh. 

Vi]>G  liolls,  12  lieu.  II.,  roll  86.  "  Busm,  burcia,  bwxa,  bttcea. 


102  CIVIL   ^/57©i?r, .  iro4-1399.  [1194. 

Sails*  seem  to  have  been  occasionally  carried,  though  in  what 
position  is  doubtful. 

The  galleys  rarely  haa  more  than  two  banks  of  oars,  and  they 
'were  long,  low  craft,  provided  with  an  above-water  beak  or  ram. 
Above  the  rowers,  at  least  in  the  larger  craft,  there  seems  to 
have  been  a  platform  on  which  stood  the  fighting  men,  whose 
shields,  as  in  earher  days,  were  arranged  roimd  the  bulwarks.^ 
As  for  the  fittings  of  the  ships,  Eichard  of  Devizes  ^  notes  that  the 
chief  vessels  of  the  fleet  sent  from  England  to  the  Levant  in  1189 
had  each  three  spare  rudders,  or  steering  paddles,  thirteen  anchors 
(probably  inclusive  of  grapnels),  thirty  oars,  two  sails,  three  sets  of 
all  kinds  of  ropes,  and  duplicates  of  all  gear  except  mast  and  boat. 
Besides  the  captain  and  fifteen  seamen,  every  large  ship  carried  forty 
knights  (or  cavalrymen),  with  their  horses,  forty  footmen,  fourteen 
servants,  and  twelve  months'  provision  for  all.  These  large  vessels 
are  described  as  busses.  A  few  of  them  are  said  to  have  carried 
double  the  complements  mentioned,  so  that  they  had  210  men, 
besides  horses,  on  board. 

The  weapons  in  use  in  English  ships  of  war  of  the  twelfth 
centm-y  were  bows  and  arrows,  pikes  or  lances,  axes,  swords,  and 
engines  for  flinging  stones  or  other  heavy  missiles  ;  and  to  them  was 
added,  in  or  before  the  reign  of  Eichard  III.,  the  famous  invention 
known  as  Greek  Fire.  This  material  had  apparently  been  first 
prepared  by  Calhnicus  of  Hehopolis  about  the  year  665.  Of  its 
composition  nothing  certain  is  known,  but  it  probably  included 
among  its  ingredients  sulphur,  saltpetre,  naptha  and  pitch.  It  was 
liquid  :  it  ignited  upon  exposure  to  the  air  :  it  was  not  extinguished 
by  water  but  only  by  vinegar,  or  by  sand  or  earth  thro\\^l  upon  it ; 
and  it  produced  suffocating  fumes.  It  seems  to  have  been  employed 
in  several  ways.  Sometimes  it  was  forced  through  brazen  tubes, 
much  as  water  is  now  pmiiped  froin  a  fire  engine ;  sometimes  tow 
was  impregnated  with  it  and  fastened  to  arrow-heads ;  and  some- 
times bottles  or  jars  of  it  were  used  as  hand-grenades,  or  as  pro- 
jectiles for  balhstse,  and  flung  into  fortresses  or  upon  the  decks  of 
vessels.  According  to  entries  in  the  Pipe  Eolls,*  some  of  this 
terrible  material  was  sent,  about  the  year  1194,  from  London  to 
Nottingham,  with  other  warlike  stores,  to  be  employed  on  the 
business  of  the  king,  by  Urric,  an  engineer.     Allied  to  Greek  Fire 

'  Eoger  of  Wendover,  ii.  37.  '  RicL.  of  Dcv.,  17. 

*  Vinesaufs  account.  *  Pipe  llolls,  6  Rich.  I. 


11890  •      OFFICERS  AND   MEN.  103 

were  missiles  called  "  serpents,"  which  appear  to  have  been  a  species 
of  rocket  charged  with,  and  impelled  by  the  slow  explosion  of,  the 
mixture. 

Few  notices  have  been  handed  down  to  us  concerning  the 
individual  ships,  or  the  officers  and  seamen  of  Eichard's  day.  In  or 
about  1197  a  sum  of  £12  15s.  2^(7.  was  paid  by  the  king  for  the 
repair  of  the  Bishop  of  Durham's  "  great  ship "  ;  £10  was  the 
expense  of  sending  her  to  London  from  the  north  (apparently  from 
Stockton-on-Tees),  and  13s.  M.  was  the  recompense  of  her  master, 
Eobert  de  Stockton.  We  know  also  that  Eichard's  favourite  galley 
was  named  Trcnch-the-Mer,^  or  "  Cleave  the  Sea,"  and  that  her 
captain,  who  brought  Eichard  back  to  England  in  1194  after  his 
crusade  and  captivity,  was  Alan  Trenchemer.  Whether  Alan  took 
his  name  from  the  galley  or  the  galley  took  her  name  from  her 
captain  caimot  be  determined ;  but  other  Trenchemers  are  men- 
tioned as  having  lived  and  sailed  then  and  thereafter.  Nicolas  ^ 
suggests  that  the  people  of  the  ship  may  have  been  known  as 
Trenchemer 's,  just  as  in  later  times  the  crew  of  the  Victory  were 
known  as  Victory's,  and  the  crew  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington  as 
Duke's ;  but  there  is  little  direct  evidence  that  the  fashion  of  calling 
people  after  their  ships,  though  usual  in  the  eighteenth  and  nine- 
teenth centuries,  is  of  very  ancient  date. 

There  is  small  doubt  that  the  flag  of  St.  George  was  first  intro- 
duced by  Eichard  as  the  regidar  national  ensign ;  and  there  is  no 
doubt  at  all  that  Eichard  first  adopted  the  national  coat-of-arms : 
Gules,  three  lions  passant  gardant  Or. 

The  leaders  of   the  fleet  organised  by  Eichard  in  1189  for  his 

expedition  to  Palestine  are  called  indifferently  ductorcs  et  guherna- 

tores  totius  navigii  regis;  justiciarii  navigii  regis;  ssad.  ductores  et 

constabularii    navigii    regis.^      Under    the    king,    they    were    the 

admirals*  of  the  ai-mada  ;  and  their  names  were  Gerard,  Archbishop 

of  Aix,  Bernard,  Bishop  of  Bayonne,  Eobert  de  Sabloil,  Eichard  de 

Camville,   and  William   de  Fortz,   of   Oleron.      Camville  was   the 

founder  of  Combe  Abbey  in  Warwickshire.     Another  distinguished 

yet   subsidiary  leader  was  Sir   Stephen  de  Turnham,*  who  in  the 

previous  reign  had  been  Seneschal  of  Anjou,  and  who  commanded 

'  Peter  of  Langtoft,  i.  270  (Heame). 

-  Nicolas,  i.  86. 

5  Hoveden,  373. 

*  The  actual  title  of  admiral  was  not  used  thus  early  in.  England. 

"  Diigdale's  '  Baronage,'  i.  662. 


104  CIVIL   BISTORT,   1154-1399.  [1189. 

the  vessel  in  which  Richard's  sister,  Joan,  Queen  Dowager  of  Sicily, 
and  his  affianced  wife,  Berengaria  of  Navarre,  sailed  from  Messina  to 
the  Holy  Land. 

Richard's  co-operation  with  PhiUp  Augustus,  King  of  France,  in 
the  Crusade  was  secured  by  a  sworn  undertaking  to  the  following 
effect :  either  of  them  would  defend  and  maintain  the  honour  of  the 
other,  and  bear  true  fidelity  unto  him,  as  regarded  life,  members,  and 
worldly  honour ;  neither  would  fail  the  other  in  the  common 
business;  the  King  of  France  would  aid  the  King  of  England  in 
defending  his  land  and  dominions,  as  he  would  himself  defend  his 
own  city  of  Paris  if  it  were  besieged ;  and  the  King  of  England 
would  aid  the  King  of  France  in  defending  his  land  and  dominions 
as  he  would  defend  his  own  city  of  Rouen  if  it  were  besieged. 
There  was  further  provision  for  the  swearing  of  the  nobles  of  both 
kingdoms  to  keep  the  peace  during  the  absence  of  their  sovereigns ; 
for  an  undertaking  by  the  archbishops  and  bishops  to  excommu- 
nicate any  who  should  break  their  oaths ;  and  for  the  continued 
co-operation  of  the  English  and  French  forces  in  the  event  of  either 
monarch  dying  ere  the  desired  results  remained  unattained.^  Yet, 
in  spite  of  the  treaty,  the  two  kings  were  on  bad  terms  almost  from 
the  outset  of  the  expedition,  the  great  display  made  by  Richard's 
fleet  having  excited  the  jealousy  of  Phihp  Augustus.  Indeed,  as  a 
rule,  no  naval  alHances  in  English  history  have  satisfactorily  carried 
out  the  objects  originally  intended  by  their  promoters ;  and  this,  the 
first  of  many,  was  no  exception. 

While  on  his  way  through- France,  ■with  the  intention  of  joining 
his  fleet  at  Marseilles,  Richard,  at  Chinon  on  the  Vienne,  issued 
certain  ordinances  which  may  be  regarded  as  the  earUest  articles 
of  war  for  the  government  of  the  EngHsh  navy.  According  to 
Hoveden,  Matthew  Paris  and  others,  they  were  to  this  effect : " 

Anyone  who  should  kill  another  on  board  ship  should  be  tied 

to  the  dead  body  and  thrown  into  the  sea. 
Anyone  who  should  kill  another  on  land  should  be  tied  to  the 

dead  body  and  Ijuried  with  it  in  the  earth. 
Anyone  lawfully  convicted  of  drawing  a  knife  or  other  weapon 

with  intent  to  strike  another,  or  of  striking  another  so  as  to 

draw  blood,  should  lose  his  hand. 

.    '  Matt.  P-aris  gives  the  Latin  text. ' 

^  See  also  Bened.  of  Peterboro,  i,  589i  Bromton,  1174. 


1189.]  NAVAL  LAWS.  105 

Anyone  striking  another  with  the  hand,  no  blood  being  shed, 

should  be  dipped  thrice  in  the  sea. 
Anyone  uttering   opprobrious   or  contumelious  words  to   the 

insulting  or  cursing  of  another  should,  on  each  occasion,  pay 

one  ounce  of  silver  to  the  injured  person. 
Anyone   lawfully   convicted   of    theft   should   have    his   head 

shaved  and  boihng  pitch  poured  upon  it,  and  feathers  or 

down  should  then  be  strewn  upon  it  for  the  distinguishing 

of  the  offender ;    and  upon  the  first  occasion  he  should  be 

put  on  shore. 

Another  ordinance  enjoined  all  concerned  to  be  obedient  to  the 
commanders  or  justices  of  the  fleet. 

A  joint  agreement '  was  also  come  to  by  the  two  monarchs  as 
to  the  internal  disciphne  of  the  allied  forces.  This  stipulated  that 
if  anyone  died  during  the  expedition,  he  might  dispose  at  his 
pleasure  of  all  his  arms  and  goods  (so  far,  apparentlj%  as  those  at 
home  were  concerned),  and  of  the  moiety  of  the  effects  he  had  with 
him,  provided  that  nothing  was  sent  back  to  his  own  country.  The 
other  moiety  was  to  be  given  to  the  Archbishop  of  Eouen,  the 
Bishop  of  Langres,  the  Master  of  the  Templars,  the  Master  of  the 
Hospitallers,  Hugh,  Duke  of  Burgundy,  and  others  fori  the  purposes 
of  the  recovery  of  the  Holy  Land  from  the  infidels. 

No  one  in  the  armies  was  to  play  at  any  kind  of  game  for 
gain,  except  the  knights  and  clerks,  and  they  were  not  permitted 
to  lose  more  than  twenty  shillings  in  any  one  day  and  night  on 
penalty  of  a  fine  of  one  hundred  shilhngs.  The  two  kings  might, 
however,  play  as  they  thought  fit.  The  royal  servants  and  the 
servants  of  the  higher  nobles  might  play  to  the  amoimt  of  twenty 
shilhngs.  If  servants,  mariners,  or  others  were  found  gambhng,  the 
servants  were  to  be  flogged  naked  through  the  army  on  three  days, 
and  the  mariners  were  to  be  dipped  every  morning  from  the  ship 
into  the  sea,  "  after  the  manner  of  seamen,"  for  three  days,  unless 
they  could  redeem  themselves  by  paying  a  fine.  If  a  pilgrim  or 
crusader  boiTowed  anything  after  he  had  begun  his  journey  he  was 
to  repay  it,  but  he  was  not  to  be  held  responsible  for  what  he  might 
have  received  previously.  If  a  hired  mariner  or  serving-man  or 
anyone  soever,  except  clerks  and  knights,  quitted  his  lord  during  the 
expedition,  no  one  else  might  receive  him,  unless  with  the  consent  of 

'  Bromton,  1182;  Bene!  of  Peteiboro,  ii.  600;  Hovedcn,  384b.  . 


106  CIVIL  EISTOBY,   1154-1399.  [1190. 

the  lord,  and  anyone  receiving  him  otherwise  was  to  be  punished. 
If  anyone  transgressed  the  regulations  he  might  be  excommunicated. 
All  offences  not  specifically  mentioned  were  to  be  dealt  with  by  the 
Archbishop  of  Eouen  and  the  other  dignitaries  already  alluded  to. 

Other  naval  laws  of  Richard,  not  especially  connected  with  the 
Eastern  Expedition,  deserve  notice  here.  One,  made  early  in 
the  reign  at  Grimsby,  enacted  that  if  the  admiral,  by  the  king's 
command,  arrested  any  ships  for  the  king's  service,  and  if  he  or  his 
heuteuant  certified  the  arrest,  or  returned  into  Chancery  a  hst  of 
the  ships  arrested,  neither  the  master  nor  the  owner  of  the  vessels 
should  plead  against  the  retui-n  that  the  admiral  and  his  lieutenant 
were  of  record.  And  if  any  vessel  broke  the  arrest,  and  the  master 
or  owner  were  indicted,  and  convicted  by  a  jury,  the  ship  should  be 
confiscated  to  the  king.' 

In  the  course  of  the  expedition,  Richard  granted  two  charters  of 
some  importance  to  the  maritime  future  of  his  country.  One,  dated 
at  Messina,  altered  the  law  of  wreck,  and,  after  declaring  that  the 
king  relinquished  all  claim  to  wreck  throughout  his  dominions, 
enacted  that  shipwi'ecked  persons  who  should  come  alive  to  land 
should  retain  all  their  goods,  and  that  the  property  of  one  dying  on 
board  ship  should  pass  to  his  heirs,  the  king  having  his  chattels  only 
in  the  event  of  there  being  no  other  heirs.^  The  other,  also  dated 
at  Messina,  on  March  27th,  1191,  granted  new  privileges  to  the 
inhabitants  of  Rye  and  Winchelsea,  in  return  for  the  full  service  of 
two  ships,  to  make  up  the  number  of  twenty  ships  due  from  the 
port  of  Hastings.  This  charter  had  the  effect  of  putting  the  two 
"  ancient  towns  "  on  very  nearly  the  same  footing  of  privilege  as 
the  Cinque  Ports  proper,  Hastings,  Romney,  Hythe,  Dover,  and 
Sandwich.^ 

But  after  all,  as  Nicolas*  says,  the  most  memorable  of 
Richard's  maritime  laws  was  the  code  known  to  jurists  as  the 
Laws  of  Oleron.^  Most  of  it  had  been  already  enacted  by  his 
mother,  Queen  Eleanor,  under  the  name  of  the  "  Roll  of  Oleron." 
The  Laws,  which  include  forty-seven  articles,  were  not  expressly 
intended  to  apply  to  the  English  Na\^',  but  rather  to  vessels  of  the 

'  Prynne's  'Animadversions,'  108,  quoting  the  '  Black  Booli  of  the  Admiraltj'.' 
^  Bened.  of  Peterboro,  ii.  622 ;  Hoveden,  386b. 
^  Rymer's  '  Pccdera,'  i.  53. 
*  Nicolas,  i.  93. 

°  Printed  at  length  in  '  A  Genuine  Treatise  on  the  Dominion  of  the  Sea,'  -Ito.,  and 
elsewhere. 


1190J  .  THE  LAWS   OF  OLE  BON.  107 

king's  continental  dominions,  and  to  merchant  ships.  They  arc,  how- 
ever, so  curious,  and  so  nearly  connected  with  the  subject  in  hand, 
that  Nicolas's  summary  of  their  main  provisions  is  appended. 

By  the  first  article,  if  a  vessel  arrived  at  Bordeaux,  Rouen,  or 
any  other  similar  place,  and  was  there  freighted  for  Scotland,  or 
any  other  foreign  country,  and  was  in  want  of  stores  or  provisions, 
the  master  was  not  permitted  to  sell  the  vessel,  but  he  might,  with 
the  advice  of  his  crew,  raise  money  by  pledging  any  part  of  her 
tackle  or  furnitiire.  If  a  vessel  were  wind  or  weather  bound, 
the  master,  when  a  change  occurred,  was  to  consult  his  crew, 
saying  to  them:  "Gentlemen,  what  think  you  of  this  wind?" 
and  to  be  guided  by  the  majority  whether  he  should  put  to  sea. 
If  he  did  not  do  this,  and  any  misfortmie  happened,  he  was  to 
make  good  the  damage.  If  a  seaman  sustained  any  hurt  through 
drunkenness  or  quarrelling,  the  master  was  not  bound  to  provide 
for  his  cure,  but  might  turn  him  out  of  his  ship.  If,  however, 
the  injurj^  occurred  in  the  service  of  the  ship,  he  was  to  be  cured 
at  the  cost  of  the  said  ship.  A  sick  sailor  was  to  be  sent  on  shore, 
and  a  lodging,  candles,  and  one  of  the  ship's  boys,  or  a  nurse,  pro- 
vided for  him,  with  the  same  allowance  of  provisions  as  he  would  have 
received  on  board. 

In  case  of  danger  in  a  storm,  the  master  might,  with  the  consent 
of  the  merchants  on  board,  lighten  the  ship  by  throwing  part  of  the 
cargo  overboard ;  and  if  they  did  not  consent,  or  objected  to  his 
doing  so,  he  was  not  to  risk  the  vessel,  but  to  act  as  he  thought 
proper.  On  their  arrival  in  port,  he  and  the  third  part  of  the  crew 
were  to  make  oath  that  it  was  done  for  the  preservation  of  the 
vessel ;  and  the  loss  was  to  be  borne  equally  by  the  merchants. 
A  similar  proceeding  was  to  be  adopted  before  the  mast  or  cables 
were  cut  away. 

Before  goods  were  shipped,  the  master  was  to  satisfy  the 
merchants  of  the  strength  of  his  ropes  and  slings ;  but  if  he  did 
not  do  so,  or  they  requested  him  to  repair  them,  and  a  cask  was 
stove,  the  master  was  to  make  it  good.  In  cases  of  difference 
between  a  master  and  one  of  his  crew,  the  man  was  to  be  denied 
his  mess  allowance  thrice  before  he  was  turned  out  of  the  ship  or 
discharged  ;  and  if  the  man  offered  reasonable  satisfaction  in  the 
presence  of  the  crew,  and  the  master  persisted  in  discharging  him, 
the  sailor  might  follow  the  ship  to  her  place  of  destination,  and 
demand  the  same  wages  as  if  he  had  not  been  sent  ashore. 


108  CIVIL  EISTORT,   1154-1339.  [ilGU 

In  case  of  collision  by  a  ship  under  sail  running  on  board  one 
at  anchor,  owing  to  bad  steering,  if  the  former  were  damaged,  the 
cost  was  to  be  equally  divided ;  the  master  and  crew  of  the  latter 
making  oath  that  the  colhsion  was  accidental.  The  reason  for  this 
law  was,  it  is  said,  "  that  an  old  decayed  vessel  might  not  purposely 
be  put  in  the  way  of  a  better."  It  was  specially  provided  that  all 
anchors  ought  to  be  indicated  by  buoys  or  anchor-marks,  and  buoys 
were  to  bear  upon  them  the  name  of  their  ship  and  her  port. 

Mariners  of  Brittany  were  entitled  only  to  one  meal  a  day, 
because  they  had  beverage  going  and  coming ;  but  those  of 
Normandy  were,  to  have  two  meals,  because  they  had  only  water  as 
the  ship's  allowance.  As  soon  as  the  ship  arrived  in  a  wine  country, 
the  master  was,  however,  to  procure  them  wine. 

Several  regulations  occur  respecting  the  seamen's  wages,  which 
show  that  they  were  sometimes  paid  by  a  share  of  the  freight. 
On  arriving  at  Bordeaux,  or  any  other  place,  two  of  the  crew 
might  go  on  shore,  and  take,  with  them  one  meal  of  such  victuals 
as  were  on  board,  and  a  proportion  of  bread,  but  no  drink ;  and 
they  were  to  return  in  sufficient  time  to  prevent  their  master  losing 
the  tide. 

If  a  pilot,  from  ignorance  or  otherwise,  failed  to  conduct  a  ship 
in  safety,  and  the  merchants  sustained  any  damage,  he  was  to 
make  full  satisfaction  if  he  had  the  means  ;  if  not  he  was  to  lose 
his  head.  And  if  the  master,  or  any  one  of  his  mariners,  cut  off  his 
head,  they  were  not  bound  to  answer  for  it ;  but  before  they  had 
recourse  to  so  strong  a  measure  "  they  must  be  sure  he  had  not 
wherewith  to  make  satisfaction." 

The  articles  of  the  code  prove  that  from  "an  acciursed  custom" 
in  some  places,  by  which  the  third  or  fourth  part  of  ships  that  were 
lost  belonged  to  the  lord  of  the  place,  the  pilots,  to  ingratiate  them- 
selves with  these  nobles,  "like  faithless  and  treacherous  villains," 
purposelj'  ran  the  vessels  on  the  rocks.  It  was  therefore  enacted 
that  the  said  lords,  and  all  others  assisting  in  plundering  the  wreck, 
should  be  acciursed  and, excommunicated,  and  punished  as  robbers 
and  thieves  :  and  that  "  all  false  and  treacherous  pilots  should  suffer 
a  most  rigorous  and  merciless  death,"  and  be  suspended  to  high 
gibbets  near  the  spot,  which  gibbets  were  to  remam  as  an  example 
in  succeeding  ages.  The  barbarous  lords  were  to  be  tied  to  a  post 
in  the  middle  of  their  own  houses,  and,  these  being  set  on  fire  at  the 
four  comers,  all  were  to  be  burnt  together;  the.  walls  demohshed,; 


Iiaa]  METHODS   OS  NAVAL    WARFARE.  109 

the  site  converted  into  a  market-place  for  the  sale  only  of  hogs  and 
swine ;  and  all  the  lords'  goods  to  be  confiscated  to  the  use  of  the 
aggrieved  parties.  Such  of  the  cargoes  as  floated  ashore  were  to  be 
taken  care  of  for  a  year  or  more ;  and,  if  not  then  claimed,  they 
were  to  be  sold  by  the  lord,  and  the  proceeds  distributed  among  the 
poor,  in  marriage  portions  to  poor  maids,  and  other  charitable  uses. 
If,  as  often  happened,  "  people  more  barbarous,  cruel,  and  inhuman 
than  mad  dogs "  murdered  shipwrecked  persons,  they  were  to  be 
plunged  into  the  sea  till  they  were  half  dead,  and  then  drawn  out 
and  stoned  to  death. 

So  little  has  been  handed  down  to  us  concerning  the  methods 
of  naval  warfare  in  the  time  of  Eichard,  that  it  will  be  pertinent 
here  to  give  Geoffrey  de  Vinesauf's  account '  of  two  actions  which 
took  place  in  the  Mediterranean  immediately  before  the  king's 
arrival.  It  is  probable  that  English  ships  were  not  engaged  in 
either ;  it  is  certain,  however,  that  the  tactics  and  means  employed 
did  not  differ  materially  from  those  employed  by  the  English  seamen 
of  the  day.  The  first  action  was  fought  off  Acre,  about  Easter, 
1190,  and  is  thus  described  : — 

"Tlie  people  of  the  town  ill  brooked  their  loss  of  the  liberty  of  the  sea,  and 
resolved  to  try  what  they  could  efiect  in  a  naval  battle.  They  brought  out  their 
galleys,  therefore,  two  by  two,  and,  preserving  a  seemly  array  in  their  advance,  rowed 
out  to  the  open  sea  to  fight  the  apjiroaching  enemy ;  and  our  men,  preparing  to  receive 
them,  since  there  appeared  no  escape,  hastened  to  the  encounter.  On  the  other  hand, 
our  i^eople  manned  the  war-fleet,  and,  making  an  oblique  circuit  to  the  left,  removed  to 
a  distance,  so  that  the  enemy  should  not  be  denied  free  egress.  When  they  had 
advanced  on  both  sides,  our  ships  were  disposed  in  a  curved,  and  not  a  straight  line ; 
so  tliat  if  the  enemy  attempted  to  break  through,  they  might  be  enclosed  and  defeated. 
The  ends  of  the  line  being  drawn  out  in  a  sort  of  crescent,  the  stronger  were  placed  in 
front,  so  that  a  sharper  onset  might  be  made  by  us,  and  that  of  the  enemy  be  checked. 
In  the  upper  tiers,  the  shields  interlaced  were  placed  circularly;  and  the  rowers  sat 
close  together,  that  those  ahove  might  have  freer  scope.  The  still  and  tranquil  sea,  as 
if  fated  to  receive  the  battle,  became  calm,  so  that  neither  the  l)low  of  the  warrior  nor 
the  stroke  of  the  rower  might  be  impeded  by  the  waves.  Advancing  nearer  to  each 
other,  the  trumpets  sounded  on  both  sides,  and  mingled  their  dread  clangour.  First 
they  contended  with  missiles,  but  our  men,  invoking  the  divine  aid,  more  earnestly 
plied  their  oars,  and  pierced  the  enemy's  ships  with  the  beaks  of  their  own.  Soon  the 
battle  became  general;  the  oars  were  entangled;  they  fought  hand  to  hand;  they 
grappled  the  ships  with  alternate  casts,  and  set  the  decks  on  fire  with  the  burning  oil 
commonly  called  Greek  Fire.  This  fire,  with  a  deadly  stench  and  livid  flames,  con- 
sumes flint  and  iron ;  and,  unquenchable  by  water,  can  only  be  extinguished  by  sand 
or  vinegar.  What  more  direful  than  a  naval  conflict !  What  more  fatal,  where  so 
various  a  fate  involves  the  combatants !  for  they  are  either  burnt  and  writhe  in  the 


'  In  '  Itinerarium   Regis  Anglorura    llichardi  ct   Aliorum   in   Terram   Hierosuly- 
morum'  (Gale). 


110  CIVIL  BISTORT,   115i-l399.  .    .  [1190. 

flames,  shipwrecked,  and  swallowed  up  by  fhe  waves,  or  wounded,  and  perish  by  arms. 
There  was  one  galley  whicli,  owing  to  the  rashness  of  our  men,  jjresented  its  side  close 
to  the  enemy ;  and  thus,  set  in  flames  by  the  tire  flung  on  board,  admitted  the  Turks, 
who  rushed  in  at  all  parts.  The  rowers,  seized  with  terror,  leapt  into  the  sea ;  but  a 
few  soldiers  who,  from  their  heavier  arms  and  ignorance  of  swimming,  remained 
through  desperation,  took  courage  to  fight.  An  unequah  battle  raged;  but,  by  the 
Lord's  help,  the  few  overcame  the  many,  and  re-took  the  half-burnt  ship  from  the 
beaten  foe. 

"Another,  meanwhile,  was  boarded  by  the  enemy,  who  had  gained  the  upper  deck, 
havinc  driven  off  its  defenders ;  and  those  to  whom  the  lower  station  had  been  assigned 
strove  to  escape  by  the  aid  of  the  rowers.  It  was  truly  a  wonderful  and  piteous 
struggle :  for,  the  oars  being  thrust  in  different  directions  by  the  rush  of  the  Turks, 
the  galley  was  driven  hither  and  thither.  Our  men,  however,  prevailed ;  and  the  foes 
rowing  above  were  thrust  oft"  by  the  Christians  and  yielded.  In  this  naval  conflict  the 
adverse  side  lost  both  a  galley  and  a  galliass  with  the  crews ;  and  our  men,  unhurt  and 
rejoicing,  achieved  a  glorious  and  solemn  triumph.  Drawing  the  hostile  galley  with 
them  to  the  shore,  the  victors  exposed  it  to  be  destroyed  by  our  people  of  both  sexes 
who  met  it  on  land.  Then  our  women  seized  and  dragged  the  Turks  by  the  hair, 
beheading  them,  treating  them  with  every  indignity,  and  savagely  stabbing  them ; 
and  the  weaker  their  hands,  so  much  the  more  protracted  were  the  pains  of  death  to 
the  vanquished,  for  they  cut  oft"  their  heads,  not  with  swords  but  with  knives.  No 
similar  sea  fight  as  fatal  had  ever  been  seen ;  no  victory  gained  with  so  much  peril 
and  loss." 

The  other  action  was  oue  of  galleys  with  forts  : — 

"  Meanwhile  the  Pisans,  and  others  skilled  in  naval  tactics,  to  whom  the  siege  of 
the  town  on  the  sea  side  had  been  committed,  erected  a  machine  upon  the  galleys  in 
the  form  of  a  castle  with  bulwarks,  so  that  it  might  overtop  the  walls  and  aft"ord  an 
easy  means  of  throwing  darts.  Moreover,  they  made  two  ladders  with  steps,  by  which 
the  summit  of  the  walls  might  be  gained.  Thej'  then  covered  all  those  things,  and 
the  galleys,  with  extended  hides,  that  they  might  be  protected  from  injury,  either  by 
iron  or  by  any  missile  wliatsoever.  All  being  prepared,  the  besiegers  approached  the 
'Tower  of  the  Flies,'  which  they  attacked  furiously  with  the  discharge  of  cross-bars 
and  darts.  Those  within  manfully  resisted,  with  neither  unequal  vigour  nor  unequal 
success ;  for  when  our  men]  slew  any  of  them,  they  were  not  slow  in  retaliating.  And 
in  order  the  more  heavily  to  crush  us,  or  the  more  easily  to  drive  us  off",  about  two 
thousand  Turks  went  out  of  the  city  to  their  galleys,  to  aid  the  besieged  in  the  tower 
by  harassing  the  Pisans  on  the  opposite  side.  But  our  picked  warriors,  having 
advanced  their  engines  as  well  as  they  could  to  the  tower,  some  began  to  throw  at  the 
tower  great  grapnels  and  whatsoever  came  to  their  hands,  as  wood,  or  masses  of  stone, 
or  showers  of  darts ;  others,  according  to  their  position,  were  not  slow  to  carry  on  a 
naval  conflict  with  those  at  sea.  The  battlements  yielded  to  the  grapnels  thrown 
against  the  tower,  and  were  broken"  down.  The  tower,  indeed,  was  assailed  with 
wonderful  and  insupportable  fury,  one  party  succeeding  another  when  fatigued,  with 
untiring  energy  and  invincible  valour.  -The  darts  flew  with  a  fearful  noise  in  all 
directions,  and  larger  missiles  hurtled  through  the  air.  The  Turks  drew  back  in  time, 
for  they  could  no  longer  carry  on  the  fight.  And  now,  having  raised  the  ladders  for 
scaling  the  tower,  our  men'  hastened  to  ascend;  but  the  Turks,  perceiving  that  the 
critical  moment  was  at  liaud,  resisted  with  great  valour,  and  threw  down  upon  our 
people  masses  of  stone  of  large  size,  to  crush  them,  and  throw  them  oft"  the  ladders. 
Next  they  flvmg  Greek  Fire  upon  the  castles,  which  we  had  erected,  and  which  were 
set  in  flames;  and  those  witliin"  it,  realising  this,  were  forced  with  disappointed  hopes 
to  descend  and  retire.     But  meanwliile  there  was   immense  slaughter   of  the  Turks 


1199.]  .    SHIPS   OF   KING   JOHN.  Ill 

wlio  (ipposed  our  men  by  sea;  and,  although  at  tlie  tower,  part  of  Our  people  were 
unsuccessful,  tliose  afloat  coniniitteil  great  havoc  upon  the  Turks.  At  length  the 
engines,  together  with  the  castle,  the  galleys,  and  all  within,  having  been  consumed  by 
the  devouring  fire,  the  Turks,  abandoning  themselves  to  rejoicing,  mocked  with  loud 
yells  at  our  discomfiture,  and  nodded  their  heads ;  whereupon  the  Christians  were 
beyond  measure  incensed,  for  they  were  no  less  stung  hy  the  insulting  taunts  than  by 
the  misfortime  which  they  had  suffered." 

During  Kichard's  long  absences  from  his  country,  England  was 
governed  by  four  successive  Justiciars,  who  were  practically  in- 
dependent sovereigns,  burdened,  however,  by  the  very  heavy  tribute 
exacted  by  the  king  for  the  purposes  of  his  foreign  adventures. 
Eichard  was  killed  in  1199  at  the  siege  of  the  Castle  of  Chalus,  and 
was  succeeded  by  his  youngest  brother  John. 

The  new  reign  was  a  disastrous  one  for  England;  but,  from  the 
naval  point  of  view,  is  particularly  interesting,  seeing  that,  from  the 
beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century,  matei'ials  for  naval  histoiy 
become  for  the  first  time  comparatively  plentiful. 

The  types  of  vessels  used  seem  to  have  been,  upon  the  whole, 
the  same  as  those  used  under  Eichard  and  Henry  II.,  but 
in  documents  deaHng  with  the  reign  of  John,  we  read  also  of 
"longships"  (longcB  naves),  "cogs,"  {goggce,  coquce,  etc.),  and 
schuyts'  {scuta). 

The  longship,  probably  a  species  of  galley,  may  have  been  used 
for  other  pm-poses  as  well ;  but  it  was  certainly  employed  for 
revenue  cruising  purposes.  In  1204,  the  keepers  of  the  longships, 
and  of  the  seaports  of  England,  were  commanded  to  allow  a 
merchant's  vessel  to  pass  and  to  trade  wheresoever  it  pleased ;  - 
and  in  1205  "  our  longships,"  meaning  the  longships  of  the  king, 
were  mentioned.^  The  phrase  indicates  the  existence  of  some 
approach  to  a  standing  navy,  especially  as  similar  language  was 
constantly  used  with  respect  to  galley-men  and  other  sailors. 

^Vhat  cogs  were  is  doubtful.  Nicolas  thinks  that  "  they  were 
short  and  of  great  breadth,  hke  a  cockle-shell,  whence  they  are  said 
to  have  derived  their  name  "  ;  *  and  he  says  that  they  were  used  for 
passenger  traffic  and  for  coasting,  and  that  they  were  probably 
much  smaller  than  busses  or  ships.     But  there  is  no  doubt  that,  if 

'  Ships  of  Assise  (naves  de  assiaa)  are  mentioned  in  the  Close  Rolls,  p.  210.  The 
signification  is  unknown,  but  probably  the  vessels  were  merely  registered  or  hcensed 
for  some  special  purpose.  In  one  case  they  are  mentioned  as  being  available  for  -those 
going  to  the  lands  of  W\e  king's  enemies. 

2  Patent  Kolls,  pp.  44,  52.  .         .  *  lb.,  p.  52.  *  Nicolas,  i.  128. 


112  CIVIL   BISTORT,   1154-1399.  [1205. 

not  in  the  thirteenth  century,  at  least  later,  the  term  "cog"  was 
frequently  applied  even  to  the  biggest  and  most  powerful  man-of- 
war.  We  may  perhaps  take  it,  therefore,  that  the  expression  was 
sometimes,  if  not  invariably,  used  in  an  indefinite  manner,  almost 
as  we  now  use  the  word  ship.  But  that  the  word,  like  ship, 
possessed  also  some  special  technical  meaning,  would  appear  from  a 
record  to  the  effect  that  in  1210  there  were  hired  for  the  king's 
ser\dce  five  ships  "  without  a  cog."  ' 

The  name  schuyt  signified  a  small  merchant  ship. 

There  is  nothing  to  show  that  any  Enghsh  vessel  of  the  period 
had  more  than  one  mast  and  one  sail ;  nor  are  there  many  exact 
indications  of  size.  Craft,  however,  capable  of  carrying  fifteen 
horses  were  spoken  of  as  httle  ships  {naviculce),^  whence  it  maj'  be 
inferred  that  very  much  larger  vessels  existed ;  and  from  the  tenor 
of  inquiries  made  in  1214  of  the  reeves  of  Bristol  concerning  vessels 
of  that  port  capable  of  holding  eighty  tons  of  wine  or  more,^  it  may 
be  reasonably  supposed  that  such  craft  were  common. 

These  reeves  or  bailiffs  of  the  ports  were  important  personages  in 
the  economy  of  the  maritime  force  of  the  country  of  that  day.  It 
was  tjieir  duty  to  ascertain  by  jury  the  number  and  size  of  vessels 
belonging  to  their  port,  and  to  attend  to  the  manning  of  the  ships, 
and  to  their  proper  equipment  when  they  were  needed  for  the  king's 
service.*  They  also,  in  time  of  crisis,  laid  embargo  upon  ships  in 
port ;  ^  and  they  were  personally  held  responsible  for  the  due  and 
punctual  appearance  of  ships,  after  they  had  been  smmnoned,  at  the 
time  and  place  specified  in  the  king's  writ.  By  these  methods,  by 
]the  service  rendered  by  the  ships  of  the  Cinque  Ports,  and  by  the 
vessels  of  the  sovereign  himself,  squadrons  were  formed,  and  the 
peace  of  the  seas  was  kept. 

When  still  further  force  was  required  to  meet  great  emergencies, 
it  was  customary  to  send  the  king's  ships  and  those  of  the  Cinque 
Ports  into  the  Channel  to  pick  up  and  bring  into  harbour  all  craft 
there  fallen  in  with.^  Indeed,  John  kept  a  very  jealous  control 
over  all  the  shipping  of  his  realm.  In  war  time,  no  ship  could 
quit  a  harbour  without  a  special  licence  from  the  king ;'  and  even 
then  she  was  sometimes  licensed  only  for  a  specified  destination.^ 

J  Issue  Rolls,  154.  '  Close  EoUs,  133. 

2  Close  HoUs,  197.  "  Patent  Rolls,  9  John,  80,  110,  117. 

'  lb.,  177.  '  Close  Rolls,  133. 

■  «  Patent  Rolls,  7  John,  85,  270.  »  lb.,  141. 


1205.] 


DISTIilBUTIOX   OF   THE  FLEET. 


113 


Nor  iiiii,'lit  vessels  carry  corn  and  provisions  from  port  to  port  in 
England  without  licence,  or  sail  at  all,  on  such  business,  without 
first  giving  security  that  they  would  not  proceed  beyond  the  seas.' 
And  it  is  recorded  that  no  less  potent  a  noble  than  the  ]'3arl  of 
Chester  could  not  come  from  nor  return  to  his  countj'  by  water 
without  the  royal  licence.-  Neutral  ships  permitted  to  sail  were 
not  allowed  to  touch  anywhere  before  their  arrival  in  their  own 
country,  and  were  obliged  to  give  security  that  they  would  not  go 
to  an  enemy's  port ;  ^  and  when,  upon  occasion,  a  vessel  was 
permitted  to  go  to  an  enemy's  port,  her  owners  had  to  give 
security  that  she  would  not  carry  anything  prejudicial  to  the  king's 
interests.''  The  king's  sei-vice  was  paramount ;  and  if  vessels, 
no  matter  whose,  happened  to  be  on  a  voyage  when  the}'  were 
wanted  for  it,  very  peremptory  orders  wei"e  sent  after  them  to  hasten 
their  return.^  If,  after  receiving  those  orders,  anyone,  whatsoever 
might  he  his  nationahty,  should  delay,  he  would  be  deemed  to  be 
the  king's  enemy.  The  service  was  paid  for,  but  it  wa  sstrictly 
obligatory  ;  and  both  n;en  and  ships  were  liable  to  it. 

It  was  this  theory  of  the  service  due  from  ships  to  the  monarch 
that  rendered  it  necessary  for  Englishmen,  ere  they  sold  ships  to 
foreigners,  to  obtain  the  royal  licence  for  the  purpose.  In  1215, 
Simon  Grim  of  Hythe  was  granted  a  hcence  to  sell  his  ship,  the 
Grim,  to  Guiomar  of  Lyon ;  yet  even  then,  in  all  probability,  the 
dehveiy  could  not  have  been  made  had  not  the  licence  been  accom- 
panied by  letters  to  bailiffs  and  others,  stating  the  fact,  and 
enjoining  them  to  allow  the  Grim  to  pass  freely." 

It  is  difficult  to  discover  what  force  was  normally  maintained  in 
a  condition  for  sea  service ;  but  the  Close  Rolls '  inform  us  of  the 
force  ready  in  1205,  and  give  particulars  of  its  distribution  and  of 
the  names  of  its  commanders.  In  the  catalogue  (see  following 
page)  we  have  what  may  be  regarded  as  our  earliest  Navy  List. 
But  it  is  almost  certainly  incomplete ;  for  at  that  time  the  Cinque 
Ports  had  to  furnish  fifty-two  galleys;  and,  apparently,  they  are 
nearly  all  omitted.  Nor  can  it  be  decided  whether  the  vessels 
mentioned  were  impressed  ships,  or  ships  of  the  king. 

But  the  king  was  not  always  impressing  ships.     Occasionallv  he 


'  Close  l{ulls,  101). 

-  ratent  HolU,  G2. 

'  Close  Hulls,  lilO,  liTO. 

'  Ik,  2.38. 


•'  Close  Kolls,  l!i7,  20.3. 
'  Patent  Kolls,  1-13. 
'  Close  Rolls,  33. 


VOL.   I. 


lii 


CIVIL   HISTOBY,   1154-1399. 


[1205. 


lent  his  own  to  particular  seaports,  probably  to  meet  special  local 
needs.  In  April,  120.5,  for  example,  the  inhabitants  of  Yarmouth, 
Lowestoft,  Beccles,  and  Orford  were  informed  that  the  king,  having 
released  his  galleys  stationed  on  the  coast  of  England,  had  sent 
them  two  galleys  to  remain  in  his  service  until  Michaelmas  Day. 
They  were  directed  to  find  two  masters  to  navigate,  and  two  other 
men  to  command  the  vessels,  and  for  the  competency  and  fidelity  of 
the  officers  they  were  to  give  security.  They  were  also  to  find  140  good 
seamen  to  man  the  ships,  and  were  to  send  to  London  the  necessary 
people  to  receive  the  galleys.  To  these  a  simi  of  one  hundred  marks 
would  be  paid  for  the  crews.  By  way  of  additional  reward,  the  men 
would  have  a  moiety  of  all  prizes  which  they  might  capture  from  the 
enemy.^  Another  galley  was  sent  to  Ipswich,  and  three  galleys 
were  sent  to  Dunwich.- 

CaTALOGUE. 


No.  f.f 
Galleys. 


tommauders. 


London     .          .          .          .    ;         5 

Newhaveu 

2 

Sandwich 

3 

Romnev  . 

4 

Rve 

2 

Winchelsea 

'         2 

Shoreham 

5 

Southampton 
Exeter      . 

2 
2 

Bristol      . 

3 

Ipswich    . 
Dunwich  . 

I         2 
'        5 

Lvnn 

1         5 

Yarmouth 

1         3 

Ireland     . 

5 

Gloucester 

1 

Res'inald  de  Coruhill. 


AVilliam  de  Wrotham, 
Archdeacon  of  Taunton. 


^^'iIlialll  de  Marisco 

and 

John  de  !a  Ware. 


51 


Close  Rolls,  p.  33. 

Ships  were  impressed  or  hired  on  the  king's  behalf,  not  only  for 
war  service,  but  also  for  the  carriage  of  goods  and  passengers.  The 
rate  of  payment  was  generally  very  moderate,  so  far  as  it  can  be 
judged  without  knowledge  of  the  dimensions  of  the  vessels  hired. 
An  order  to  provide  freightage  was  usually  sent  down  to  the  reeve 
at  the  intended  port  of  embarkation,  the  wording  being  somewhat  as 
follows  : — 

"  The  King  to  the  Baihff  of  Barfieur.     Find  a  passage  for  John 

'  I'atent  Rolls,  52.  ^  ,;'iose  Rolls,  C  John,  28. 


Ili05.]  THE   KEEl'Eli    OF   THE   .SHIPS.  115 

Palmer,  with  our  three  chargers  and  his  horse,  in  the  first  ship 
saiHng  for  England,  and  it  sliall  I)e  computed  to  you  at  the 
Exchequer  "  ;  *  or 

"  To  the  Bailiff  of  6horeham.  Find  a  good  and  secure  ship, 
without  regard  to  price,  for  AN'illiam  de  Aune,  our  kniglit,  and 
twenty  bowmen,  to  carry  them  over  in  our  service,  and  compute 
thereof  at  owv  Exchequer."  - 

The  management  of  John's  navy  was  largely  in  tlu;  hands  of 
priests,  and  of  these  William  de  Wrotham,  Archdeacon  of  Taunton, 
and  Keeper  of  the  King's  Ships, ^  seems  to  have  been  the  chief.  Ko 
commission  is  known  to  have  been  issued  to  him,  so  that  his 
functions  cannot  be  exactly  defined ;  but  they  appear  to  have  been 

'  Xonnaii  EmUs,  i.  24. 

-  Kotuli  de  Liberate,  etc.,  82  (ed.  1844). 

'  Mr.  M.  Oiiiwilieim  says:  "Tliis  otiice,  jiussilily  in  its  on<];iiial  form  of  very  mucli 
earlier  date,  and  only  reconstituted  or  enlarged  in  fmiction  by  Jolin,  and  now  repre- 
sented in  descent  by  the  Hecretarysliip  of  the  Admiralty,  is  the  oldest  administrative 
eniiiloyment  in  connection  with  the  Navy.  At  first  called  '  Keeper  and  fiovernor '  of 
the  KiuEt's  Ships,  later  'Clerk  of  the  King's  Ships,'  this  official  held,  sometimes  really 
and  sometimes  nominally,  the  control  of  naval  organisation  mitil  the  formation  of  the 
Navy  Board  in  1546.  His  duties  included  all  those  now  performed  by  a  multitude  ol' 
liighly  ])laced  Admiralty  officials.  If  a  man  of  energy,  experience,  and  capacity,  his 
name  stands  foremost  in  the  maintenance  of  the  royal  fleets  during  peace  and  their 
prepai-ation  for  war  ;  if,  as  fi-equently  hap]iened,  a  merchant  or  subordinate  official  with 
110  especial  knowledge,  lie  might  become  a  mere  messenger  riding  from  [lort  to  jiort, 
seeking  runaway  sailors,  or  bargaining  for  small  parcels  of  naval  stores.  Occasionally, 
under  such  circumstances,  his  authority  was  further  lessened  by  the  appointment  of 
other  persons,  usually  such  as  held  minor  jiersonal  offices  near  the  king,  as  keepers  of 
particular  ships.  This  was  a  method  of  giving  a  small  pecmiiary  reward  to  such  a  one, 
together  with  the  perquisites  he  might  be  able  to  procure  from  the  supply  of  stores  ami 
provisions  necessary  for  the  vessel  and  her  crew.  In  the  course  of  centuries  the  title 
changed  its  form.  In  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  the  officer  is  called  '  Clerk  of 
Marine  Causes,'  and  '  Clerk  of  the  Navy,'  in  the  seventeenth  century,  '  Clerk  of  the 
Acts.'  Pepys  was  not  the  last  Clerk  of  the  Acts,  the  functions  associated  with  the 
office,  which  were  the  remains  of  the  larger  powers  once  belonging  to  the  Keeper  and 
Governor,  were  carried  up  by  him  to  the  higher  ]iost  of  Secretary  of  the  Admii-alty." 
'  History  of  the  Administration  of  the  Royal  Navy,'  I.,  S,  4.  1'he  names  of  William  de 
\Vrotham's  immediate  successors  do  not  apjiear ;  but  from  the  beginning  of  the 
fifteenth  century  until  the  reorganisation  in  l.")4C,  the  following  held  the  office : — 
"William  Catton ;  'William  Soper  (from  1420);  Kichard  Clyvedon  (from  1442);  and, 
after  an  interval.  Piers  Bowman  ;  Thomas  Kogers  (appointed  1480,  died  1488);  William 
Comersall ;  llobert  lirygandine  (from  1495  to  1523);  Thomas  Jemiyn  (?) ;  William 
Gonson  (from  1524) ;  Leonard  Thoreton  (?) ;  Sir  Thomas  Spert  (?)  ;  Edmund  Water 
and  John  Wynter  (?).  Those  officers  whose  names  are  queried,  either  were  not 
a]ipoiiited  in  the  usual  way  under  letters  jiatent,  or  may,  perhaps,  have  been  only  local 
keejiers.  The  names  of  the  officers  appointed  to  the  Navy  Board  in  154(j  will  he  found 
in  Chapter  XIII. 

I  2 


116  CIVIL  EisTonr,  1154-1300.  [1212. 

largely  administrative.  Associated  with  him,  probably  m  an  execu- 
tive and  somewhat  subordinate  capacity,  were  Eeginald  and  AVilliani 
de  Cornhill,  who  were  also  priests,  the  latter  becoming  Archdeacon 
of  Huntingdon,  and  Geoffrey  de  Lucy,  Hemy  FitzCount,  Enjuger 
de  Bohun,  and  Geoffrey  de  Lutterel.'  De  Lucy  more  than  once 
conunanded  a  fleet  or  squadron.^  William  de  Longespee,  Earl  of 
Sahsbury,  and  natural  brother  of  the  king,  was  made  commander 
of  the  fleet  in  1213  ;  and  of  his  exploits  at  Damme  something  will 
be  said  in  the  next  chapter.  In  1208  the  steersmen  or  masters 
appointed  to  the  command  of  the  king's  galleys  were  Alan  (junior) 
de  Shoreham,  supposed  to  have  been  the  son  of  Alan  Trenchemer, 
Vincent  of  Hastings,  Walter  Scott,  and  Wymund  of  Winchelsea.^ 
In  1210,  Richard  of  London  was  master  of  the  king's  great  galley, 
and  three  of  the  masters  of  the  galleys  of  the  Cinque  Ports  were 
Thomas  of  Dover,  William  FitzSuanild,  and  John  Clerk  of  Hythe.'' 
Few  ships  of  the  time  are  mentioned  by  name.  One,  the  Grim,  has 
been  already  alluded  to.  The  Earl  of  Dover  had  a  A^essel  called 
the  Falcon.^  Two  ships  of  the  Crusaders  were  called  Pilgriiii  and 
Paradise /'  A  ship  captured  at  Barfleur  in  1212  was  the  Countess.' 
But  a  very  common  course  seems  to  have  been  for  a  ship  to  take  the 
name  either  of  her  owner  or  of  the  port  to  which  she  belonged. 
The  practice,  usual  a  little  later,  of  naming  vessels  after  saints,  had 
not  yet  established  itself  in  England. 

Miich  inention  is  made  of  ships'  gear  and  stores  ;  and  anchors, 
cables,  ropes,  pitch,  yards,  tallow,  oars,  canvas,  nails,  etc.,*  are  often 
specified  as  having  been  bought.  There  is  also  mention  of  "  lieyras  " 
and  "  laurum,"  e\ndently  stores  or  gear  of  some  sort.  These  things 
were  purchased  for  the  service  after  appraisement  bj'  experts. 
Anchors  ordered  for  the  king's  galleys  in  1213  are  described  as 
having  been  seven  feet  long.'  The  king's  "  great  ship  "  is  said  to 
have  had  five  cables."  Vessels  intended  to  serve  permanently  or 
temporarily  as  horse-transports  were  furnished  with  "  clayes," 
hurdles  formed  of  branches  of  oak,  with  brushwood,  probably  for 
the  purpose  of  making  stalls  for  the  animals,  and  they^  were  also 
provided  with  brows  (pontes)  for  landing  them. 

'  Lutterel  died  in  1218. 

'  Luscy  was  also  at  one  time  Governor  of  the  Channel  Inlands. 

'  Close  Rolls,  110.  '  Close  Kolls,  117. 

'  Rotuli  de  Pra^stito,  2.'!0.  »   Ih.,  39,  42,  156,  23-t,  etc. 

<■  Patent  Kolls,  5  .Tohn,  31.  »  Jk,  15(1. 

»  Mentioned  by  Villehardouin,  10(i.  '"  lb.,  17  John,  250. 


IJi:;.]  I'lllZE-MuNEY.  117 

We  read  of  ships  having  been  strengthened  and  repaired;*  but 
the  process  is  not  explained.  The  usual  method  may  still  have  been 
to  haul  them  up  on  the  beach,  and  to  deal  with  them  there.  Yet 
already  there  seem  to  have  been  docks  (rxclusa)'-  at  Portsmouth, 
for,  in  May,  1'21'2,  the  Sheriff  of  Southampton  was  directed  to  causa 
the  exclusa  at  Portsmouth  to  be  enclosed  with  a  strong  wall,  in  the 
manner  which  the  Archdeacon  of  Taunton  would  indicate,  for  the 
preservation  of  the  king's  ships  and  galleys  ;  and  the  sheriff  was 
also  to  have  penthouses  set  up  for  their  stores  and  tackle ;  and  this 
was  to  be  done  at  once,  lest  the  galleys  or  their  stores  should  be 
injured  during  the  ensuing  winter.^ 

"  Prize-money,"  as  Nicolas  observes,  "  seems  to  have  been  as 
ancient  as  the  Enghsh  Navy  itself."*     This  is,  no  doubt,  due  to  the 
fact  that  the  Navy,,  in  its  origins,  was  piratical,  and  that  English 
fighting  seamen,  in  the  earliest  times,  were  accustomed  to  look  for 
booty  in  return  for  their  exertions,  and  would  not,  indeed,  put  heart 
and  muscle  into   the  work  unless  they  were   promised   something 
more  substantial  than  scars  and  honours  as  their  reward.     When 
the  strongest  pirates  in  the  land  became  first  chiefs  and  then  kings, 
they  speedily  realised  the  impossibility  of  maintaining  their  position 
for  long  at  the  head  of  subjects  nurtured  on  robbery  and  turbulence, 
unless  they  compromised  many  things.     By  compromising  disputes 
arising  out  of  their  forcible  seizure  of  political  power,  they  created, 
in  the  course  of  centuries,  the  British  constitution ;  and  by  com- 
promising disputes  arising  out  of  their  forcible  seizure  of  naval  and 
military   power   they   created,  among  other   things,  the  system  of 
prize-money — a  system  whereby   piracy  is  happily  hidden  under  a 
cloak  of  legality,   and   in   virtue   of   which,  even  to  this   day,  the 
descendant  of  pirates,  if  only  he  will  subject  himseK  to  certain  forms 
and  rules,  may  be  something  of  a  pirate  still,  without  suffering  the 
disadvantage  of  being  dubbed  by  so  opprobrious  a  name.     But  in 
tlie  days  of  John,  the   forms  and  rules  had  not    been  completely 
sj'stematised.      Ships  and  goods  captured  from  the  enemy  became 
the  property  of  the  king,  and  the  amount  paid  to  the  captors,  though 
already  often  considerable,  depended  entirely  upon   the  sovereign's 

'    Kcituli  ae  Prawtito,  175;  Close  Rolls,  103. 

-   I5asins,  however,  and  not  ilocks,  may  have  been  meant;  anil  eeitaiiily  there  were 
no  docks  in  the  moilern  sense  of  the  word. 
■'  Close  Rolls,  117. 
*  Nicolas,  i.  140. 


118  CIVIL   HISTORY,   1154-1399.  [1206. 

bounty.  To  certain  galley-men,  brought  into  his  service  by  Thomas 
of  Galway  in  1'205,  the  king  granted  a  moiety  of  their  takings, 
besides  other  recompenses.^  A  few  years  afterwards,  a  sum  of 
±'100  was  advanced  to  mariners  and  galley-men,  on  account  of  the 
sale  of  the  goods  of  a  ship  from  Norway,  captured  in  AVales."  And 
the  promise  to  the  crews  of  the  galleys  lent  to  Yarmouth,  Lowestoft, 
Beccles,  and  Orford  has  been  already  cited.  There  was,  however, 
no  accepted  principle  of  division,  and  occasionally  the  king  seems  to 
have  taken  everything.  This  was  only  what  was  to  be  expected 
from  a  monarch  who  more  than  once  nearly  lost  his  crown  in 
consequence  of  his  stubborn  objection  to  compromise  more  import- 
ant privileges,  which  he  assumed  to  belong  to  him,  but  which  were 
disputed  by  sections  of  his  subjects. 

Seamen  were  enlisted  as  well  as  impressed.  In  May,  1206,  the 
king  ordered  Geoffrey  de  Lucy,  and  Hascuil  de  Suleny,  and  his 
other  subjects  in  the  Norman  islands,  to  send  him  one  knight  and 
one  clerk,  qualified  to  induce  steersmen  and  mariners  to  enter  his 
service.^  But  when  seamen  were  impressed,  the  penalty  for  failure 
to  obey  a  summons  to  serve  was  severe.  In  1208,  certain  sailors  on 
the  coast  of  AVales  were  forbidden  to  make  a  voyage  to  Ireland,  or 
elsewhere,  for  their  own  purposes,  but  ordered  to  repair  to  Ilfra- 
combe  by  the  middle  of  Lent,  to  convey  men  to  Ireland  ;  and  it  was 
added :  "  Know  for  certain  that  if  you  act  contrary  to  this,  we  will 
cause  you  and  the  masters  of  your  vessels  to  be  hanged,  and  all  yoiu- 
goods  to  be  seized  for  our  use."  ^ 

The  crews  of  vessels  consisted  of  "rectors,"  or  masters,  who 
seem  to  have  been  also  called  domini ;  "  stunnanni,"  steersmen 
or  pilots;  "  galiotse,"  galley-men;  "  marinelli,"  mariners;  and 
"  nautas,"  sailors.  There  was,  in  the  case  of  some  large  ships,  a 
"head-master"  above  the  rector.  Hardy,  in  his  preface  to  the 
Close  Eolls,  says  that  steersmen  received  Id.  a  day,  but  does  not 
cite  his  authority.^  A  galley-man  was  paid  &d.  a  day  in  1205  ;  '^  a 
mariner  was  paid  3(7.  In  1206,  a  sum  of  £138  was  issued  to  pay 
275  mariners  for  forty  days.'  Knights  received  2s.  a  day,  and 
cross-bowmen  (the  famous  Genoese  cross-bowmen  were  introduced 
to  the  English  service  by  .John)  from  'M.  to  iSdJ^     Before  sailing, 

'  Patent  Pmlls,  5  .John,  51.  °  Preface,  \>.  xlv. 

-  Hotuli  lie  Pra-stit.j,  12  .Tolm,  227.  "  Close  Rolls,  .39. 

=  Close  It.ills,  70b.  '  Ih.,  69. 

"  Jh.,  100.  *  Preface  to  the  Close  Rolls,  xix. 


1216.]  THE  HONOUR    OF  TEE  FLAG.  119 

tlie  men  were  given  eight  days'  wages,  and  wages  for  eight  days 
more  were  delivered  at  the  same  time  to  the  persons  appointed  to 
pay  them.^  The  officers  also  were  gi'anted  prests  or  payments  iu 
advance.  In  Jmie,  1205,  Thomas  of  Dover,  Wilham  FitzSuanild, 
and  John  Clerk  of  Hythe,  three  masters  of  the  king's  galleys  of  the 
Cinque  Ports,  received  £15  in  prest  upon  their  wages  ;  Thomas  of 
Gloucester  was  paid  £5  in  prest  for  the  galley  of  Bristol ;  and  two 
others  received  the  same  sum  for  the  galley  of  Ipswich.-  The 
wages  were  apparently  in  addition  to  food  and  rations,  including 
wine ;  and  we  have  notices  of  payments  for  herrings,  bacon,  etc.^ 
sent  as  supphes  to  the  Idng's  ships. ^ 

There  were  even  pensions  for  the  wounded,  for,  in  1202,  Alan  le 
Waleis,  who  had  lost  his  hand  on  service,  was  granted  a  penny  a 
day,  and,  until  it  should  be  paid,  was  to  be  lodged  in  an  abbey." 
But  officers  and  men  ahke  seem,  as  a  rule,  to  have  found  their  own 
clothing,  though  there  is  a  record  of  the  king  having,  in  1205,  given 
six  robes  to  certain  galley-men  of  Bayonne.'* 

Selden,®  Prynne,'  and  others  quote  a  document,  said  to  date 
from  the  year  1200,  and  purporting  to  be  an  ordinance  made  by 
John  at  Hastings,  enjoining  every  ship  meeting  the  English  fleet  at 
sea  to  lower  her  sails  at  the  command  of  the  king's  lieutenant  or 
admiral ;  but  the  document  contains  internal  evidence  against  its 
genuineness,  and  is  probably  of  a  date  considerably  later  than  that 
ascribed  to  it.  Indeed,  in  the  '  Black  Book  of  the  Admiralty,'  to 
which  Piynne  refers,  there  is  no  writing  of  a  date  earlier  than  the 
reign  of  Henry  VI.,  and  most  of  the  earlier  ordinances  copied  into 
the  volume  may  be  suspected  of  corruption,  while  some  of  them  are 
almost  certainly  forgeries  and  fictions.  It  is  not  until  a  later  period 
that  we  encounter  any  good  evidence  of  a  formal  assumption  by  the 
kings  of  England  of  a  claim  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  Narrow  Seas. 

King  John  died  on  October  19th,  1216,  and  was  succeeded  by  his 
son  (by  Isabella  of  Angouleme)  Henry  III.,  who  was  a  child  of  nine. 

In  the  course  of  Henry's  long  reign  mention  is  made,  not  only 
of  "great  ships,"  "galleys,"  and  "  longships,"  etc.,  but  also  of 
"  sornecks"  (probably  vessels  different  from  the  "  snake"  or  esnecca 
of  an  earlier  age),  "nascellas,"  "  passerettes,"  and  "barges."     The 

'  Close  Rolls,  229.  =  CI.isc  Rolls,  48. 

-  Rotuli  lie  PiKstito,  R.  271.  "  Miire  Clausum,  401. 

•'  Close  Rolls,  71,  and  1.5  .John,  158.  '  '  Animadversions,'  104. 

■"  liotuli  de  Liberate,  .3  .John,  32. 


120  CIVIL    HISTORY,    1154-1399.  [1225. 

sorneck  was  a  trading  vessel ;  the  nascella,  like  the  navicula,  was  a 
small  craft ;  the  passerette  was  a  passenger  ship,  also  small.  Pas- 
senger vessels  ran  between  Dover  and  AVhitsand  (Wissant)  ;  and  in 

1225  the  Bailiffs  of  Dover  were  ordered  to  allow  two  of  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterburj^'s  clerks  to  cross  over  in  the  usual  manner,  in 
nainbus  passarettis.  Barges  were  probably  much  what  they  are  at 
present. 

Several  ships  of  the  period  are  mentioned  by  name,  and  "the 
king's  fleet"  is  often  spoken  of.  The  king's  great  ship  was  the 
Queen ;  ^  another  large  vessel,  apparently  captured  from  the  Portu- 
guese for  a  breach  of  blockade,  was  the  Cardinal ;  other  vessels 
were  the  Galopine,  Percevet,  Alarde,  and  Paterik.- 

When  the  ships  were  not  required  for  the  purposes  of  war  they 
were  frequently  let  out  to  hire  to  the  merchants.  For  example,  in 
1232  John  Blancboilly  had  the  custody  of  the  king's  gi'eat  ship  the 
Queen  for  life,  with  all  her  anchors,  cables  and  other  tackle,  to 
trade  wherever  he  pleased,  he  paying  an  annual  rental  of  fifty 
marks.  He  was  bound,  at  his  own  expense,  to  keep  the  ship  in 
complete  repair  against  all  accidents  except  perils  of  the  sea,  so  that 
at  his  decease  she  might  be  restored  to  the  king  in  as  good  state  as 
when  he  received  her ;  and  all  his  lands  in  England  were  charged 
with  the  fulfilment  of  the  contract.^ 

There  are  many  notices  relative  to  the  purchase  of  stores.     In 

1226  the  Constable  of  Porchester  was  ordered  to  supply  Friar 
Thomas  with  three  boatloads  of  firewood,  two  for  the  king's  great 
ship,  and  one  for  the  king's  two  galleys  ;  and  twenty-two  and  a  half 
marks  were  given  to  him  to  buy  canvas  for  the  sails,  and  to 
make  "  celtas  "  for  the  king's  great  ship,  carts  being  directed  to 
carry  the  "celtas"  and  "  heyras "  to  her  at  Portsmouth.*  In 
1225  the  Bailiff's  of  Southampton  were  commanded  to  buy  cordage 
under  the  inspection  of  Stephen  Crabbe,  an  eminent  mariner, 
for  the  king's  great  ship  at  Portsmouth ;  but  if  a  sufficient  quantity 
were  not  ready  they  were  to  cause  it  to  be  made  in  all  haste, 
as   well    by    day  as    by    night,    and    to    send    it    to    Portsmouth. 

1  Patent  Hulls,  16  Henry  III.,  m.  8. 

"  Amonf;  the  names  of  vessels  that  went  to  the  king  at  Bordeaux  in  1242,  are  La 
Hog,  liahrhere,  Plenty,  Ilarrief,  Garland,  Charity,  Finnocl-,  St.  Mary,  La  Flanetc, 
La  Espercicr,  La  Blyih,  and  IlftuoiseUe  nf  Dumoich.  Prohalil}-  these  were  not  king's 
ships.  Garland,  or  Guardland  (it  exists  in  both  forms),  later  became  a  favourite  name 
In  tlie  Royal  Navy. 

'  Patent  Holls,  10  Hen.  III.,  ni.  8. 

'  Close  liolls,  10  Hen.  II[.,  m.  Kl,  IT,  2.5. 


lliL'S.]  CABINS.  .  121 

They  were  further  directed  to  cause  three  good  cables  to  be 
made  for  that  ship,  together  with  four  dozen  "  theldoruui,"  and  to 
procure  two  hundi'ed  yards  of  cloth  to  repair  her  sail.^  In  Sep- 
tember, 124'2,  a  messenger  from  the  Cinque  Ports  was  ordered  to 
receive  six  hundred  yards  of  canvas  which  was  at  Portsmouth,  and 
which  had  been  taken  from  the  enemy,  to  make  sails  for  the  three 
galleys  which  the  Icing  had  ordered  to  be  built ;  and  if  there  were 
not  that  quantity  at  Portsmouth,  whatever  was  there  was  to  be 
delivered,  and  the  king  was  to  be  informed  of  the  deficit."  A  sum 
of  £i  was  paid  for  building  a  boat  for  the  great  ship,^  and  a  sum 
of  8s.  Id.  was  repaid  to  the  Sheriff  of  York  for  a  boat  and  an 
iron  chain  belonging  to  her.*  In  1229  ^S40  was  paid  to  the 
king's  clerk  for  the  repairs  of  the  king's  galleys  and  great  ship 
at  Portsmouth.^ 

In  Julj%  1242,  one  hundred  marks  was  paid  to  Bertram  de  Criol 
for  making  four  swift  barges  for  the  king's  service,  and  he  was  ordered 
to  place  them  in  the  Cinque  Ports  when  he  deemed  it  expedient. 
At  the  same  time  the  Bailiff's  of  Bristol  were  ordered  to  send  to 
Winchelsea,  to  be  delivered  to  De  Criol,  the  larger  of  the  king's  two 
galleys  in  their  charge." 

Nicolas  is  of  opinion  that  in  this  reign  occurs  the  first  notice 
of  cabins  in  Enghsh  ships.'  In  June,  1228,  a  vessel  was  ordered 
to  be  sent  to  Gascony  with  the  king's  effects,  and  a  sum  of  4s.  6d. 
was  paid  "for  the  making  of  some  sort  of  chamber  in  the  said 
ship  to  put  our  said  efl'ects  in."'*  In  1242,  when  the  king,  accom- 
panied by  the  queen,  went  to  Gascony,  "decent  chambers"  were 
ordered  to  be  built  in  the  vessel  in  which  their  majesties  were 
to  embark,  and  these  were  to  be  pannelled.^  There  may  be  no 
earlier  mention  of  cabins  in  English  ships,  but  it  is  certain 
that  foreign  vessels  had  them  long  before,  and  it  is  probable, 
owing  to  the  fact  that  English  ships  of  the  time  were  very  little 
dift'erent  from  foreign  ones '"  in  other  respects,  that  English  ships 
had  them  also. 

The  ordinary  rate  of  pay  under  Henry  III.  was  sixpence  a  day  to 

I  Close  Rolls,  10  Hen.  III.,  ii.  50.  "  Kotuli  de  Liberate,  2G  Hen.  HI.,  in.  5. 

"  lb.,  2G  Hen.  III.,  in.  5.  "  Nicolas,  i.  223. 

'  Uotuli  lie  Liberate,  11  Hen.  IIL,  2.  *  Hotuli  Je  Liberate. 

*  Jh.,  12  Hen.  IIL,  m.  G.  '  Close  Rolls,  2G  Hen.  IIL,  1. 
"  Ih.,  13  Hen.  IIL,  m.  4. 

'"  The  Hoccafortis,  the  largest  of  a  number  of  ships  furnished  to  the  King  of  Frauce 

in  1268  hj  the  Republic  of  Venice,  was  110  feet  long  over  all;  70  feet  in  length  of 


122  CIVIL   HISTORY,   1154-1399.  [1230. 

a  master,  and  threepence  a  day  to  a  seaman  ;  but  some  ships  had 
more  than  one  master.  One,  indeed,  of  the  king's  great  ships  is  said 
incidentally  to  have  had  seven,  namely,  Stephen  de  Vel,  German  de 
la  Eia,  John  Fitz-Sampson,  CoHn  de  Warham,  Kobert  Gaillard,  and 
Simon  Wistlegrei.^  That  particular  ship  appears  to  have  carried 
sixty  seamen  or  mariners,  thirty  of  "whom  were  furnished  by  South- 
ampton and  Portsmouth,  and  thirty  by  Eye ; "  but  it  need  not  he 
concluded  from  the  figures  that  they  represented  the  whole  number 
of  fighting  men  on  board  when  the  ship  was  on  a  war  footing. 
They  probably  represented  only  the  navigating  detachment,  and 
there  may  have  been  as  many  more  soldiers,  besides  officers  of  the 
vessel  and  knights. 

The  usual  rates  of  freight  can  be  roughly  estimated  from  the 
following  facts : — The  cost  of  sending  the  king's  great  ship  from 
La  Eochelle  to  Bordeaux  with  merchandise  was  ±'33  10s. ^  Three 
ships  sent  to  Poitou  in  the  king's  service  were  paid  for,  one 
£&  Vis.  for  thirty-eight  days,  another  iLX  lis.  9fZ.  for  nine  days, 
and  the  third  ^1  5s.  for  five  days ;  the  rate  thus  varying  from 
3s.  6fZ.  to  7s.  a  day,  probably  in  proportion  to  the  size  of  the 
ships.  A  person  contracted  to  biding  wine  from  Bordeaux  to 
Southampton  for  8s.,  and  to  Sandwich  for  9s.,  a  tun ;  but  both 
charges  appear  to  have  included  the  cost  of  the  wine.  In 
May,  1227,  Salekiu  of  Dover,  and  John,  his  nephew,  were  paid 
sixty  marks  for  the  freight,  of  their  ship  from  Gascony  to  England, 
in  the  service  of  Eichard,  Count  of  Poitou,  the  king's  brother ; 
and  two  others  were  paid  £60  for  another  ship  making  the 
same  voyage.* 

The  existence  of  a  dockyard  at  Portsmouth  has  already  been 
touched  upon.     In  the  reign  of  Henry  III.,  if  not  before,  there  were 


keel ;  and  40  feet  in  width  at  prow  and  poop.  Her  comiilemeut  of  mariners  was  110, 
and  her  value  was  1400  niarlis.  The  dimensions  are  those  of  a  vessel  between  four 
and  five  hundred  tons,  as  measured  by  the  old  s^-stem — the  dimensitms,  that  is,  of  a 
20  or  24-gun  ship  of  the  eighteenth  century,  though  the  beam  of  the  eighteenth- 
century  ship  was  less  in  proportion  to  her  length.  The  Roccafortis  had  two  covered 
decks,  the  orlop  being  llj  feet,  and  what  we  should  call  the  main  deck  C^  feet  high. 
At  each  entl  was  a  "  bellatoriuni "  (fore  or  stern  castle),  and  there  were  several  cabins. 
The  particulars,  taken  from  the  original  contract,  will  be  found  in  .Jal's  'Archeologie 
Navale,'  ii.  355.  There  is  really  no  evidence  that  contemporary  English  ships  were 
not  of  nearly  equal  size. 

'  Close  iiolls,  10  Hen.  III.,  ii.  112.  ■'  Rntuli  de  Liberate,  10  Heu.  HI.,  m.  3. 

2  Ih.,  m.  IG.  "  Ih.,  11  Hen.  HT. 


r_'4-2.]  CAPTUJiED    GOODS.  123 

Other  yards  for  the  king's  galleys  at  Kye,'  Shoreham,  and  Win- 
chelsea,  where,  when  the  vessels  were  not  required,  they  were  laid  up 
under  sheds.  On  Xovember  '2!)th,  1'24;{,  the  Sheriff  of  Sussex  was 
ordered  to  enlarge  the  house  at  Eye  in  which  the  king's  galleys  were 
kept,  so  that  it  might  contain  seven  galleys  ;  and,  when  this  should 
be  done,  the  galleys,  with  all  their  stores,  were  to  be  placed 
therein  ;  -  and  in  1288  the  keepers  of  some  of  the  king's  galleys 
were  directed  to  cause  those  vessels  to  be  "  breiuucd  "  (deprived  by 
fire  of  the  accunmlated  growth  on  their  bottoms),^  and  a  house  to  be 
built  at  Winchelsea  for  their  safe  custody. 

In  tlie  matter  of  prizes,  things  remained  much  as  in  John's 
reign.  But  the  crown  in  practice  admitted  the  captor's  right  to  a 
share.  In  1'24'2  the  Constable  of  Dover  was  ordered  to  pay  to  the 
barons  of  Winchelsea,  towards  their  assistance  against  enemies, 
±'100  out  of  the  money  found  in  possession  of  some  captured  French 
merchants  ;  and  the  said  constable,  with  another,  was  appointed  to 
receive  the  king's  proportion  of  all  the  perquisites  of  the  sea  during 
the  war  between  England  and  France ;  *  from  which  it  would 
appear  that  Henry  III.  did  not  expect  more  than  part.  Sometimes 
prizes  were  allowed  to  be  ransomed.  In  1227  an  order  ^^■as  issued 
that,  after  payment  of  the  largest  possible  fine,  the  merchants  of  a 
French  ship  taken  at  Hartlepool  shoi;ld  be  suffered  to  depart  with 
their  vessel.^  Nor,  as  was  the  case  in  some  previous  reigns,  were 
ships  that  had  been  captured  under  doubtful  legality  unjustly  re- 
tained. About  August,  1242,  several  mandates  were  issued  for  the 
restoration  of  all  merchandise  captured  since  the  beginning  of  the 
war,  except  such  as  belonged  to  subjects  of  the  King  of  France. 
The  Sheriff  of  Norfolk  and  others,  for  instance,  were  ordered  to  take 
evidence  concerning  the  ownership  of  captured  goods  alleged  to 
belong  to  Flemish  merchants,  and,  if  the  allegation  were  established, 
to  restore  them ;  *  and  a  captured  ship  belonging  to  St.  IMalo  was 
given  up  because  the  king  had  "  granted  his  peace  "  to  the  people  of 
that  town. 

Impressment,  or  arrest  of  ships  and  men  for  the  royal  ser\-ice, 
was  frequently  had  recourse  to,  as  under  John.  And  the  process 
was  conducted  with  as  high  a  hand  as  ever.  At  the  time  of  the 
general  an-est  of  vessels  to  convey  troops  to  Poitou  in  1225,  a  ship 

'   Koiuli  lie  Liberate,  24  Hen.  111.,  in.  0.        ■■  Patent  Hulls,  2(5  Hen.  1 1 1.,  2  ni.  2. 
-  JIk,  28  Hen.  III.,  m.  19.  ■'  ('lose  Holls,  ii.  lO;!. 

'  Close  Holls,  22  Hen.  IH.,  m.  2.  "  II,. 


124  CIVIL   HISTORY,    1154-1390.  [1212, 

belonging  to  the  Master  of  the  Knights  Templars  of  Spain  was 
seized,  and  the  owner  was  paid  two  hundred  marks  as  compensation 
for  her  loss.'^  Goods,  too,  were  seized  for  the  king's  business.  In 
January,  12'26,  orders  were  issued  for  the  arrest  at  Sandwich  of  two 
vessels  from  Bayonne,  laden  with  spices  and  other  precious  mer- 
chandise, as  soon  as  they  should  enter  port ;  and  it  was  directed  that 
no  part  of  their  cargoes  should  be  sold  until  the  king  should  have 
taken  for  his  use  as  much  as  he  might  think  proper."  And  all  sea 
traffic  was  rigorously  supervised  in  time  of  war.  In  1'226  the 
Bailiffs  of  Dover  were  ordered  to  pay  to  the  Chancellor  of  London 
the  twelve  marks  which  they  had  received  from  a  certain  ship  that 
had  passed  Portsmouth  without  the  king's  licence.^ 

Yet,  although  there  was  clearly  a  strict  police  of  the  seas  around 
England,  piracies  were  not  uncommon  ;  and  even  the  people  of  the 
Cinque  Ports  were  frequently  guilty  of  such  offences.  In  1227  a 
mariner  named  Dennis  was  committed  to  Newgate  for  having  been 
present  when  a  Spanish  ship  had  been  plundered  and  her  crew  slain 
at  Sandwich.*  In  the  same  year  the  people  of  some  towns  in 
Norfolk  were  accused  of  robbing  a  Norwegian  ship ;  and  in  1264 
a  sea  fight  occurred  between  the  men  of  Lynn  and  the  men  of 
Dartmouth.^  Sometimes,  at  least,  the  crown  held  itself  responsible 
for  the  illegal  deeds  of  its  servants,  for  in  1225  nine  marks  were 
given  to  Alexander,  a  goldsmith,  and  his  seven  companions,  and  to 
a  woman  named  Margaret,  coming  from  Norway,  who  were  alleged 
to  have  been  robbed  by  people  of  the  Cinqi^e  Ports." 

The  king  had  ships  in  Ireland  as  well  as  in  England,  and  he 
hired  them  out,  like  his  English  ships,  to  the  merchants,  when  he 
had  no  immediate  use  for  them.  Ireland  also  had  to  furnish  ships 
and  men  at  the  king's  demand ;  but  it  would  appear  from  a 
document  dated  in  1217  that  at  that  time,  if  not  always,  citizens  of 
Dublin,  or  some  of  them,  were  exempted  from  impressment  at  sea 
for  service  in  the  king's  galleys." 

Besides  the  Cinque  Ports,  the  island  of  Oleron  furnished  vessels 
to  the  king ;  and  in  Jime,  1242,  the  Mayor  of  Oleron  was  directed 
to  build  the  barges  vhich  the  island  owed  to  the  sovereign  in  virtue 
of  its  tenure. 

'  Close  Rolls,  10  Hfii.  IH.,  ni.  9.  '  Patent  KmILs  48  Hen.  III. 

-  Ih.,  96.  «  Close  Rolls,  ii.  65. 

^  Ih.,  ii.,  122.  '  76.,  i.  335. 
*  Ih.,  ii.  203ii. 


1200.]  LIGHTS   AND   nKACOXti.  125 

The  provisions  and  stoi'es  of  ships  seem  to  have  l)ecn  the  same 
in  character  as  those  in  the  reign  of  John.  Wlien  Henry  was 
preparing;  for  his  journey  to  Poitou  in  124'2,  he  directed  the  vessels 
which  were  to  convey  liiiu  and  liis  suite  to  be  supplied  with 
bacon  and  other  salted  meats,  Hour,  eggs,  fowls  and  salt,  besides 
other  necessaries,  which  were  to  be  obtained  from  the  officers 
of  the  bishopric  of  AVinchester,  who  were  to  forward  a  thousand 
quarters  of  wheat,  the  same  quantity  of  barley,  and  a  tiiousand 
pigs  for  the  purpose,  as  well  as  corn  and  wine  from  other 
sources.^ 

Lighthouses  of  some  sort  existed  from  an  early  period  at 
Winchelsea,  Yarmouth,  and  other  places,  and  some  of  them  may 
have  been  established  as  early  as  the  time  of  the  lioniaus.  They 
were  generally  maintained  by  port  dues.  On  January  30th,  12G1, 
Henry  issued  a  precept  commanding  that  every  ship  laden  with 
merchandise  that  went  to  Winchelsea  during  the  two  following  years 
should  pay  twopence  for  the  maintenance  of  the  light  there  set  up 
for  the  safet}'  of  sailors  entering  by  night,  unless  it  should  be  shown 
that  the  barons  had  been  accustomed  to  maintain  at  their  own  cost 
the  light  in  question. '-^  This  toll  was  called  "  fire-pence"  ;  for  in  an 
ordinance  of  a  few  years  later  for  the  settlement  of  disputes  between 
the  Cinque  Ports  and  tlie  inhabitants  of  Norfolk,  arising  out  of 
the  herring  fishery,  it  was  declared  that  the  bailiffs  of  the  barons 
of  the  ports  should  receive  ths  twopence,  usually  called  "  tire- 
pence,"  for  sustaining  the  fires  at  the  accustomed  places  so  long  as 
they  did  sustain  them  ;  but  that  if  they  failed  to  do  so,  the  Provost 
of  Yarmouth  might  receive  the  pence  and  keep  up  the  fires.''  These 
fires  were  probably  burnt  in  cressets.  At  St.  Agnes  lighthon.se,  in 
Scilly,  a  cresset  or  beacon  fire  was  burnt  as  late  as  KiHO,  and  possibly 
for  several  years  afterwards. 

No  alteration  was  made  in  tlie  banners  borne  by  English  shii)s 
until  the  reign  of  Edward  III.  The  St.  George's  ensign,  and  the 
flag  with  the  three  lions  were  still  used.  The  commander-in- 
chief  of  a  fleet  carried  the  former  at  his  masthead,  and  at  night 
hoisted  a  light  in  the  same  position.  When,  in  June,  l•2'):^, 
the  king  was  going  to  Gascony,  the  sheriffs  of  London  were 
ordered    to    cause    a    great    and    well-made    lantern,    which    could 

•  Close  Hulls,  20  Hen.  III.,  1  ni.  7. 

''  Patent  KolU,  45  Hen.  VI 11. 

'  '  Charters  of  the  Cinque  Port.s'  (.leakes),  14. 


126  CIVIL   HISTORY,   1154-1399.  [1243. 

be  suspended  in  the  king's  ship,  to  be  forwarded  without  delay  to 
Portsmouth.' 

"The  conduct  of  all  privateers,"  wrote  Nelson,^  "is,  as  far  as 
I  have  seen,  so  near  piracy,  that  I  only  wonder  any  civihsed  nation 
can  allow  them."  ^  In  the  thirteenth  century  all  sea  warfare,  whether 
regular  or  irregular,  was  conducted  by  people  who  were  httle  better 
than  "  a  horde  of  sanctioned  robbers  "  ;  and  one  is  not  surprised, 
therefore,  to  discover,  as  one  often  does  when  studying  the  early 
history  of  England,  that  in  war  time  ships  were  fitted  out  by 
individuals  as  well  as  by  governments  to  prej'  upon  the  enemies  of 
the  country-.  But  it  does  not  appear  that  private  adventurers  of  this 
sort  were  ever  formally  recognised,  or  that  specific  terms  were  made 
Avith  them,  until  the  reign  of  Henry  III. 

The  first  two  known  English  "letters  of  marque" — for  that  is 
what  they  essentially  were — were  granted  by  Hemy  against  France 
in  February,  1243,  one  being  to  Geoffrey  Pyper,  master  oi  Le  Heyte, 
and  the  other  jointly  to  Adam  Eobernolt  and  "William  le  Sauvage. 
The  form  was  in  each  case  the  same,  and  was  as  follows : — 

"  llelative  to  anno3-ing  the  king's  enemies.  The  king  to  all,  etc.,  greeting.  Know 
ye  tliat  we  have  granted  and  given  licence  to  .  .  .  and  .  .  .  and  their  companions 
whom  they  take  with  them,  to  annoy  our  enemies  by  sea  or  by  land  wheresoever  they 
are  able,  so  that  they  share  with  us  the  half  of  all  their  gain;  and  therefore  we 
command  you  neither  to  do,  nor  suffer  to  be  done,  any  let,  damage,  or  injury  to  them 
or  their  barge,  or  other  ship  or  galley  which  they  may  have ;  and  they  are  to  render  to 
the  king,  in  his  wardrobe,  the  half  of  their  gains."  * 

Although  there  is  no  direct  proof  of  the  correctness  of  the  theory, 
it  is  probable  that  the  earliest  privateers  were  recruited  from  the 
large  class  of  maritime  adventurers  who,  in  the  Middle  Ages,  and  in 
all  seas,  turned  their  hands  against  everyone  who  did  not  deem  it 
worth  while  to  buy  their  assistance,  or  who  did  not  at  least  offer 
them  some  advantages.  There  were  plenty  of  these  gentlemen 
of  the  sea  at  the  very  period  in  question  off  the  shores  of  England ; 

'  liotuli  de  Liberate,  37  Heu.  III.,  m.  2. 

-  '  Despatches,'  vi.  79.     Sir  aho  145. 

'  Admiral  "N'ernon,  writing  to  Secretary  Corbett  on  August  12th,  1745,  said: 
"  I'rivateers  doubtless  distress  the  enemy's  trade,  and  bring  an  addition  of  wealth  into 
the  kingdom;  but,  on  the  other  side,  they  debauch  the  morals  of  our  seamen  in 
general,  by  being  under  no  discipline,  and  encouraging  all  sorts  of  licentiousness,  by 
which  they  grow  indifferent  to  the  service  of  their  country,  and  ready  to  serve  any 
otlier  with  a  view  of  prey  to  feed  their  licentiousness,  and  the  flower  of  our  seamen  are 
lirawn  from  the  defence  of  the  kingdom  and  protection  of  our  commerce,  wlieu  they 
may  stand  most  in  need  of  it.'" — MS.  in  Auth.'s  Coll. 

'  Patent  Rolls,  27  Hen.  III.,  m.  16. 


12G0.]  THE  LAW   OF    Wit  EC  K.  127 

for  it  was  tlie  complaint  of  the  l)arons  of  the  Cinque  Ports  in  the 
same  year  that  the  pirates  who  ^nai'iled  the  hiijh  sea  would  not  allow 
even  the  pilgrims  to  return  home,  and  that  all  the  navj'  of  England 
could  not  resist  them.  Henry,  in  his  horn-  of  need,  may  have  thought 
it  more  than  justifiable,  by  the  offer  of  protection  and  countenance, 
to  secure  some  of  these  rovers  as  his  friends  and  as  France's  enemies. 
"  While,"  as  Nicolas  says,  "  these  hordes  of  daring  robbers  are  justly 
execrated  for  their  deeds  of  cruelty  and  violence,  it  should  not  be 
forgotten  that  their  skill,  hardihood,  and  adventurous  spirit  have 
descended  to  the  British  seamen  of  modern  times ;  and  much  of  the 
heroism  and  contempt  of  danger  for  which  our  navy  has  been  so 
long  distinguished  may  have  been  derived  from  the  piratical  and 
buccaneering  proceedings  of  former  ages."  ^ 

The  modification  made  in  the  law  of  wreck  by  Henry  II.  has 
been  already  made  mention  of.  A  further  alteration  was  effected  by 
a  charter  dated  at  Merewell,  on  May  '2()th,  1'23G.  By  this  the  king 
granted  that,  if  any  ship  were  in  danger  in  his  dominions,  and  any 
man  escaped  from  it  and  reached  the  land  alive,  all  the  goods  and 
chattels  in  such  ship  should  continue  to  be  the  property  of  the 
original  owners,  instead  of  passing  as  wi'eck  to  the  king.  And  if 
from  a  ship  so  endangered  no  man  escaped  alive,  but  any  other 
beast  [hastia  alia)  chanced  to  escape  alive,  or  to  be  foimd  alive  on 
board,  then  the  goods  and  chattels  in  such  ship  should  be  delivered 
by  the  king's  bailiff  to  four  men,  in  whose  custody  they  should 
remain  for  three  months,  during  which  time,  if  owners  proved  their 
right,  they  should  be  restored  to  them ;  but  if  no  one  claimed  the 
goods  within  that  term,  they  should  be  forfeited  as  wTeck.  If, 
however,  neither  man  nor  other  beast  escaped  from  the  ship, 
the  cargo  was  then  to  be  considered  as  wreck,  and  to  become  the 
property  of  the  king,  or  of  the  lord  having  the  right  to  it.'" 

Connected  with  this  subject,  there  are  three  episodes  of  the 
reign  which  deserve  note.  In  1225,  some  masts  from  a  wreck 
belonging  to  the  Crown  were  washed  ashore  in  Cornwall ;  and  the 
sheriff  of  the  county  was  instructed  to  proceed  to  the  spot,  and,  if 
any  of  the  masts  had  been  sold,  to  arrest  botli  buyer  and  seller.^  In 
1227  a  ship  of  Toulouse  was  wrecked  at  Shoreham,  and  her  cargo 
plundered,  whereupon  the  Sheriff  of  Sussex  was  ordered  to  the  spot, 
with  directions  to  impanel  a  jury,  discover  who  were  present  at  the 
robbery,  and  who  carried  away  the  cargo  and  stores,  and  arrest  the 

'  Nicolas,  i.  23il.  "-  '  Fa-dera,"  i.  227.  =  Close  lUiUs,  ii.  12. 


128  CIVIL   BISTORT,   1154-1399.  [1272. 

guilty  parties.'     These  incidents  show  that  although  Henry  could 

make  liberal  concessions,  he  would  forego  none  of  his  legal  rights 

against   lawlessness.      The  other   noteworthj'  point  is  that  in  the 

treaty  concluded  in  1269  between  Henry  and  Magnus  of  Norway,  a 

clause  is  to  be  found  providing  that,  in  case  of  a  shipwreck  on  the 

coast  of   either  country,  the   goods   on  board   should   be  protected 

by  the   authorities,  who  were   to   give  all   the   assistance   in   their 

power  to  the  crews,  while  persons  plundering  were  to  be  severely 

punished.^ 

The  knowledge  and   utilisation  of   the  directive  powers  of   the 

magnet,    and   of   the   magnetised   needle,    were   probably   not   new 

in  Asia  even  so  early  as  the  beginning   of   the  Christian  era;  but 

they  were  new  in  western  Europe  in  the  first  half  of  the  thirteenth 

century.      It   is   therefore   of   interest   to   print   two   contemporary 

references  to  such   primitive   form   of   mariner's   compass   as   then 

existed.     Both  were  translated  for  Nicolas  by  Mr.  Thomas  Wright, 

the  first  from   '  La  Bible  Guiot  de  Provins,'  and  the  second  from 

the  preface  to  Michel's  '  Lais  Inedits '  ;    and   the  originals  of  both 

are  in  verse. 

"The}'  make  a  contrivance  wliich  canncit  lie  by  the  vii-tue  of  the  magnet:  an  ugly 
and  brownish  stone,  to  which  iron  spontaneously  joins  itself,  they  have ;  and  they 
observe  the  right  point.  After  they  have  caused  a  needle  to  touch  it,  and  placed  it  in 
a  rush,  they  put  it  in  the  water  without  anything  more,  and  the  rush  keeps  it  on  the 
surface.  Then  it  turns  its  point  towards  the  star  with  such  certainty  that  no  man  will 
ever  have  any  doubt  of  it,  nor  will  it  ever  for  anything  go  false.  When  the  sea  is 
dark  and  hazy  that  they  can  neither  see  star  nor  moon,  therefore  they  place  a  light  by 
the  needle,  and  then  they  have  no  fear  of  going  wrong.  Towards  the  star  goes  the 
pi  lint,  wliereby  the  mariners  have  the  skill  to  keep  the  right  way.  It  is  an  art  which 
canniit  fail." 

The  second,  more  obscure,  runs  : — 

"  For  a  north  wind  niir  for  anything  else  does  (without  doubt)  cease  doing  service 
the  jjole  star  clear  and  pure ;  the  sailors  by  its  light  it  throws  often  out  of  mishap,  and 
assures  them  of  their  road ;  and  when  the  night  is  too  dark,  still  is  it  of  such  a  nature 
that  it  makes  iron  draw  to  the  loadstone,  so  that  by  force  and  by  reason,  and  by  a  rule 
which  lasts  ever,  they  know  the  place  where  it  is.  They  know  its  jwsition  on  the 
way,  when  it  is  perfectly  dark,  all  those  who  practise  this  art,  who  push  a  needle  of 
iron  till  it  almost  disappears  in  a  bit  of  cork,  and  touch  it  to  the  brown  loadstone. 
Tlien  it  is  placed  in  a  vessel  full  of  water,  so  that  no  one  push  it  out ;  as  soon  as  the 
water  settles,  to  whatever  jilace  the  piiint  aims,  the  polar  star  is  there  without  doubt." 

Henry  III.  died  on  November  16th,  1272,  and  was  succeeded 
by  his  son  Edward  I.,  then  thirty-three  years  of  age,  and  on  his  way 
home  from  a  crusade. 

'  Close-Rolls,  ii.  192b.  ^  'Fccdera,'  i.  480. 


1276.]  COST   OF  A    SQUADRON.  12!> 

The  correspondence,'  consequent  upon  the  promise  of  Edward, 
in  1276,  to  send  a  squadron  from  Bayonne,  to  assist  his  brother-in- 
law,  the  King  of  Castille,  against  the  infidels,  thi-ows  much  light  upon 
the  condition  of  the  navy  at  that  period.  Edward  sent  to  Bayonne 
one  Wilham  de  Montegauger,  a  priest,  to  make  the  arrangements 
necessary  for  equipping,  arming,  and  manning  of  twelve  ships  and 
twenty-foiu'  galleys  ;  and,  the  priest  having  consulted  with  the  local 
authorities,  the  latter  summoned  the  steersmen,  masters,  mariners, 
smiths,  carpenters  and  workmen  of  the  port  in  order  to  form  an 
estimate  of  how  best  to  go  to  work. 

The  results  of  their  inquiries  and  deliberations  were  embodied 
in  a  letter  written  to  the  king  on  May  1st.  This  letter  reported 
that  every  ship  of  180  tons  and  i;pwards  would  need  sixty  men, 
and  involve  for  hire  or  charter  an  expenditure  of  i'lOO  sterling 
a  year ;  that  a  galley  of  120  oars  would  cost  £240,  money  of 
Morlaas,'-  and  each  oar  £46,  money  of  Morlaas,  when  ready  for 
sea ;  and  would  require  twenty-five  men ;  and  that  a  galley  of 
one  hundred  oars  W'Ould  require  twenty  men,  and  one  of  eighty 
oars  fifteen  men,  besides  the  rowers  and  six  or  eight  "  comitres  " 
(superintendents  of  rowers).  The  pay  to  each  of  the  "magni" 
(probably  officers  doing  lieutenant's  duties),  each  of  the  "  comitres," 
and  each  chief,  would  be  fifteen  esterlings  ^  a  day ;  that  to  each 
crossbow-man,  nine  esterlings ;  and  that  to  each  sailor  and 
rower,  six  esterlings,  accoi'ding  to  the  rate  established  under 
Henry  III.  ;  but  all  these  persons  would  find  themselves  in  arms, 
victuals,  and  all  other  necessaries.  On  the  other  hand,  they  would 
expect  a  moiety  of  all  gains,  save  cities,  castles,  towns,  or  lands 
taken  ;  and  such  provisions  or  eatables  as  they  might  seize  should  be 
their  own.  It  was  not  possible  to  make  an  agreement  by  the  month 
or  half-year,  but  by  the  year  only.  Plenty  of  the  needful  people 
could  be  found  in  Bayonne  and  Gascony  ;  but,  in  order  to  induce  a 
superior  class  of  men  to  serve,  it  would  be  well  if  the  indulgence  of 
the  Cross  could  be  obtained  for  them  from  the  Pope  or  his  legate. 

Wilham  de  Montegauger  transmitted  this  letter,  together  with 
his  own  report.  He  estimated  the  total  annual  expenditure  for  the 
projected  squadron  at  56,000  marks,  or  £37,330  16s.  8;Z.  a  year,  and 

'  Said  by  Xicolas  to  be  in  tlie  T<i\ver  (in  1847). 

^  Morlaas,  anciently  Benoharnum,  in  Aqnitaine.  It  was  worth  thrcc-and-a-quarter 
times  the  money  ofTours,  and  was  current  thruiii;hout  Gascony. 

^  The  csterling  was  equal  to  four  ileniers  Touruois,  or  to  the  fifty-fiftli  part  ol'  a 
mark. 

VOL.   I.  K 


130  CIVIL   HISTORY,   1154-1399.  [1282. 

pointed  out  that  he  had  not  funds  in  hand  to  justify  him  in 
launching  upon  so  considerable  an  outlay.  Workmen  would  not 
work  a  moment  after  the  cessation  of  their  pay.  One  William 
Arnold,  of  Saubagnac,  had  offered  to  provide  half  the  desired 
squadron  for  20,000  marks  a  year,  but  Montegauger  did  not  like 
his  conditions.  The  indulgence  was  absolutely  necessary  if  good 
men  were  to  be  obtained. 

Details  of  the  squadron  sent  against  Anglesey,  during  the  Welsh 
War  in  1277,  are  also  of  interest.  The  squadron  consisted  of 
eighteen  ships,  all  of  which  were  furnished  by  the  Cinque  Ports, 
together  with  one  dromon  of  Southampton,  and  four  other  vessels, 
one  of  which  was  the  Base.  It  was  commanded  by  two  "captains 
over  the  fleet  of  eighteen  ships  of  the  Ports  "  ;  each  large  ship  had 
two  officers  styled  rectors,  one  of  whom  commanded ;  each  smaller 
ship  bad  one  rector,  and  one  constable  ;  ^  the  crews  varied  from 
twenty  to  twenty-eight  men ;  and  the  total  number  of  mariners 
in  the  squadi'on  was  419.  Of  the  ships  not  belonging  to  the  Cinque 
Ports,  the  dromon  carried  but  nineteen  mariners.  The  pay,  as  at  a 
later  period,  was  :  each  captain  (admiral),  12fZ. ;  each  rector,  constable, 
and  the  master  of  the  dromon,  6rf. ;  and  each  sailor,  'M.  a  day." 

The  craft  purchased  in  1282  for  the  Welsh  expedition  were 
small,  their  price  varying  from  dG4  to  £13,  at  a  time  when  anchors 
and  cables  for  one  of  the  king's  large  ships  cost  twice  as  much  as 
the  larger  sum,  and  when  a  new  barge  built  and  fitted  out  at 
Winchelsea  cost  £80  9s.  lid.  Of  the  vessels  of  the  Cinque  Ports 
employed  on  that  occasion,  one  was  La  Vache,  and  another,  the 
Holy  Cross.  The  crews  of  all  were  paid  by  the  crown,  the  total 
expense  being  £1404  9s.  lO^d.^ 

Among  the  stores  purchased  by  Sir  Matthew  de  Columbers  in 
1290  for  the  ship  which  was  to  go  to  Norway  to  bring  thence  the 
Lady  Margaret,  who,  had  she  not  died  prematurely,  would  have 
married  Prince  Edward,  were  :  wine,  ale,  corn,  beef,  pork,  bacon, 
stock-fish,  sturgeons,  herrings,  lampreys,  almonds,  rice,  beans,  peas, 
onions,  leeks,  cheese,  nuts,  salt,  vinegar,  mustard,  pepper,  cummin- 
seed,  ginger,  cinnamon,  figs,  raisins,  saffi-on,  ginger-bread,  w^ax 
torches,  tallow  candles,  cressets,  lanterns,    napkins,  wood,  biscuit, 

'  It  is  doubtless  owing  to  its  ancient  connection  witli  the  rauli  of  a  constable  that  the 
famil}'  of  Constable,  of  Wassand,  bears  as  its  crest  "  a  ship,  witli  tackle,  guns  and 
api^arel  all  Or." 

^  Roll  of  the  Wages,  etc.  (10  Edw.  I.),  in  the  Carlton  Ride  Repository. 

'  Roll  of  the  Purchases,  etc.  (18  Edw.  I.),  in  the  Carlton  Hide  Repository. 


1299.] 


TEE  FLEET  FOR   SCOTLAND. 


131 


a  banner  of  the  king's  arms,  and  a  silken  streamer.  The  total 
charge  was  but  £29  2s.  llf?.  The  pay  was  as  before,  and  boys 
to  take  care  of  the  stores  were  given  twopence  a  day.  At  the  time 
of  the  armament  of  1294,  twenty  shilHngs'  worth  of  wine  was 
advanced  to  each  of  the  masters  of  ships,  the  cost  being  charged 
against  their  pay.^ 

At  the  time  of  the  war  in  Scotland  in  1299  and  1300,  the  chief 
part  of  the  fleet  employed  belonged  to  the  Cinque  Ports,  which, 
however,    sent   only  thirty  ships,-  instead   of   their  full    service  of 

'  Wardrobe  Accnunts,  18  Edw.  I. 


-  Fleet  of  the  Cixque  Ports  Employed  in  1299-1300. 


>'ame.                                    j 

Master. 

Constablea. 

Marineni. 

Hastings  Contingent — 

La  Jili/th,  shi]i,  of  Hastings 

.John  Jlokct   . 

1 

19 

Lit  Jlret,  of  Hastings 

Gill'ert  Scot  . 

1 

19 

NicJidlas,  of  I'evensey 

.Joliii  le  !Mi inner 

.^ 

39 

Snake,  of  Tiye . 

John  Kittev  . 

'> 

39 

Godycre,  of  Kye 

Robert  Miciiell 

2 

39 

liose,  of  Kye    . 

Reginald  IJaudethon 

,                  .2 

39 

St.  Edward,  cog,  of  Wiiichelsea 

Harry  at  Carte 

.:> 

39 

St.  Mary,  cog,  of  Winchelsea 

Henry  Aiibyn 

o 

39 

St.  Thomas,  cog,  of  Winclielsea. 

Thomas  de  Standaiiiore    . 

•2 

39 

St.  Thomas,  snake,  of  Winchelsea 

.John  Maiickyn 

.> 

■A\) 

St.  Oiks,  cog,  of  Winclielsea 

Haiiioud  Rciberd 

2 

i 

30 

Roiiicnliale  (Romuey)  contingent — 

Hiche,  of  Komenhale 

Steiilieu  L'liwyne    . 

2 

39 

Godehjne,  of  Komenhale    . 

William  Eadwy 

o 

39 

Hythe  contingent — - 

IkiJii  Cross,  ship,  of  Hythe 

John  le  Wyse 

i         2 

39 

La  Blyth,  of  Hythe  . 

Thomas  le  Ridere    . 

1 

19 

Nicholas,  of  Hythe   . 

William  Urunyng   . 

1 

19 

Waynepayne,  of  H^the 

William  de  Fiirinduu 

1 

19 

Dover  contingent — 

Cog,  of  Dover  .... 

John  Lomb    . 

•> 

39 

Godyn,  of  Dover 

William  Uodyn 

'                  •> 

34 

St.  Edward,  ship,  of  Dover 

Peter  Hanckyn 

•> 

3i 

Christiitd,  of  Dover  . 

John  le  Si>lt"ii 

•> 

35 

Itose,  of  Dover 

.Jiihn  Wenstan 

*J 

32 

Chiraler,  of  Dover    . 

William  Shepeye    . 

•> 

34 

MaheJy,  of  Dover 

Nicholas  Sandrekyii 

2 

34 

Malyne,  of  Dover 

Tliomas  le  Ken 

2 

34 

Nicholas,  of  Favershani 

Roger  Willey 

2 

37 

Folkestone,  cog,  of  Folkestone    . 

Simon  Adam 

1 

23 

Sandwich  and  Lydd  contingent — 

Simvcyc;  of  Sandwich 

William  (iiindy 

2 

39 

Holy  Ohost,  ship,  of  Sandwich    . 

John  Lambcrd 

i         "^ 

:«) 

St.  Thomas,  cog,  of  Sandwich     . 

j  Gervase  de  Wardon 

i         ^ 

:)ii 

The  four  "Captains  of  the  Sailors  of  tlic  si 
Alard,  William  Charles  of  Sandwich,  and  .lohn 
28  Edw.  I. 


id  I'nrts"  were:  WilHam  Pate,  Justin 
Aula  of  Dover. — Wardrobe  Accounts, 


K 


132  CIVIL    HISTORY,    1154-1399.  [1298. 

fifty-seven.  Wlieu  the  fifteen  days  of  their  due  service  had  expired, 
the  wages  of  officers  and  men  were  paid  by  the  king.  Gervase 
Alard,  the  admiral,  received  2s.  ;  the  four  captains  of  the  ports,  l.s. ; 
the  chaplain,  Eobert  of  Sandwich,  and  the  masters  and  constables, 
each  &d. ;  and  the  sailors,  each  2>cl.  a  day  ;  the  masters  also  received 
20s.  each  for  pilotage  {lodmannagium)  for  the  whole  coasts  of 
Scotland  and  Ireland.  It  appears  to  have  been  not  unusual  for 
officers  and  seamen  of  the  period,  after  a  campaign,  to  be  given 
passage  money  to  carry  them  home  from  their  ports ;  for  before 
returning  to  England  the  king  gave  Alard  twenty  shillings  for  this 
purpose ;  to  each  of  three  of  the  captains  of  the  ports  one  mark  ; 
and  to  sailors,  amounts  varying  from  five  shillings  to  one  mark. 
There  are  also  notices  of  other  out-of-pocket  expenses,  incuxTed  on 
service,  having  been  repaid.^ 

The  services  rendered  by  the  Cinque  Ports  in  the  Welsh  ex- 
pedition of  1278  gained  them  a  new  charter,  dated  the  17th  of  June 
of  that  year.  This  charter  confirmed  all  their  former  liberties  and 
grants,  and  set  forth  their  privileges ;  which  included  exemptions 
from  tolls  and  wreck ;  the  right  of  buying,  selling  and  rebiiying, 
throughout  the  king's  dominions ;  "  den "  (right  of  drying  and 
mending  nets  on  certain  marsh  lands  at  Great  Yarmouth)  ; 
"  strond "  (right  of  landing  freely  with  their  fish  at  the  same 
place)  ;  "  findals,"  or  findings,  on  sea  and  land ;  and  their  honoiu's 
in  the  king's  courts.  It  was  forbidden  to  disturb  them  in  their 
mercantile  operations,  on  penalty  of  ten  pounds.  In  retui'n,  they 
were  to  render  yearly  their  full  service  of  fifty-seven  ships,  at  their 
own  cost,  for  fifteen  days,  when  summoned  by  the  king.  The  chief 
additional  concessions  were:  "  utfangtheff "  (right  of  punishing  a 
thief,  no  matter  the  domicile,  or  the  scene  of  the  offence,  if  taken 
within  the  fee) ;  that  they  should  not  be  put  on  any  assize,  juries, 
or  recognitions,  against  their  will ;  that  of  their  own  wines  for  which 
they  traded  they  should  be  quit  of  the  king's  duty  or  "  prise,"  to  the 
extent  of  one  tun  of  wine  before  the  mast,  and  of  another  abaft  the 
mast ;  and  that  the)'  should  be  exempted  from  the  Crown's  right  of 
wardships  and  marriages  in  respect  of  land  within  the  ports." 

Edward  I.  granted  two  other  chaiiers  to  the  Cinque  Ports,  both 

dated  April  28th,  1298.     One  exempted   the   hulls  and  rigging  of 

their  ships  from  taxes  of  all  kinds,  provided  that  no  man,  without 

their  consent,  should  be  a  partner  or  sharer  in  any  goods  which 

'  Wardrobe  Accounts.  ^  '  Fiedera,'  i.  558. 


1298.]  SERVICE   OF   THE   CINQUE  PORTS.  13i5 

they  might  Iniy  in  Ireland ;  and  allowed  all  persons  born  in  the 
ports  to  marry  as  they  pleased,  even  though  they  might  hold  lands 
elsewhere  by  such  service  as  would,  if  minors  were  in  question, 
have  subjected  the  marriages  to  the  will  of  the  Crown. 

The  other  charter,  after  reciting  that  the  king  had  in  mind  "  that 
his  shipping  of  the  Cinque  Ports  could  not  be  maintained  without 
great  cost  and  expenses,"  and  was  desirous  "  that  shipping  should 
not  fail  in  future,"  declared,  with  an  agreeable  cynicism,  that  his 
majesty  granted  that  all  the  inhabitants  of  those  ports,  and  others 
calhng  themselves  of  their  liberty  and  willing  to  enjoy  the  same, 
should  contribute,  each  according  to  his  means,  to  perform  the 
service  with  the  ships  when  required.' 

When  the  whole  number  of  fifty-seven  ships  was  not  needed,  as 
many  as  were  thought  necessary  were  called  for  ])y  the  Crown,  which 
could  order  the  men  belonging  to  the  remaining  vessels  to  be  put  on 
board  the  ships  summoned  to  serve.  This  course  was  followed  in 
1302,  when  twenty-five  ships,  and  the  full  tale  of  men  were  pro- 
vided.'- A  port  faihng  to  furnish  its  proper  contingent  was  obliged 
to  give  a  satisfactory  excuse,  or  to  suffer  indictment  and  fine ;  and 
others  besides  the  Cinque  Ports  were  subject  to  this  rule  ;  for,  about 
the  year  1301,  the  towns  of  Poole,  Warham,  and  Lyme,  having 
agreed  to  furnish  each  a  ship  for  the  Scots  war,  and  having  failed 
to  do  so,  were  ordered  to  be  punished  at  the  discretion  of  certain 
commissioners.^ 

It  has  been  already  shown  that,  under  the  Laws  of  Oleron,  the 
master  of  a  ship,  in  case  of  danger  in  a  storm,  might,  with  the 
consent  of  the  merchants  on  board,  lighten  the  vessel  by  throwing, 
or  "  ejecting,"  part  of  the  cargo  overboard ;  and  that  if  they  did  not 
consent,  he  might  act  as  he  thought  proper.  That  was  the  rule  in 
Oleron,  and  elsewhere,  but  not,  at  least  in  the  early  years  of 
Edward  I.,  in  England  ;  for  there  the  merchants  had  a  Hen  upon 
the  property  of  the  master  and  crew  for  goods  so  ejected.  The  in- 
justice was  remedied  by  an  ordinance  of  May,  1285,  copies  of  which 
were  sent  to  every  port,  and  which,  translated,  ran  as  follows : — 

"  The  king,  being  informed  that  Gregory  de  Rokesle  and  Henry  le  Waleis,  citizens 
of  London,  and  others,  merchants  as  well  of  England  as  of  Ireland,  Gascony  and 
Wales,  have  been  in  the  habit  of  compelling  the  Barons  of  the  Cinque  Ports,  and  other 
sailors  of  tlie  realm,  to  pay  towards  the  ejections  of  their  freighted  shijis  when  in 


'  '  Charters  of  the  Cinque  Ports '  (.Jeakes),  30-41.  *  '  Ftedora,'  i.  945. 

»  Patent  Kolls,  30  Edw.  I. 


134  CIVIL   BISTOHF,   1154-1399.  [1304. 

danger  from  storms  at  sea,  out  of  the  materials,  rigging,  ornaments,  and  other  goods  of 
the  said  barons  and  sailors,  he  has  thought  proper  to  order  and  declare  that  the  ship  so 
laden  with  merchandise  or  wine,  together  with  the  entire  equipment,  the  ring  worn  on 
the  finger  of  the  ship's  master,  the  victuals  of  the  seamen,  the  utensils  which  they  are 
wont  to  use  at  their  meals,  their  money,  their  belts,  the  silver  cup,  if  the  master  of  the 
ship  have  one,  from  which  he  drinks,  shall  be  free  from  tax  on  account  of  the  said 
ejections  of  the  sea;  and  that  the  freightage  of  wines  and  other  goods  rescued  in  the 
ship  shaU  be  preserved  to  the  sailors;  that  the  master  of  the  ship  shall  lose  his 
freightage  on  casks  or  goods  so  thrown  into  the  sea ;  and  that  all  other  goods  in  the 
ship,  belonging  whether  to  the  sailors  or  to  the  merchants,  as  wines,  merchandise, 
money  in  gross,  beds,  and  other  goods,  except  the  aforesaid  utensils  and  equipment  of 
the  ship,  provisions,  cooking  utensils  of  the  seamen,  money,  belt,  silver  cup,  and  ring, 
and  the  freightage  of  goods  saved,  shall  thereupon  be  estimated  in  aid  of  the  restitution 
of  the  value  of  the  wines  and  other  goods  thrown  overboard  because  of  the  storm." ' 

A  very  important  document  of  the  reign  of  Edward  I.,  which 
still  exists  in  the  original  Norman  French,  and  which  has  been  cited 
with  respect  by  Prynne  and  Coke,"  as  well  as  by  Selden,  is  given,  in 
translation,  in  '  Mare  Clausnm."^  The  exact  nature  of  the  document 
is  not  apparent,  for,  though  it  purports  to  be  a  petition  to  certain 
auditors  or  commissioners  appointed  to  decide  between  England  and 
Erance,  there  is  no  record  of  such  a  petition  having  been  presented, 
nor  is  the  instrument  itseK  dated,  signed  or  sealed.  It  is  probably 
the  draught  of  an  instnmient  which  may  or  may  not  have  been 
executed  ;  and  internal  evidence  indicates  that  it  was  drawn  up  in 
or  soon  after  the  summer  of  1304  and  before  the  death  of  Edward. 
Petition  or  not,  it  is  certainly  a  document  of  the  early  fourteenth 
century,  and,  its  contents  being  what  they  are,  it  is,  therefore,  of 
very  exceptional  interest  as  illustrating  the  antiquity  of  the  claim  of 
the  kings  of  England  to  the  dominion  of  the  neighbouring  seas.  It 
is  too  long  to  print  here  entire ;  but  the  following  are  the  passages 
which  are  particularly  significant : — 

"...  Wliereas  the  Kings  of  England,  by  right  of  the  said  kingdom  from  time  to 
time,  whereof  there  is  no  memorial  to  the  contrary,  have  been  in  peaceable  possession 
of  the  sovereign  lordship  uf  the  sea  of  England,  and  of  the  isles  within  the  same,  with 
power  of  making  and  establishing  laws,  statutes,  and  prohibitions  of  arms,  and  of  ships 
otherwise  furnished  than  merchantmen  used  to  be,  and  of  taking  surety  and  affording 
safeguard  in  all  cases  where  need  shall  require,  and  of  ordering  all  other  things 
necessary  for  the  maintaining  of  peace,  right,  and  equity  among  aU  manner  of  people 
as  well  of  other  domini(jus  as  their  own,  passing  through  the  said  seas,  and  the 
sovereign  guard  thereof,  and  also  of  taking  all  manner  of  cognisance  in  causes,  and  of 
doing  riglit  and  justice  to  high  and  low.  .  .  .  And  whereas  A.  de  B.,  deputed  admiral 
of  the  said  sea  by  the  King  of  England,  and  all  other  admirals  appointed  by  the  said 
King  of  England  and  his  ancestors  heretofore  Kings  of  England,  have  been  in  peace- 


'  '  Eocdera,'  i.  654.  ^  Coke,  Fourtli  Institute,  143. 

'  '  Mare  Clausum,'  ii.  28. 


1304.]  THE  DOMINION   OF   THE   HEAS.  135 

able  possession  of  the  said  sovereign  guard,  with  jxiwer  of  jurisdiction.  .  .  .  And 
whereas  the  masters  of  tlie  ships  of  tlie  said  Isingdom  of  England,  in  the  absence  of 
the  said  admiral,  have  been  in  peaceable  possession  of  taking  cognisance  and  judging 
between  all  manner  of  ]icople,  according  to  the  laws,  statutes,  ijrohibitions  and  customs 
.  .  .  (and  whereas  the  Kings  of  England  and  France  have  lately,  in  the  first  article  of 
a  league  of  treaty,' guaranteed  one  auuthor  in  the  defence  of  their  rights  and  privileges) 
.  .  .  Monsieur  Iveyner  Grinibald,^  master  of  the  navy  of  the  said  King  of  France,  who 
calls  himself  admiral  of  the  said  sea,  being  deiiuted  by  his  aforesaid  lord  in  his  war 
against  the  Flemings,  did,  after  the  said  league  made  and  confirmed,  against  the 
tenour  and  obligations  of  the  said  league,  and  the  intent  of  them  that  made  it,  wrong- 
fully assume  and  exercise  the  office  of  admiralty  in  the  said  sea  of  England  above  the 
space  of  a  year  by  commission  of  the  said  King  of  France,  taking  the  people  and 
merchants  of  the  kingdom  of  England,  and  of  other  places,  passing  through  the  said 
sea  with  their  goods,  and  committed  them  so  taken  to  the  prisons  of  his  said  lord  the 
King  of  France,  and  delivered  their  goods  and  merchandises  to  the  receivers  of  the  said 
King  of  France,  by  him  deputed  in  the  ports  of  his  said  kingdom,  as  forfeited  and  due 
unto  him,  to  remain  at  his  judgment  and  award.  .  .  .  (Therefore  it  is  prayed)  that  you 
would  cause  due  anil  speedy  deliverance  of  the  said  people  with  their  goods  and 
merchandises,  so  taken  and  detained,  to  be  made  to  the  admiral  of  the  said  King  of 
England,  to  whom  the  cognisance  of  the  same  of  right  appertaineth,  as  is  before 
expressed ;  so  that  without  disturbance  from  you  or  any  other,  he  may  take  cognisance 
thereof,  and  do  what  belongs  to  his  oflice  aforesaid ;  and  the  said  Monsieur  Reyner  be 
condemned  and  constrained  to  make  satisfaction  for  all  the  said  damages,  so  far  forth  as 
he  shall  be  able,  and,  in  his  default,  his  said  lord  the  King  of  France,  by  whom  he  was 
deputed  to  the  said  office;  and  that,  after  satisfaction  given  for  the  said  damages,  the 
said  Monsieur  Itcyner  may  be  so  duly  pimishcd  for  the  violation'  of  the  said  league, 
that  his  punishment  may  be  an  examjile  to  others  in  time  to  come." 

Granting  that  the  claim,  as  set  forth  ahove,  was  made,  there  is 
still  no  evidence  that  it  was  then  admitted  ;  but  many  years  were 
not  to  elapse  without  a  very  similar  claim  being  both  made  and 
admitted. 

In  the  navy  of  Edward  I.  the  flags  i;sed  seem  to  have  been 
the  same  as  those  flown  under  his  immediate  predecessors,  viz., 
the  Koyal  banner,  and  the  banner  of  St.  George.  The  former  was 
not  confined  to  vessels  actually  having  the  sovereign  or  a  prince  of 
his  house  on  board.  Streamers,  known  otherwise  as  pencils,  and 
later  as  whips  and  pennants,  had  come  into  use ;  but  there  is 
nothing  to  show  that  they  were  in  anyway  confined  to  king's  ships 
or  that  they  were  always  worn  by  king's  ships  in  commission.  In 
Edward's  army,  on  the  other  hand,  in  addition  to  the  banners  used 
in  the  navy,  the  banner  of  St.  Edmund — blue,  with  three  gold 
crowns — and  the  banner  of  Edward  the  Confessor — blue,  with  a 
gold  cross  between  five  martlets — were  employed. 

Edward  II.,  fourth  but  eldest  surviving  son  of  Edward  I.,  who 

'  Dated  at  Paris,  May  20th,  1303.     The  text  is  in  Hyraer's  '  Fcedera.' 
*  Griinaldi,  Prince  of  Monaco,  the  celebrated  seaman  who  died  in  1314. 


^36  CIVIL   HISTORY,   1154-1399.  [1308. 

had  received  the  title  of  Prince  of  Wales  in  1301,  and  who,  at 
the  time  of  his  accession,  was  twenty-three  years  of  age,  succeeded 
his  father  in  1307.  He  was  a  weak,  despicable,  and  altogether 
unworthy  monarch — the  slave  of  his  parasites,  and  the  shuttlecock 
of  his  powerful  nobles ;  and  although  his  stormy  reign  was  in  several 
respects  important  from  a  naval  point  of  view,  it  can  hardly  be 
contended  that  he  personally  ever  did  anything  for  the  honour  and 
greatness  of  England. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  in  the  twelfth,  thirteenth  and  fourteenth 
centuries  piracy  was  always  very  prevalent  in  the  Narrow  Seas ;  yet 
strong  kings  invariably  kept  it  in  some  sort  of  check,  and  managed 
to  curb,  if  not  to  repress,  the  freebooting  tendencies  of  the  most 
formidable  of  the  Enghsh  sea  robbers,  who  had  their  headquarters 
in  those  strongholds  of  privilege  and  disorder,  the  Cinqire  Ports. 
But  under  a  weak  sovereign  there  was  little  or  no  effectual  restraint 
upon  the  outrages  of  these  rovers,  nor  upon  those  of  the  piratical 
inhabitants  of  the  opposite  coasts.  In  the  reign,  therefore,  of 
Edward  II.  a  recrudescence  of  piracy  is  distinctly  noticeable. 
Looking  to  the  proportions  which  it  reached  it  is  almost  surprising 
that  it  was  possible  to  maintain  even  the  semblance  of  peace 
between  England  and  her  neighbours  ;  nor  would  such  a  thing  have 
been  practicable  at  all  had  not  there  been  a  custom  of  permitting 
and  encoiu-aging  aggrieved  parties,  on  both  sides  of  the  Channel,  to 
settle  for  themselves  disputes  which  would,  in  later  days,  have  been 
treated  as  international  questions. 

In  March,  1308,  there  was  a  complaint  by  three  merchants  of 
Great  Yarmouth  that  a  ship  laden  by  them  at  Bouen  with  cloth, 
woollens,  canvas,  cables,  and  gold  and  silver  to  the  value  of  £10  had 
been  attacked  at  night  by  French  pirates  and  carried  off.^  Soon 
afterwards  there  was  a  complaint  by  merchants  of  Winchester  that 
a  ship  of  theirs  had  been  plundered  off  Gravelines  by  Flamands.^ 
About  1314  Wilham  de  Huntingdon's  ship  was  carried  out  of  the 
port  of  Dubhn  by  pirates  headed  by  John  le  Lung  of  Bristol,  and 
subsequently  burnt.*  In  the  same  year  the  Paternoster,  of  Yar- 
mouth, chartered  by  Wilham  de  Forberuard,  a  Gascon  merchant, 
was  plundered  off  the  Foreland  by  Gervase  Alard  of  Winchelsea, 
Peter  Bert  of  Sandwich,  and  Kobert  Cleves  of  Greenwich,  who 
were  all  in  the  king's  service ;  and  as  Alard  was  either  the  very 
individual,    or   nearly  related   to  the   individual,   who  a  few   years 

'  'Fa'dera,'  ii.  40.  '■'  Pari.  Rolls,  i.  277.  ■'  Ik,  i.  327. 


1310.]  COMPLEMENTS   OF  SHIPS.  137 

earlier  bad  been  aduiinil  of  tbe  licet  of  tbe  Cinque  Ports,  tbis  was  a 
particularly  gross  case ;    yet  tbe  sufferer  obtained  no  redress.'     In 

1322  a  vessel  laden  by  two  mercbants  of  Sberborne  was  plundered 
off  Portsmoutb  by  Kobert  de  Battayle,  and  otbers  of  tbe  Cinque 
Ports,-  and,  at  about  tbe  same  time,  the  Cruxenburg,  belonging  to 
Albritb  le  Breme,  a  German  merchant,  was  attacked  in  tbe  port  of 
Orwell  by  two  vessels,  one  of  Wincbelsea  and  one  of  Greenwich,  and 
carried  off'  after  some  of  tbe  crew  bad  been  killed  and  wounded.^     In 

1323  or  1324  tbe  ship  Annot,  of  Ditton,  was  boarded  between  Lynn 
and  Orford  by  John  Eussell  and  other  pirates  of  Spalding,  who, 
although  tbe  craft  was  laden  with  fish  for  the  king's  use,  killed  her 
crew  and  took  her  to  Seaford,  where  they  sold  her. 

Indeed,  there  was  abnost  no  bmit  to  the  iniquitous  audacity  of 
the  coast  populations,  and  especially  of  the  people  of  the  Cinque 
Ports.  In  1314,  when  the  Blessed  Mary,  of  Fuenterrabia,  had 
been  wi'ecked  on  the  coast  of  Angoumois,  and  then  plundered  by 
seamen  of  Wincbelsea,  Rye  and  Eomney,  tbe  inhabitants  of  those 
towns  forcibly  prevented  an  investigation  from  being  made  into  the 
outrage.'' 

Tbe  reign  seems  to  have  produced  few  improvements  in  ships 
and  their  gear.  The  pay  of  officers  and  men  remained  as  before. 
The  instructions  issued  to  John  Deverye,  the  priest  who  inspected 
tbe  preparation  of  the  squadron  destined  for  Guienne  in  1324,  show 
the  proportion  borne  by  complements  to  tonnage  to  have  been  as 
follows,  though,  as  we  cannot  be  sui'e  bow  the  tomiage  was 
measured,  or  how  many  fighting  men  were  embarked  in  addition  to 
the  mariners,  tbe  information  conveyed  is  not  perfect : — To  a  ship  of 
240  tons  there  were  GO  mariners ;  to  one  of  200  tons,  50 ;  to  one  of 
from  160  to  180  tons,  40 ;  to  one  of  140  tons,  35  ;  to  one  of  120  tons, 
28 ;  to  one  of  100  tons,  2(3 ;  to  one  of  80  tons,  24 ;  and  to  one  of  60 
tons,  21.  The  numbers  were  inclusive  of  officers,  the  vessels  of  180 
tons  and  upwards  having  each  one  master  and  two  constables,  and 
those  of  160  tons  and  less  having  one  master  and  one  constable  only. 
The  seamen  received  twenty  days'  pay  in  advance.*  Says  Nicolas, 
"  it  may  be  inferred  from  this  document  that  there  were  few  English 
ships  of  more  than  240  tons  burden,  or  which  carried  more  than 
sixty  men,  except  galleys,  the  niunber  of  whose  crews  was  propor- 
tionate to  their  oars." 

'  Pari.  Rolls,  i.  406.  ^  Ik,  i.  413.  '  lb.,  i.  397. 

*  lb.,  i.  239.  '  Patent  Rolls,  17  Edw.  II.,  iu  '  Archiuologia,'  vi.  211. 


138  CIVIL   BISTORT,   1154-1399.  [131G. 

Contemporary  pictures  of  foreign  vessels,  though  obviously  very 
inaccurate  for  the  most  part,  indicate  that  early  in  the  fourteenth 
century  the  "  clavus  "  or  steering  paddle,  almost  exactly  similar  to 
that  used  in  the  viking  ship,  was  still  generally  employed,  but  that 
in  a  few  large  vessels  the  rudder,  shipped  very  much  as  at  present, 
had  already  been  adopted.  In  Enghsh  ships,  however,  there 
appears  to  have  been  as  yet  no  rudder.  On  the  other  hand,  two 
masts  had  become  not  uncommon.  Each  carried  a  single  lug 
sail,  and  each  generally  had  a  fighting  top,  formed  apparently  of 
a  large  barrel.  The  two  masts  were,  in  fact,  similar  save  that, 
while  the  main  mast  was  perpendicular,  the  foremast  often  raked 
considerably  forward.  Both  were  single  poles.  There  is  no  sign 
of  a  bowsprit  supporting  a  fore-and-aft  sail,  nor  any  mention  of 
a  pump. 

Fireships,  however,  had  come  into  use,  if  not  in  the  Enghsh 
navy,  at  least  abroad ;  for  in  the  great  battle  fought  between  the 
French  and  the  Flamands  in  August,  1304,  off  Zierikzee,  the 
Flamands  employed  two  small  vessels  filled  vdth  pitch,  oil,  grease, 
and  other  combustibles,  which  they  towed  to  windward  of  four 
ships  that  were  aground  and,  having  fired  them,  set  them  adrift. 
Unfortunately,  owing  to  a  shift  of  wind,  they  did  more  damage  to 
friends  than  to  foes.  In  that,  as  in  many  other  early  naval  battles, 
no  quarter,  except  to  personages  of  great  distinction,  appears  to  have 
been  granted.^ 

Notices  of  payments  made  for  naval  services  during  the  reign  are 
numerous ;  but  in  the  majority  of  cases  sufficient  details,  as  to 
numbers  of  men  hired,  and  nature  of  work  done,  in  return  for 
specific  sums,  are  not  given  to  enable  us  to  form  conclusions  con- 
cerning the  proportions  of  results  to  costs.  There  are  some 
exceptions.  In  1316,  the  Constable  of  Dover  was  paid  ii54  13s.  Ad. 
for  fourteen  large  ships  and  six  boats,  employed  in  conveying  the 
king's  ambassadors  from  Dover  to  Whitsand  (Wissant)  ; "  and  in 
the  year  following  a  sum  of  £128  was  paid  for  the  wages  of  the 
five  masters,  five  constables,  and  323  armed  sailors,  belonging 
to  five  ships  in  the  service  of  the  king  in  Scotland,  for  one  month, 
each  master  and  constable  receiving  as  before  6c7.,  and  each  sailor 
3(7.   a   day.^     In  June,  1324,  the  "  Keepers  of  the  passage  of  the 

'  Chron.  de  Guillaume  Guiart,  viii.  (Buchon). 
-  Issue  Roll,  Michaelmas,  9  Edw.  II. 
'  Wardrobe  Accounts. 


1310.]  DIFFICULTY   OF  RAISING   SHIPPING.  139 

Port  of  Dover  "  were  paid  £1  3s.  id.  for  the  hire  of  the  ship  that 
brought  to  England  Hugh,  Seigneur  de  Boyville,  chamberlain  to 
the  King  of  France  ;  and  i;i6  6s.  8d.  for  the  hire  of  six  ships, 
one  barge,  and  one  boat,  to  carry  the  Earl  of  Kent,  brother  of 
the  king,  from  Dover  to  Wissant.'  When,  in  the  same  year,  John 
de  Shoreditch  went  over  on  a  mission  to  France,  there  were  paid, 
for  the  ship  that  conveyed  him  and  his  four  horses,  40s.,  and  for 
customs,  portage,  and  pontage  at  Dover  and  Wissant,  and  for  the 
hire  of  a  ship  and  boat  for  his  return,  £4  12s.  Qd.  the  customs, 
portage,  and  pontage  amounting  to  8s.  6d. 

There  were  continual  difficulties  in  the  way  of  obtaining  the 
required  number  of  ships  for  the  king's  service.  His  Majesty  had 
few  of  his  own,  the  squadi-on  furnished  by  the  Cinque  Ports  was 
often  insufficient  for  the  business  in  hand,  and  the  other  seaports 
upon  which  requisitions  were  made,  frequently  pleaded  that  they 
were  too  poor  to  obey  the  king's  commands.  In  cases  such  as  the 
last  mentioned,  neighbouring  towns  were  sometimes  ordered  to 
assist  the  poor  place.  In  this  manner  Totness,  Brixham,  Portle- 
mouth,  and  Kingsbridge  were  directed  to  aid  Dartmouth  to  maintain 
a  ship  and  crew  in  1310  ;  and  Plympton,  Modbury,  Newton  Ferrars, 
and  Yalmouth  to  aid  Sutton  ;  while  Topsham,  Kenton,  Powderham, 
and  other  places  near,  helped  Exeter."  Occasionally,  the  Crown 
itself  supplied  deficiencies,  and  occasionally  it  made  slight  conces- 
sions, as,  for  example,  when  the  execution  of  the  service  threatened 
to  interfere  with  the  fishing.^ 

Beacons  were,  in  this  reign,  if  not  before,  erected  along  the 
coasts,  so  that  the  alarm  might  be  quickly  given  upon  the  approach 
of  an  enemy ;  and  the  inhabitants  were  enjoined  to  hght  up  the  fires 
whenever  the  safety  of  their  districts  required  it.* 

The  right  of  the  Crown  to  "  great  "  or  royal  fish  was  jealously 
preserved,  save  that  Henry  granted  to  the  Bishop  of  London  and 
the  Dean  and  Chapter  of  St.  Paul's  the  fish  found  in  their  domains, 
except  the  tongues,  which  he  reserved  for  himself.  In  132(5,  when 
a  whale  was  taken  in  the  chapter's  manor  of  Walton,  the  prize 
was  iniquitously  carried  off  by  thirty-two  "  malefactors,"  who  were 
named,  and  against  whom  proceedings  were  taken. ^  But  those 
who  captured  royal  fish  for  the  king  were  rewarded.     In  1315,  three 

'  Issue  KoU,  Easter,  17  Edw.  II.  *  'Poxlera,'  ii.  G3G. 

-  Scots  Rolls.  »  lb.,  610. 

=>  Pari.  Rolls,  i.  414. 


1-10  CIVIL   HISTORY,   1154-1399.  [1313. 

sailors,  who  took  a  whale  near  London  Bridge,  were  paid  20s.  for 
their  pains. 

A  circumstance  which  happened  in  1310,  when  England  was  at 
peace  with  France  but  at  war  with  Scotland,  with  which,  however, 
there  was  a  truce,  deserves  notice,  not  only  because  of  its  intrinsic 
interest,  but  also  because  it  concerns  Eavensrode.  A  French  vessel 
had  been  to  Scotland  to  trade  there,  when,  on  her  return,  she  was 
forced  into  Eavensrode  by  stress  of  weather,  and  there  seized  as 
coming  from  Scotland.  Phihp  of  France  requested  the  release  of 
ship,  crew,  and  goods,  and  Edward  complied,  begging,  however, 
his  brother  of  France  to  prevent  his  subjects  from  having  inter- 
course with  the  enemies  of  England.'  Eavensrode,  the  scene  of  the 
seizure,  was  an  important  seaport,  but  had  not  long  been  so.  After 
a  brief  career,  it  was  swept  away  by  the  enroachments  of  the  sea. 
It  was  a  peninsula  beyond  Holderness,  joined  to  the  mainland  by  a 
low  beach  of  sand  and  stones ;  and  although  Henry  IV.  landed 
there  in  1399,  and  Edward  IV.  in  1471,  there  was  no  trace  of  it 
visible  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century.  It  was  also  known 
as  Eavenspur  and  Eavenser,  and  was  in  the  parish  of,  though  at  a 
distance  of  four  miles  from,  Easington.  Sunthorpe,  hard  by,  has 
also  been  submerged. 

The  king  confirmed  the  privileges  of  the  Cinque  Ports  in  1313, 
and  added,  that  although  liberties  or  freedoms  granted  in  the 
previous  charters  might  not  have  been  used,  yet  they  might,  never- 
theless, be  fully  enjoyed  by  the  barons,  their  heirs  and  successors, 
without  any  impediment  from  the  king  and  his  heirs. ■^ 

Something  has  aheady  been  said  about  the  lawlessness  which 
prevailed  in  the  Narrow  Seas  during  this  reign.  One  example, 
which  might  have  been  cited  with  the  instances  given  on  an  earher 
page,  has  been  reserved  for  notice  here,  because  it  led  to  what  is  the 
first  plain  and  undoubted  admission  by  foreigners  of  the  claim  of 
the  kings  of  England  to  the  sovereignty  of  their  seas. 

For  some  time  the  seamen  of  England  and  those  of  Flanders  had 
been  attacking  and  plundering  each  other,  though  the  countries  were 
at  peace ;  and  at  length,  when  some  particularly  flagrant  acts  of 
piracy  had  been  committed  by  Englishmen  "  sur  la  mere  d'Engleterre 
devers  Ics  parties  de  Craudon,"  the  king  and  the  Count  of  Flanders 
agreed  to  adopt  decisive  measures.  Commissioners  were  appointed 
on  both  sides,  and  after  several  years  of  intermittent  negotiations, 
'  '  Foedera,'  ii.  448.  -  '  Charters  of  the  Cinque  Ports,'  42. 


1320.]  "LA    MEnE  D'EXGLETEIIBE."  141 

a  treaty  was  conckukHl  in  1320.  The  Flamands  begged  the  king 
to  cause  justice  to  be  done,  and  the  king  undertook  to  see  it  done. 
The  Flamand  prayer  was,  "  that  the  king,  of  his  lordship  and 
royal  power,  would  see  law  and  punishment  dealt  out  in  connection 
with  the  said  deed,  forasmuch  as  he  is  lord  of  the  sea,  and  the 
said  robbery  was  committed  on  the  sea  within  his  power,'  as  is  set 
forth  above."  The  treaty  is  in  French.  When,  on  December  13th, 
1320,  Sir  Bartholomew  de  Badlesmere,  Warden  of  the  Cinque  Ports, 
and  others,  were  ordered  to  institute  the  inquiry  which  had  been 
promised  by  the  king,  the  statement  of  the  circumstances  included 
exactly  the  same  expressions,  but  in  Latin ;  -  so  that  two  indepen- 
dent records  exist  of  the  admission  which,  as  it  was  entirely 
spontaneous,  was  the  more  significant. 

"  Craudon,"  off  which  the  outrage  which  led  to  this  admission 
is  reported  to  have  taken  place,  may  probably  be  identified  with 
Crodon  or  Crozon,^  a  little  place  on  the  Bay  of  Douaruenez,  in  the 
arrondissement  of  Chateaulin  and  the  department  of  Finistere.  It 
contains,  to-day,  between  eight  and  nine  thousand  inhabitants,  and 
has  some  considerable  trade  in  sardines  and  salt.  If,  then,  "  la 
mere  d'Engleterrc  "  extended,  as  in  the  opinion  of  the  Flamands  it 
did,  even  farther  south  than  Ushant,  the  English  Dominion  of  the 
Sea  in  the  fourteenth  century  may  have  been  already  as  wide  as  it 
was  formally  conceded  by  the  Dutch  to  be  in  the  seventeenth. 

The  title  of  admiral  has  been  once  or  twice  ascribed  in  this 
history  to  the  chief  officer  of  an  English  fleet.  In  the  latter  part  of 
the  reign  of  Edward  IL,  the  rank  was  ordinarily  given,  by  com- 
mission, to  one  holding  that  position,  and  therefore  it  may  be 
pertinent  to  say  something  concerning  its  origin  in  this  country. 
No  English  officer  seems  to  have  been  formally  and  officially  styled 
admiral  until  1297.  Previously,  leaders  of  fleets  had  been  called 
"justices,"  "leaders  and  governors,"  "leaders  and  constables," 
"  keepers  of  the  sea-coast,"  "  captains  of  the  king's  sailors  and 
mariners  of  the  Cinque  Ports,"  but  on  March  8th,  1297,  in  the 
convention    made    at    Bruges    between    Guy,    Count    of   Flanders, 

'  The  French  text  runs:  "...  de  siccome  il  est  seigneur  ile  h\  nier,  et  la  dite 
roberie  fut  fait  sur  la  nicr  dans  son  poer."  The  Latin  text  is:  ".  .  .  et  quod  ipse  est 
donunus  dicti  maris,  et  depra^xlatio  pra>dicta  facta  fuit  supra  dictum  mare  infra  potes- 
tatem  suam."^Patcut  liolls,  14  Edw.  II.;  'Mare  Clausuui,'  ii.  29;  and  Kymer's 
'  Faxlera,'  ii.  434. 

-  Patent  Polls,  It  Edw.  II.,  pt.  2,  ni.  2G. 

^  Spelt  both  ways  in  seventeenth  and  eighteenth-century  niniis  and  cliarts. 


142  CIVIL   HISTORY,   1154-1399.  [1315. 

and  the  envoys  of  Edward  I.,  William  de  Leybourne,  who  had  a 
commission  as  "  Captain  of  the  king's  sailors  and  mariners,"  was 
styled  "Admiral  of  the  Sea  of  the  King  of  England."^  It  has 
been  supposed  that  the  first  known  English  commission  to  the  rank 
of  admiral  is  dated  February  4th,  1303,  and  is  in  favour  of  Gervase 
Alard.-  Even  this,  however,  is  thought  by  some  to  be  no  com- 
mission, but  merely  a  proclamation  setting  forth  an  accomplished 
fact.  Other  instruments,  which  may  have  been  commissions,  but 
which  also  may  have  been  proclamations,  are  dated  Jmre  5th,  1306,^ 
and  are  in  favour  of  Gervase  Alard  aforesaid,  and  Edward  Charles  ; 
but  several  undoubted  commissions  to  the  rank  of  admiral  survive 
from  the  reign  of  Edward  II. ;  and,  in  order  that  the  terms  of 
these  may  be  compared  with  the  commissions  now  issued  to 
admirals,  the  commission,  dated  March  15th,  1315,  to  John,  Lord  de 
Botetort,  is  here  given,  translated  from  the  Latin,  as  printed  in  the 
Scots  Eolls,  i.,  139  :— 

"  .Jcilm  Botetourt  is  appointed  Admiral  of  the  Eastern  Fleet  with  fullest  power. 

"The  king  to  all  and  singular  his  sheriffs,  bailiti's,  ministers,  and  faithful  subjects 
to  whom  the  present  letters  shall  come,  greeting.  Know  that  we  have  appointed  our 
beloved  and  faithful  John  Botetourt  admiral  and  captain  of  our  sailors  and  mariners  of 
all  the  ports  and  places  to  which  ships  or  boats  resort  from  the  mouth  of  the  Thames, 
on  the  eastward  side,  as  far  as  Berwick-on-Tweed,  and  also  of  our  soldiers  and  other 
faithful  subjects  who,  at  our  command,  are  about  to  proceed  with  the  said  John  in  the 
fleet  of  the  said  sailors  and  mariners  by  the  maritime  parts  and  the  sea-coasts  against 
our  Scots  foes  and  rebels.  So  that  the  said  admiral  and  captain,  by  himself,  and  by 
others  whom,  by  his  letters  patent,  sealed  with  his  seal,  he  shall  assign,  depute  and 
determine,  shall  have  power  to  take  and  carry  with  him  suitable  men  potent  for  arms, 
ships,  barges  and  boats,  victuals,  and  other  things  which  may  be  necessary  for  the 
furthering  of  the  same ;  and  also  shall  have  power  to  seize  equipments,  at  the  discretion 
of  the  said  admiral  and  captain,  from  those  from  whom  the  said  admiral  and  captain 
shall  see  fit  to  seize  them ;  provided,  nevertheless,  as  regards  such  victuals  and  other 
necessaries  as  shall  be  thus  taken  for  the  support  of  the  same  admiral  and  captain,  the 
sailors  and  the  mariners,  that  they  shall  satisfy  those  from  whom  they  take  them  accord- 
ing to  the  reasonable  price  of  the  same,  and  so  as  regards  the  equipments,  or  they  shall 
find  sufficient  security  for  the  restoration  of  the  same  equipments.  And  therefore  we 
command  you  all  and  singular,  and,  strictly  enjoining  you  in  the  duty  wherewith  you 
are  bound  to  us,  do  order  that  to  the  said  John,  as  admiral  and  captain  of  the  said 
sailors,  mariners,  soldiers  and  others  aforesaid,  and  to  others  whom  the  said  John,  by 
his  letters  patent,  shall  assign  and  determine  as  aforesaid,  you  be  attentive,  answerable, 
heljiful  and  obedient  in  all  and  singular  the  premises,  according  as  he  shall  make 
known  to  you  on  our  behalf.     In  testimony  whereof,  etc.,  to  last  during  our  pleasure. 

"  Witness  the  King  at  Westminster,  the  15th  day  of  March." 

The  other  naval  officers  of  the  period  were  captains,  who  some- 

1  'Fifdera,'  ii.  861.  "■  Patent  I!olls,  31  Edw.  I.,  m.  39. 

5  Ih.,  34  Edw.  I.,  m.  21. 


1327.]  CLASSES   OF  SHIPS.  143 

times  at  least  commanded  several  vessels ;  masters,  rectors,  and 
constables,  ■who  were  commanding  officers  of  ships,  though  often,  as 
to-day  is  the  case  with  captains  and  commanders  in  a  large  ship, 
two  of  them  served  simultaneously  in  one  craft ;  and  comitres  or 
comites,  who  were  supervisors  of  galley  rowers.  The  constable  is 
rarely  found  in  command  of  anything  but  a  small  craft,  and  it  may 
be  suspected  that  to  him  we  should  look  as  the  professional  ancestor 
of  the  heutenant.  The  rank,  or  more  properly  the  title,  of  rector 
began  at  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century  to  die  out.  Chaplains 
were  not  borne  in  private  ships,  but  were  appointed  to  do  duty 
throughout  whole  fleets. 

It  has  been  mentioned  that  the  wage  of  the  seamen  was  three- 
pence  a  day.     It   is   interesting  to  note  that  the   pay  of   the  foot 


QALI.EY    liF   THE    FOt^UTKIsXTH    CEXTUllY. 
(.■i>76T  a  picture  hij  Pietro  LiuiraU  in  the  Vffizi  Gallrrij.') 

soldier  of  the  period  was  only  twopence.  The  artisans  who  on  shore 
received  threepence  were  plasterers  and  miners. 

Edward  II.  was  deposed  by  his  queen  and  Eoger  Mortimer,  and 
compelled  to  abdicate ;  and  his  son,  Edward  III.,  succeeded  him  on 
February  1st,  1327,  being  then  in  his  fifteenth  year.  During  his 
minority  the  countiy  was  ruled,  and  very  ill  ruled,  by  Mortimer  and 
the  abandoned  Isabella,  Henry  of  Lancaster  being,  however,  nominal 
chief  of  a  council  of  regency  ;  but  in  1330  the  young  king  vigorously 
and  efl'ectively  asserted  his  position,  and  thenceforward  governed  for 
himself. 

In  the  reign  of  Edward  III.,  in  addition  to  the  classes  of  ships 
already  described,  many  new  types  appear  to  have  been  used,  or  at 
least  many  new  names  were  applied  to  vessels.  We  read  of 
"  ballingers,"  which  were  probably  large  barges,  though  some 
"  barges "  of  this  period  were  of  considerable  size,  carrying  a 
himdred  men  or  more;  "  carracks,"  properly  vessels  of  Genoese  or 
Spanish  origin,  but  in  a  more  general  sense,  ships  of  large  dimen- 
sions :  "  cogs,"  or  as  we  might  say,  first-rates  of  the  time  ;  "crayers," 


144  CIVIL   EISTOBY,   1154-1399.  [1336. 

or  small  merchantmen  ;  "  doggers,"  chiefly  used  for  fishing  ;  "  lode- 
ships,"  perhaps  pilot  vessels,  also  employed  for  fishing;  "  fluves," 
or  "flutes,"  moderately  large  craft,  but  of  shallow  draught; 
"galliots,"  strictly  small  galleys;  "hoc-boats,"  identified  by  some 
with  the  modern  hookers  ;  "  hulks,"  "keels,"  "  seg-boats,"  "lighters," 
"  liques,"  "lynes,"  "pessoners,"  or  fishing  craft;  "  p)ickards,"  "pin- 
naces," apparently  a  contemporary  equivalent  for  sloops-of-war ; 
"  shutes,"  or  large  flat-bottomed  boats,  and  "  tarics,"  or  "  tarettes," 
large  ships  of  burden,  sometimes  employed  as  transports.  But  the 
exact  nature  of  most  of  these  cannot  be  decided  with  any  degree  of 
certainty.  Some  were  undoubtedly  of  very  respectable  size.  The 
cog  Thomas,  which  is  conjectured  to  have  gone  down  in  the  battle 
of  "  L'Espagnols  sur  Mer,"  carried  a  master,  two  constables,  two 
carpenters,  one  hundred  and  twenty-four  sailors,  and  eight  boys,^ 
and  may  have  carried  archers  and  soldiers  as  well  to  the  number  of 
sixty  or  more,  as  the  usual  proportion  of  fighting  landsmen  to 
mariners  in  warships  of  the  time  was  about  twenty-five  archers  and 
twenty-five  soldiers  to  each  one  hundred  seamen. 

In  the  accounts^  of  the  expenses  of  building  the  galley  La  Phelipe 
at  Lynn,  in  1336,  we  meet  with  many  terms  which  are  strangely 
familiar.  Among  them  are  "hawsers,"  "pulleys,"  "stays,"  "  back- 
stays," "  painters,"  "sheets,"  "bolt-ropes,"  "seizings,"  "hatches," 
"cables,"  "leeches,"  "tow-ropes,"  "sounding-lines,"  etc.;  but  there 
are  many  more  the  signification  of  which  is  unknown,  or  can  only 
be  guessed  at.  The  vessel  had  one  mast  which  cost  £10,  one  yard 
which  cost  £3,  and  one  bowsprit  which  cost  £'2  8s.  Ad.  She  had 
one  large  anchor  of  Spanish  iron,  weighing  1100^  pounds,  and  five 
smaller  anchors,  costing  altogether  £2'6  10s.  3d.  Her  sail,  which 
was  dyed  red,  contained  640  ells,  and  to  it  were  attached  "  wyne- 
wews,"  which  were  dyed  black,  and  contained  220  ells.  The  sail 
had  eight  "  reef-ropes  "  and  "  ribondes."  There  were  eighty  oars, 
and  a  cloth  av^ming,  called  a  "  panell,"  dyed  red  and  containing  576 
ells.  There  was  no  pump,  but  water  was  ejected  by  means  of  a 
"  winding -balies,"  into  which  the  water  was  put  by  two  "  spojours." 
The  sides  were  greased,  and  the  bottom  was  paid  with  a  mixture  of 
pitch,  tar,  oil,  and  resin.  The  caulking  was  done  with  "mosso." 
Timber  for  the  rudder,  which  was  evidently  fixed  to  the  stern,  cost 

'  In  133d  the  largest  "  cog  "  was  of  240  tons,  while  the  largest  "  ship  "  was  of  only 
180  tons. 

"  Koll  "  T.  G.  674,"  at  Carlton  Eide. 


1344,]  LUrEOVEMENTS  IN  lillll'S.  1-iO 

'2.S.,  and  200  pounds  of  Spanish  iron  were  bought  "  to  make  two 
chains  for  her  rudder." 

That  rudders  very  much  resembhng  those  of  the  modern  type, 
and,  hke  them,  hung  by  means  of  pintles  and  gudgeons,  were  in  use 
in  the  Enghsh  navy  at  about  this  time,  is  clear   from  the  details 
shown  in  good  copies  of  the  gold  noble  which 
was   struck  by  Edward   III.,  soon   after  the 
battle  of  Sluis,  in  1340.     There,  although  the 
tiller  is  not  visible,  the  rudder  itself  is  plainly 
very  similar  to  that  which,  in    the  ordinary 
course,  would    be  fitted  to-day  to  a  fishing- 
smack  or  a  collier-brig.     After  the  middle  of 
the  fourteenth  century,  the  clavus  disappeared 
from  all    save  very  small   craft   in   England.  ^.^J^_^  xoble  w 

From   the  wording   of   the   accomit,  there   is         edward  in.,  1344. 
little  doubt  that  the  rudder  of  La  Phelipe  was 

of  the  modern  type.  The  daily  pay  of  the  builders  of  this  galley 
was  as  follows :  master  carpenter,  6f7. ;  other  carpenters,  5rf. ; 
clinkerers,  Ad. ;  holderers,  3c?.,  and  servants  or  labourers,  2i(Z. 

From  other  accounts  ^  we  learn  that  ships  had  capstans  and 
"  helms,"  or  tillers;  that  bowsprits  were  very  small,  probably  not 
yet  supporting  any  sail ;  that  one  mast  was  still  usual  even  in  vessels 
of  some  size,  although  two  masts  were  carried  by  a  few  craft ;  and 
that  "  triefs  "  or  sails  were  furnished  with  "  bonnets,"  -  or  additional 
parts  made  to  fasten  at  the  foot  with  latchings,  so  as  to  increase 
the  sail  area  in  moderate  winds.  Some  masts  cariied  two  sails, 
a  course  and  a  topsail,  but -fore-and-aft  sails  seem  not  to  have  been 
employed. 

The  fore  and  stern  castles  were  not  necessarily  structui'al  portions 
of  the  vessel  fitted  with  them,  and  they  were  built  by  special 
artificers  called  castlewrights,  and  by  them  added  to  merchant 
vessels  that  were  called  out  for  war  service.  Thus,  in  1335,  the 
Trinity,  of  two  hundred  tons,  was  furnished  with  an  "  aftcastle, 
topcastle,  and   forecastle,"  or   as   we   might   say,    with    a   poop,    a 

'  Chietiy  Rolls  at  Carlton  Hide,  cited  by  Nicolas. 

^  A  sail  luiglit  have  two  or  even  three  bonnets.  The  term  is  used  by  Chaucer  in 
'  'I'he  Merchant's  Second  Tale,'  i.  868-871  :— 

"  Lodisrnan, 
Stere  onys  into  tlie  costis  as  well  as  thou  can ; 
When  our  shippis  be  ycom,  that  we  now  pass  in  fere. 
Lace  on  a  bonnet  or  tweyn,  that  we  may  mowe  saile  nere." 

VOL.    I.  L 


146  CIVIL   HISTOBY,    1154-1399.  [1345. 

fighting  top,  and  a  forecastle.  Chaucer^  calls  the  forecastle  the 
"  forestage."  In  ships  carrying  royalties  the  minstrels  seem  to  have 
played  on  or  in  the  forecastle.  As  to  the  size  of  masts,  some  little 
indication  is  fm-nished  by  a  record  that  in  1.338  si.xty  masts,  each 
fifty  feet  long  at  the  least,  were  pm-chased.  Blocks,  almost  exactly 
similar  to  the  simplest  forms  still  in  use,  existed,  and  were  called 
"pol3n?es"  (pulleys).  In  a  notice  of  a  hulk  called  the  Christopher 
of  the  Tower,  a  "  david  "  is  mentioned,  but  a  davit  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  meant. 

The  receipts  of  the  clerk  of  the  George  in  134.5  show  among  the 
payments :  To  a  mariner  called  a  lodsman  (pilot) ,  for  conducting 
the  ship  from  Bursledon  near  Southampton  to  the  Solent,  2s. ;  for 
piloting  her  from  the  Downs  to  Sandwich,  6s.  8d. ;  for  twelve  glass 
horologes  ('?  hour-glasses),  bought  at  Sluis  in  Flanders,  9s. ;  for 
three  lanterns  for  the  ship,  id. ;  for  brooms  for  washing  the 
ship,  3d. ;  for  oars,  8cZ.  each ;  for  four  large  and  long  oars  called 
"  skulls,"  4s.  6d.  Five  years  later  the  George  was  apparently  one 
of  the  vessels  to  be  engaged  in  the  battle  of  Sluis,  and  another  ship 
of  the  same  name  was  taken  from  the  French  in  that  action. 

As  in  earlier  times  ships,  seamen,  soldiers,  and  stores  were 
obtained  by  impressment,-  with  payment.  The  right  to  impress 
was  incidental  to  the  office  of  admiral,  but  it  was  also  occasionally 
given  to  particular  captains.^  In  1837,  an  attorney  was  ordered  by 
Admiral  Sir  John  Eoos  to  fit  himself  out  as  a  man-at-arms.  The 
lawj'er  petitioned  the  king  that  to  obey  the  order  would  be  to  injure 
his  cHents  and  to  ruin  himself,  and  Sir  John  was  directed  not  to 
insist  upon  compliance." 

The  officers  of  the  navy  remained  as  in  the  previous  reign,  with 
the  addition  of  clerks  and  carpenters.  The  masters  or  commanders 
began  to  be  called  captains  towards  the  end  of  the  reign,  but  it  must 
not  be  therefore  supposed  that  the  rank  of  "  master  and  commander  " 
then  had  its  origin,  or  was  then  conceded  the  courtesy  style  of 
"captain."  "Master  and  commander,"  as  a  distinct  rank,  was  an 
invention  of  the  latter  part  of  the  seventeenth  centmy.  The  clerk 
represented  the  pm'ser,  or  the  more  modern  paymaster.  The 
carpenter  was  regarded  as  an  important  officer,  seeing  that  his  pay 
of  6d.  a  day  was  the  same  as  that  of  the  master,  the  constable, 
and  the  clerk.     The  nearest  equivalent  to  the  modern  gunner  was 

'  'Merchant's  Second  Tale,'  2199.  ^  Scots  liulls,  i.  .383,  465,  483. 

-  Tttdera,'  iii.  323,  1017.  ■*  Pari.  Holls,  ii.  96. 


13(iO.]  FLAGH   AND    I'ENNANTii.  147 

the  armourer,  who,  however,  was  not  an  officer ;  and  tliere  was 
no  boatswain.  Large  ships  carried  two  cai'penters.  In  1370,  an 
additional  penny  a  day  was  granted  to  seamen,  making  their 
pay  4cZ.' 

Notices  of  the  magnet  are  not  numerous.  The  clerk  of  the 
George,  whose  accounts  have  been  ah'eady  ahuded  to,  spent  O.s-.  for 
■"  twelve  stones  called  adamants,  called  sail-stoues,"  and  these  no 
doubt  went  to  form  rough  compasses  of  some  sort ;  but  the  term 
compass,  in  the  sense  of  the  mariner's  compass,  does  not  seem  to  be 
anywhere  used,  though  "  sailing-needles  and  dial  "  are  mentioned. 

Concerning  the  cost  of  freight,  we  find  that  in  1370  a  sum  of 
^30  6s.  was  paid  for  a  ship  and  a  crew  of  thirty-eight  men  to  carry 
twenty  soldiers  and  sixteen  archers  from  Southampton  to  Normandy, - 
and  that  in  1368,  when  the  Duke  of  Clarence,  with  4-57  men-at-arms 
and  1280  horses,  went  from  Dover  to  Calais  in  thirty-nine  ships  and 
thirteen  small  craft,  the  expense  of  transport  was  £173  6.s.  Sd.^ 

The  ships  of  Edward  III.  flew  a  variety  of  colours.     There  was 

the  banner  of  St.  George,  sometimes  with  a  "  leopard  "  (the  lion  of 

England)  in  chief.     There  was  the  banner  of  the  royal  arms,  which 

after  1340  consisted  of  the  three  lions  of  England  quartered  with  the 

arms  of  France — Azure  semee  of  fleurs  de  lys  Or.     But  ships  bore 

also  pennoncels  or  streamers,  charged  with  the  arms  of  St.  George,'' 

and  other  streamers,  some  of  which,  if  the  ship  happened  to  be 

called  after  a  saint  or  by  a  Christian  name,  bore  the  image  of  the 

patron.     The  streamers  of  the  Edward  bore  the  king's  arms,  with 

an  E.     These  streamers  were  from  fourteen  to  thirty-two  ells  long, 

according  to  the  size  of  the  ship,  and  from  three  to  five  cloths  in 

breadth.     The  admiral  of  a  fleet  hoisted  his  own  banner,  and  when 

any  eminent  person  was  on  board,  his  banner  also  was  flown.     In 

1337,  when  Sir  John  Eoos,  admiral  of  the  northern  seas,  convoyed 

the  Bishop  of  Lincoln  and  the  Earls  of  Salisbury  and  Huntingdon 

from  the  continent,  his  ship,  the  Christopher,  was   furnished  with 

small  banners  accordingly.     These  were  one  ell  and  three  quarters 

long,  and  two  cloths  wide.^     Besides  the  banners,  there  were  targets 

and  pavises  placed  around  the  sides  of  the  ship,  bearing  sometimes 

ihe  arms  of  St.   George,   and  sometimes  the  royal  arms  within  a 

'  Issue  Rolls,  44  Kdw.  111.,  272-27-t,  277  (Duvoii). 

-  76.,  18.3  (Devon). 

'  '  Feeder.!,'  iii.  84.5. 

'  KoU  '  F.  L.  H.  Gasi,'  at  Carltun  Ride. 

^  Roll  'E.  B.  520,'  at  Carlton  Kide. 


148 


CIVIL   HISTORY,    1154-1399. 


[1372. 


garter.  Ships  bearing  Christian  names  seem  to  have  had  on  board 
an  image  of  their  patron.^ 

In  consequence  of  the  deterioration  of  the  navy,  the  sheriffs  of 
many  comities  were  ordered  in  October,  1340,  to  proclaim  that  no 
ovraer  of  a  ship,  or  other  person,  should  sell  or  give  a  ship  to  any 
foreigner,  upon  pain  of  forfeiting  the  vessel  and  his  other  property. 
In  1336,  and  again  in  1841  and  1343,  the  exportation  of  timber  fit 
for  shipbuilding,  and  of  wood  and  boards,  was  stringently  prohibited. 

It  was  in  the  reign  of  Edward  III.  that  the  navy  first  experienced 
the  influence  of  the  invention  of  gunpowder,  and  of  its  application  as 
a  propellent  to  the  purposes  of  warfare.  The  question  of  the  dis- 
covery of  gunpowder  needs  not  to  be  discussed  here.  It  will  suffice 
to  say  that  it  appears  to  have  been  first  used  in  land  warfare  in 


PKIMITIVK    \Vll!E-\V(,iL'Nl>   Gl'N". 


Europe  about  the  year  132-5  or  1326,  when  the  Florentine  Eepublic 

certainly  possessed   cannon ;    and    that   in    June,    1338,    thi'ee  iron 

cannon  with  chambers,  and  a  hand-gun,  figured  among  the  stores  of 

the  Christopher  of  the  Tower  ;''■  that  the  barge  Mary  of  the  Tower 

had  an  iron  cannon  with  two  chambers,  and  a  brass  cannon  with  one 

chamber;    that  the  Bernard  of  the   Tower  had  two  iron  cannon;* 

and  that  other  cannon  existed  on  board  ships  of  the  king.     It  is 

probable,  though  by  no  means  certain,  that  these  weapons  were  then 

qirite  new.     Guns,  however,  were  not  common  in  the  navy  until 

several  years  later,  and  not  before  about  1373  do  entries  concerning 

guns,  powder  and  shot  become  frequent  in  naval  documents.     In  the 

account^  of   John  de    Sleaford,  Clerk   of   the   Privy  Wardrobe,  of 

armour,    shot,    gunpowder,    etc.,    1372-1374,    mention    is    made   of 

'  Issue  Rolls,  50  Edw.  III.,  201  (Devon). 

^  At  this  period,  the  addition  "  of  the  Tower "  to  a  sliip's  name  seems  to  have 
always  signified  that  the  vessel  belonged  to  the  sovereign. 
=>  Roll  '  T.  G.  11,096,'  at  Carlton  Ride,  printed  by  Nicolas. 
*  Roll  '  F.  L.  H.  532,'  printed  by  Nicolas. 


1374.]  ORDNANCE.  H^ 

workmen  being  employed  at  the  Tower  in  making  powder,  and 
"  pelottes  "  of  lead  for  guns ;  of  willow  faggots  to  make,  and  coal  to 
dry,  the  powder ;  of  brazen  pots  and  dishes  wherein  to  dry  the 
powder  ;  of  leather  bags  to  hold  the  powder ;  of  iron  spoons  to  make 
leaden  bullets ;  of  moulds  for  the  bullets  ;  of  the  purchase  of  220 
pounds  of  saltpetre ;  of  boatage,  portage,  and  carriage  of  lead  and 
guns ;  of  "  two  great  guns  of  iron  "  bought  at  40.s-.  each  ;  and  of  the 
piu'chase  of  live  sulphur.     Mention  is  also  made  of  firing-irons. 

The  guns  with  chambers,  which  were  among  the  earliest  guns 
used  on  board  ship,  were,  in  effect,  breechloaders.  Thej'  were,  for 
the  most  part,  small.  In  them  the  after  portion  of  the  upper  half 
of  the  gim  was  cut  away  in  such  a  manner  that  the  loaded 
"  chamber  "  could  be  dropped  into  the  bore.  How  it  was  kept  in 
place  does  not  appear,  save  that  it  was  supported  to  some  extent 
by  the  rear  wall  of  the  aperture  in  which  it  lay ;  and,  judging  from 
early  specimens  ^  of  these  ancient  breechloaders  that  have  been 
preserved,  the  chambers  fitted  very  loosely,  and  there  must  have 
been  great  danger  to  the  gunners  when  they  were  fired.  Yet  guns 
with  chambers  continued  in  general,  though  not  exclusive,  use  lor 
about  two  centui'ies,  if  not  for  longer,  as  will  be  seen  later. 

Edward's  navy  was  entirely  managed  by  the  king  and  his 
council ;  and,  as  Nicolas  points  out,  it  is  remarkable  that  the  earliest 
minutes  now  extant  of  the  proceedings  of  the  King's  Council  relate 
to  the  navy.  The  first  minute  of  all  contains  directions  to  Sir  John 
Eoos,  Admiral,  and  dates  from  1337.  Matters  of  detail  were  left  to 
the  admirals,  who  held  Courts  of  Admiralty  within  their  jurisdic- 
tions, administered  the  ancient  marine  law,  and  punished  offenders 
"  according  to  the  custom  of  mariners."  Captains  of  ships,  unless 
they  had  received  explicit  authority  to  do  so,  were  not  permitted 
to  punish  seamen  ;  but  it  would  appear  that  the  authority  was  often 
granted. 

The  '  Black  Book  of  the  Admiralty '  contains  in  Norman 
French  an  important  treatise  on  the  office  and  duties  of  admirals, 
probably  compiled,  as  Nicolas  thinks,  prior  to  1351,  though  copied, 
of  com'se,  later,  into  the  collection  of  documents.  It  is  far  too  long 
to  be  printed  here  la  extenso,  but  Nicolas's  summary  ^  of  it,  made 
from  the  MS.  Black  Book  once  belonging  to  Mr.  J.  W.  Croker, 
may,  with  some  abbreviation,  be  cited. 

'  Some  are  still  the  property  of  the  Lords  of  tlie  Admiralty. 
*  Nicolaii,  ii.  193,  etc. 


150  CIVIL    HISTOBY,    1154-1399.  [1375. 

An  admiral,  after  receiving  bis  commission,  was  immediately  to 
appoint  his  lieutenants,  deputies,  and  other  ofhcers,  and  was  to 
ascertain  from  them  the  number  of  vessels  in  the  ports  and  the 
names  of  their  owners,  and  how  many  fencible  seamen  were  in  the 
realm.  The  admiral  was  to  be  paid,  if  a  knight,  4s.,  if  a  baron, 
6s.  8d.,  and  if  an  earl,  8s.  Ad.,  a  day.  For  each  knight  in  his 
retinue  he  was  allowed  2s.,  for  each  armed  esquire  Is.,  for  thirty 
men-at-arms  £66  13s.  4d.  a  quarter,  and  for  each  archer  6d.  a 
day.  He  was  to  administer  justice  "  according  to  the  law  and 
ancient  custom  of  the  sea."  Having  collected  his  fleet,  the  admiral 
was  to  choose  the  best  ship  for  the  king,  if  present,  and  the  next 
best  ship,  if  necessary,  as  indicated  by  the  steward  of  the  house- 
hold, for  the  king's  hall,  for  the  wardrobe,  for  the  larder,  and  for  the 
kitchen.  Good  ships  were  also  to  be  provided  for  princes  who  were 
present.  Before  choosing  a  vessel  for  himself,  the  admiral  was  to 
provide  accommodation  for  the  persons  and  stores  of  lords  and 
captains  about  to  be  embarked.  Masters  and  constables  were  to  be 
paid  Gd.,  and  mariners  3hd.  a  day,  the  latter  with  (5d.  a  week 
additional  as  "  reward  "  ;  and  boys  were  to  receive  '2hd.  a  da}'.  Out 
of  these  wages  ^  the  admiral  was  entitled  to  id.  in  every  pound  paid, 
and  in  return  he  was  to  carry  two  lanterns  at  night  at  his  masthead 
when  at  sea,  and,  if  necessary,  to  sue  for  the  men's  pay,  and 
generally  to  attend  to  their  interests.  If  the  king  were  in  the  fleet, 
the  admiral  was  to  approach  him  every  evening  to  take  his  orders, 
and  afterwards  the  ships  were  to  assemble  round  the  admiral  that 
the  instructions  might  be  repeated.  The  royal  ship  carried  by  laight 
three  large  lanterns,  arranged  triangularly  ;  the  admiral  carried  two, 
and  the  vice-admiral  one,  except  on  special  occasions.  But  a  vice- 
admiral  commanding  a  station  might,  while  upon  it,  carry  two 
lanterns.  The  signal  for  calling  captains  and  masters  on  board  was 
the  hoisting  of  a  "banner  of  council"  "high  in  the  middle'  of  the 
mast  of  his  ship." 

Prizes  taken  from  the  enemy  were  to  be  thus  divided  :  one- 
fourth  to  the  king,  one-fourth  to  the  owners  of  the  capturing  ships, 
and,  as  regards  the  remaining  moiety,  two  mariner's  shares  to  the 
admiral  if  he  were  present  at  the  capture,  and  one  share  if  he  were 
not.  The  passage  about  prizes  leaves  off  with  an  "  &c.  "  which 
suggests  that  some  already  existing  and  well-known  rule  had  already 

'  The  wages  of  sailors  and  boys  appear  to  be  here  overstated  by  id.,  which  may 
have  gone  to  the  admiral,  or  have  been  expended  in  raising  the  men. — Nicolas. 


laTf..]  'THE   BLACK  BUOK   OF   THE   ADMIRALTY:  lol 

been  partially  cited,  and  that  there  was  no  need  to  quote  it  at 
length.  Prizes  taken  by  persons  not  in  the  king's  pay  went,  except 
the  admiral's  shares,  wholly  to  the  captors. 

The  document  goes  on  to  recite  "  the  ordinance  how  the  admiral 
himself  should  rule  and  govern  by  sea  and  land  in  the  country  of  the 
enemy,  if  he  come  there."  The  ordinance  is,  in  effect,  the  articles 
of  war  of  those  days. 

No  man  was  to  touch  the  holy  sacrament  upon  pain  of  being 
drawn  and  hanged,  nor  to  commit  sacrilege  or  rape  upon  pain  of 
death.  No  master  was  to  cross  his  sail  aloft  until  the  admii'al  had 
done  so,  nor  was  any  vessel  to  anchor  before  the  admiral ;  and, 
when  at  sea,  all  vessels  were  to  keep  as  close  as  possible  to  the 
admiral  unless  otherwise  ordered.  When  a  ship  discovered  an 
enemy  at  sea  she  was  to  hoist  a  banner  ;  and  if  any  ship,  having 
been  detached,  met  a  strange  vessel  at  sea  or  in  an  enemy's  port, 
she  was  to  examine  her  cargo  and  inspect  her  papers ;  and,  should 
anything  suspicious  appear,  the  said  vessel  and  her  master  were  to 
be  taken  to  the  admiral,  who  was  to  release  her  if  a  friend,  and  to 
keep  her  if  an  enemy,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  sea.  An^^ 
vessel  resisting  was  to  be  treated  as  an  enemy,  and  brought  to  the 
admiral,  but  without  being  pillaged  or  damaged.  The  captors  of  an 
enemy's  vessel  were  entitled  to  the  goods  and  armour  on  the  hatches 
and  upper  deck,  except  the  tackle  and  other  things  belonging  to  her 
equipment,  and  except  also  what  was  exempted  by  the  ancient 
customs  and  usages  of  the  sea.  No  seaman  was  to  be  beaten  or 
ill-used,  but  offenders  were  to  be  brought  by  the  captain  or  master  to 
the  admiral,  to  be  dealt  with  according  to  the  law  of  the  sea. 

On  arriving  in  an  enemy's  port,  the  admiral  was  to  appoint 
sufficient  force  to  protect  people  sent  ashore  for  water  and  other 
necessaries.  Soldiers  and  mariners  were  not  to  be  landed  unless 
they  were  accompanied  by  responsible  officers,  lest  they  might 
commit  outrages.  Search  was  to  be  made  in  ports  for  thieves  who 
stole  ships'  gear.  He  who  was  convicted  by  a  jury  of  twelve  persons 
of  having  stolen  an  anchor  or  a  boat  worth  lid.  was  to  be  hanged  ; 
a  thief  who  had  stolen  a  buoy-rope  fastened  to  an  anchor  was  to  be 
hanged,  no  matter  the  value.  For  cutting  the  cable  of  a  ship  the 
penalty  was  death  if  loss  of  life  resulted  ;  if  no  one  were  killed  the 
offender  was  to  make  good  damages,  and  to  pay  a  fine  to  the  king. 
If  unable  to  do  so,  and  if  the  owners  prosecuted,  the  culprit  was  to 
l)e  hanged.     If  a  sailor  were  condemned  to  death  for  stealing  the 


152  CIVIL   EISTOEY,   1154-1399.  [1375. 

goods  of  aliens,  the  aliens,  if  not  enemies,  might  have  the  goods 
restored  upon  condition  of  not  insisting  upon  the  execution  of  the 
felon.  Stealing  an  oar,  or  other  small  thing,  was  punishable,  after 
conviction  by  jury,  with  imprisonment  for  forty  days,  and  a  second 
offence  with  imprisonment  for  half  a  year ;  but  for  the  third  offence 
hanging  was  prescribed.  No  lieutenant  of  an  admiral  could,  without 
special  warrant,  try  matters  affecting  life  and  death.  If  a  man, 
being  the  beginner  of  a  quarrel,  injured  another,  he  was  not  only  to 
make  other  amends,  but  also  to  pay  a  fine  of  £5  to  the  king,  or  lose 
the  hand  with  which  he  had  struck  the  blow,  imless  he  obtained  the 
grace  of  the  king  or  of  the  "  High  Admiral."  Offenders  were  to  be 
imprisoned  by  masters  or  captains,  pending  the  acquaintance  of  the 
admiral  or  his  lieutenant  with  the  circiunstances.  To  this  end 
masters  were  to  be  assisted  by  their  crews  ;  and  anyone  refusing  aid 
rendered  himself  liable  to  the  same  punishment  as  the  original 
offender. 

If  a  ship  which  had  been  impressed  for  the  king's  service  broke 
the  arrest,  she  was,  upon  proof  being  made,  to  be  forfeited.  A 
seaman  refusing  to  serve  might  be  imprisoned  for  a  year,  and,  upon 
a  second  refusal,  for  two  years.  Forestalling  and  regrating  were 
prevented  by  a  provision  that  merchants,  going  on  board  a  vessel 
entering  a  port  to  purchase  the  whole  cargo  and  afterwards  selling 
it  at  a  higher  price  than  the  original  owners  would  have  demanded, 
might  be  punished  with  imprisonment  for  half  a  year,  and  a  fine 
equal  to  the  value  of  the  goods  so  purchased.  A  similar  penalty 
awaited  the  purchaser-in-gi-oss  of  corn,  fish,  and  other  provisions, 
within  the  flood-mark.  Goods  found  at  sea,  as  "  flotsam,"  or  at  the 
bottom  of  the  sea,  as  anchors,  were  not  to  be  concealed  from  the 
admiral,  upon  penalty  of  fine  to  the  amount  of  the  value  of  the 
goods.  Deodands,  as  valuables  found  on  a  man  killed  or  drowned  at 
sea,  belonged  to  the  admiral,  who  was  to  employ  one-half  for  the 
benefit  of  the  soul  of  the  deceased,  and  one-half  for  the  benefit  of  his 
immediate  relatives,  if  he  had  any. 

The  law  regulating  the  disposal  of  prizes  seems  to  have  been 
regarded  as,  in  some  respects,  unsatisfactory ;  and  an  inquisition  of 
mariners,  held  at  Queenborough  in  1375,  for  settling  doubtful  points 
of  marine  law,  held,  with  regard  to  prizes  and  prisoners  captured 
at  sea  in  time  of  war,  in  the  absence  of  the  admiral,  that,  after 
the  admiral  had  taken  his  share,  the  remainder  ought  to  be  divided 
into  two  parts,  one  to  go  to  the  owners,  and  one  to  the  captors,  but 


1375.]  THE   COURT  OF  ADMIRALTY.  153 

that,  "as  the  master  has  greater  charge,  and  is  of  higher  rank  than 
any   other   in   the   ship,"  he  should   have  twice  as  much   as   any 
mariner.'     An  ordinance  to  this  eifect  was  apparently  issued. 
The  oath  of  a  juryman  of  the  Court  of  Admiralty  ran  : — 

"  This  liear  ye,  my  lord  the  admiral,  that  I  .  .  .  sliall  well  and  truly  inquire  for 
our  lord  the  king,  and  well  and  truly  at  this  time  to  you  at  this  Court  of  the 
Admiralty  present,  as  much  as  I  have  in  knowledge,  or  may  liave  hy  information  of 
anj'  of  al!  uiy  fellows,  of  all  manner,  articles,  or  circumstances  that  touch  the  Court  of 
the  Admiralty  and  law  of  the  sea,  the  which  shall  he  read  to  me  at  the  time,  and  I 
thereupon  sworn  and  charged,  and  of  all  other  that  may  renew  in  my  mind.  And  I 
shall  relax  for  nothing,  that  is  to  say  for  franchise,  lordship,  kindred,  alliance,  friend- 
ship, love,  hatred,  envy,  enmity,  dread  of  loss  of  goods,  or  any  other  cause ;  that  I 
shall  so  do  the  king's  counsel,  my  fellows',  and  my  own,  well  and  tndy  whole,  without 
fraud  or  maljiracticc.     So  God  me  lielji,  and  the  Blessed  Lady,  and  bv  this  book." 

A  juryman  was  expected  to  be  discreet ;  for  it  -was  ordered 
that : — 

"  If  a  man  be  indicted  for  that  he  has  discovered  the  king's  counsel  and  that  of  his 
companions  in  a  jury,  he  shall  he  taken  by  the  sheriff,  or  hy  the  admiral  of  the  court, 
or  by  tJther  officers  to  whom  it  belongs,  and  brought  before  the  admiral  or  his 
lieuteTiant,  and  afterwards  arraigned  upon  the  same  indictment;  and,  if  he  be  con- 
victed thereof  b.y  twelve,  lie  shall  be  taken  to  the  next  ojicn  port,  and  there  his  fault 
and  offence  shall  be  openly  proclaimed  and  shown  in  the  jiresence  of  all  there,  and 
afterwards  his  throat  shall  be  cut,  and  his  tongue  drawn  out  by  his  throat  and  cut  off 
from  his  head,  if  he  make  not  ransom  by  fine  to  the  king  according  to  the  discretion 
of  the  admiral  or  his  lieutenant." 

A  long  list  of  matters,  into  which  it  was  the  duty  of  a  juryman 
of  the  Court  of  Admiralty  to  inquire,  renders  it  impossible  to  doubt 
that  all  causes  in  that  court  were  invariably  tried  by  a  jury,  and  that 
Blackstone  -  was  mistaken  in  supposing  that,  anterior  to  the  time  of 
Hemy  VIII.,  "  a  man  might  be  there  deprived  of  his  life  by  the 
opinion  of  a  single  judge." 

At  this  period  there  were  usually  two  admirals  at  a  time  in 
commission,  one  commanding  the  fleet  of  the  ports  northward  and 
eastward  of  the  Thames  (Admiral  of  the  North),  and  the  other,  that 
of  the  ports  northward  and  westward  of  the  Thames  (Admiral  of 
the  West).  Each  had  under  him  a  vice-admiral.  But  thrice, 
during  the  reign  of  Edward  III.,  command  of  all  the  fleets  was 
centred  in  a  single  person,  who  thus  became  in  fact,  though  not  by 
official   style,  high  admiral.      These  high  admirals  were    Sir   John 

'  Cited  by  Prynne,  from  the  '  Black  Book  of  the  Admiralty.' 
'  '  Commentaries,'  iv.  2C8. 


154  CIVIL   HISTORY,   115i-1399.  [1386. 

Beauchamp,  K.G.,  appointed  July  18th,  1360;  Sir  Kobert  Herle, 
appointed  January  26th,  1361 ;  and  Sir  Ealph  Spigurnell,  appointed 
July  7th,  1364.  Similar  appointments  were  four  times  made  under 
Eichard  II.,  as  follows  :  Richard,  Earl  of  Arundel,  December  10th, 
1386  ;  Sir  John  Eoche,  May  31st,  1389 ;  Edward,  Earl  of  Eutland, 
November  29th,  1391 ;  and  John,  Marquis  of  Dorset,  May  9th,  1398. 

An  enactment '  of  1330  directed  that,  for  the  passage  between 
Dover  and  France,  no  larger  sum  should  be  required  than  the 
ancient  charge  of  2s.  for  every  horseman,  and  Qd.  for  every  one  on 
foot.  In  connection  with  this  regulation,  it  should  be  mentioned 
that,  according  to  a  document  communicated  to  Nicolas "  by  the 
Eev.  Lambert  Larkings,  a  "Fare  Ship  Company"  had,  from  the 
time  of  Edward  II.,  and  probably  before  it,  existed  at  Dover,  and 
that  its  vessels  made  passages  in  regular  rotation. 

Several  centuries  later,  the  raising  of  money  for  the  support  of 
the  navy  led  to  a  terrible  constitutional  crisis,  and  the  downfall 
of  a  dynasty.  It  is  interesting,  therefore,  to  note  that  as  early  as 
the  reign  of  Edward  III.,  there  was  a  mild  constitutional  conflict 
of  a  somewhat  similar  kind.  In  1347,  the  King's  Council  imposed 
a  tax  of  2s.  on  every  sack  of  wool  passing  the  sea,  of  2s.  upon 
every  tun  of  wine,  and  of  Q>d.  in  the  pound  upon  all  goods  imported, 
in  order  that  the  expense  of  protecting  the  realm  might  be  met. 
This  was  done  without  the  consent  of  the  Commons,  who  j)i'ayed 
that  the  tax  might  be  discontinued.^  Another  petition  of  the  same 
year,  representing  that  ships  had  been  impressed  for  the  service 
and  lost  in  it,  without  compensation  being  made  to  their  owners, 
and  begging  for  relief,  was  not  granted.*  Again,  before  Edward  III. 
left  England  for  France,  in  1359,  the  dangers  with  which  the  trade 
of  the  country  was  threatened  induced  the  Council,^  with  the  con- 
sent of  the  English  and  foreign  merchants  who  were  summoned 
before  it,  but  without  the  assent  of  Parliament,  to  impose  a  tax  of 
6fZ.  in  the  pound  on  all  merchandise  imported  or  exported  until 
the  following  Michaelmas,  so  as  to  maintain  a  fleet  at  sea.  Indeed, 
Edward  frequently  showed  himself  intolerant  of  Parliamentary 
control  or  interference  in  naval  affairs. 

The  king  granted  to  the  Cinque  Ports  four  ratifications  of  their 
ancient  privileges.*^      The  first,  a  charter  of  February  2oth,  1327, 

■  Act  4,  E.Uv.  III.,  c.  8.  *  Pail.  Rolls,  ii.  172,  189. 

*  Nicolas,  ii.  210,  note.  ^  '  Fccdera,'  iii.  4.59. 

'  Tarl.  P.oUs,  ii.  1G6.  "  '  Charters  of  the  Cinque  Ports,'  43-51  (Jeakes). 


1327.] 


PRIVILEGES    OF   THE   CINQUE  PORTS. 


155 


intei-preted  the  clause  in  the  charter  of  Edward  I.  to  the  effect  that 
every  baron  should  contribute  "  accordin<j;  to  his  faculties."  The 
other  charters  were  dated  July  1st,  13(34,  July  18th,  1364,  and 
October  '20th,  1366.  Some  of  the 
seals  of  the  maritime  ports,  dating 
from  tliis  period,  have  been  held 
by  certain  writers  to  be  of  value 
as  showing  what  the  ships  of  the 
time  were  like,  most  of  the  seals 
iu  question  bearing  representa- 
tions of  vessels ;  but  it  seems 
impossible  to  attach  much  serious 
importance  to  them.  The  repre- 
sentations are  clearly,  for  the 
most  part,  of  an  entirely  con- 
ventional character.  A  few  of 
them  are,  however,  reproduced. 

By  the  terms  of  a  commercial 
convention  concluded  on  October  '20th,  1353,  between  England  and 
Portugal  for  fifty  years,  it  was  agreed  that  if  Portuguese  ships  or 


SEAL    OF    LY>rE    UKGIS,  XIVTH    CENTUUV. 
(^Froiii  Nicolas.) 


SEAL    in.'    SOL:TI(AMI'TiiN,    XIVTU    tESTUUV. 
(.From  XiMlatt.) 


goods  were  found  in  any  port  or  place  in  Prance  that  might  fall  into 
English  hands,  they  were  to  be  protected  and  restored  to  their 
owners,  provided  the  ships  and  men  were  not  armed  nor  aiding  the 


156 


CIVIL   HISTORY,    lir)4-1399. 


[1377. 


enemy.  In  that  case  the  goods  were  to  be  forfeited,  and  the  people 
imprisoned.  In  the  event  of  Portuguese  property  being  in  any  ship 
captured  from  an  enemy,  it  was  to  be  carried  to  England  until  the 
owner  should  prove  his  right  to  it ;  and  English  property  found  by 
the  Portuguese  in  ships  belonging  to  their  enemies  was  to  be 
correspondingly  dealt  with.  Meanwhile,  the  fishing-boats  of 
Portugal  might  enter  all  the  ports  of  England  and  Brittany  upon 
paying  the  usual  duties  and  customs. 

Edward  III.  died  on  June  21st,  1377,  and  was  succeeded  by  his 


SEAL  OF  THE  BARONS  OF  DOVER,  XIVTH  CEKTURY. 
{From  Nicolas.') 


grandson,   Kichard    II.,    son,    by   Joan    of    Kent,    of    Edward   the 

Black  Prince.      The  civil  history  of  the  navy,  during  the  reign  of 

Bichard,  is  very  uneventful ;  but  the  period  has  been  illustrated  by 

Chaucer,  and  is  important  for  the  purpose  in  hand,  if  only  because 

it  has  bequeathed  to  us  Chaucer's  fine  picture  of  the  Shipman  of  the 

time  : — 

"  A  shipman  was  tlier  woned  fer  by  west ; 
For  ouglit  I  wote  he  was  of  Dertmouth ; 
Ke  rode  upon  a  rouncie  as  he  couthe. 
All  in  a  goune  of  falding  to  the  knee. 
A  dagger  hanging  by  a  las  hadde  he 
About  liis  nelike  under  iiis  arm  aduun; 


1377.]  CHAUCEIt-S   Snri'.VAN.  157 

The  liote  soiiimer  haiUle  iiiode  his  hewe  :U  brouii ; 

Ami  certaitily  he  was  a  S'lud  felaw ; 

Fill  many  a  ilrauglit  uf  win  he  haildc  draw 

From  Burdeiix  ward  while  that  the  chapmen  slepe ; 

Of  nice  conscience  toke  he  no  keiie. 

]f  that  he  faught  and  hadde  the  higher  hand, 

By  water  he  sent  hem  home  to  every  land. 

But  of  his  craft,  to  reken  wel  his  tides. 

His  stremes,  and  his  straudes,  him  besides, 

His  herberwe,  liis  mune,  and  his  ludematiage, 

Ther  was  noii  swiche  from  Hull  uutu  Cartage. 

Hardy  he  was,  and  wise,  I  undertake ; 

With  many  a  tempest  hcdde  his  herd  he  sliako : 

He  knew  wel  alle  the  havens  as  they  were 

From  Gotland  to  the  Cape  de  Finiatere, 

And  every  creke  in  Bretague  and  in  Siiainu : 

His  barge  yclejied  was  tlie  Magdelaine." ' 

At  various  times  during  the  earlier  half  of  the  present  century, 
there  were  recovered  from  the  sand  on  the  western  side  of  the  Isle 
of  Walney,  at  the  mouth  of  Morcamhe  Bay,  a  number  of  old  guns 
and  other  naval  relics.  These  have  been  attributed  to  the  time  of 
Richard  II.  It  may  be  doubted  whether  they  date  back  to  so 
remote  a  period  as  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century  ;  but  they  are 
certainly  among  the  most  ancient  naval  relics  in  existence  ;  and  a 
brief  account  of  them,  together  with  a  print  of  some  of  them, 
reproduced  from  the  Nautical  Magazine  of  November,  1844,  may 
fitly  find  a  place  here. 

No.  1,  wlien  first  foimd,  was  nearly  perfect,  and  about  ten  feet  in  length.  The 
breech  was  in  the  middle,  at  which  part;  the  piece  was  strengthened  by  means  of 
additional  hoops  of  iron.  It  was  a  gim  with  two  touch-holes,  one  on  either  side  of  the 
central  breech  ;  and  it  could  be  fired  from  both  ends  simultaneously.  Near  to  each 
muzzle,  on  the  upjier  side,  was  a  ring.  The  gun  was  a  built-up  one.  The  tube,  or 
inner  lining,  consisted  of  three  curved  plates  of  iron,  each  -J  inch  thick,  disposed  like 
the  staves  of  a  cask,  but,  apparently,  not  forged  or  welded  together.  Tliese  were  licld 
in  place  by  hammered  bands  or  hoops,  driven  on  one  after  another,  and  overbouucl  at 
their  points  of  junction  liy  strong  iron  rings.  The  gun  was  damaged  by  the  original 
finders,  who  sought  to  work  it  up  at  a  forge. 

No.  2  is  a  small  piece,  2  feet  in  length,  and  2  inches  in  calibre.  It  is  of  wrought 
iron,  formed  of  bars  welded  together  and  hooped,  and  has  two  strong  rings  whereby  it 
may  be  handled,  but  neither  trimnions  nor  cascable.  Found  with  it  was  a  cast-iron 
\iall  suited  to  its  calibre. 

Nos.  .'i  and  4  are  pieces  of  wrought  iron  without  hoops.  The}'  are  supposed  to  lie 
"  chambers,"  or  movable  breech-pieces  ;  which,  however,  were  probably  capable,  upon 
occasion,  of  being  tired  inilepeudently. 

One  of  three  other  "  chambers  "  discovered,  contained  a  charge 
'  '  Canterbury  Tales,'  Prologue. 


158 


CIVIL   HISTORY,   1154-1399. 


[1380. 


of  gunpowder,  wadded  with  oakum.     Of  numerous  balls  discovered, 
some  were  of  granite  of  from  3 j  to  6  inches  in  diameter ;  one  was 


ANCIENT    GUNS    ANll    f;]lli'[',    KH.CdVLiliEU    AT    WAI.NEV. 

(Supijosed  temp.  Eichard  II.) 
(.YoHi  in  till-  Hudrographic  Department,  Admiridlii.) 

of  grey  sandstone  6  inches  in  diameter ;  one  was  clay  ironstone  of 
the  same  size  ;  one  was  of  hammered  iron   5^  inches  in  diameter ; 

one  was  of  cast  iron,  2  inches  in 
diameter ;  and  two  were  lead  shot, 
one  having  a  flint  pebble,  and  the 
other  a  square  piece  of  hammered 
iron  as  the  kernel. 

With  the  Walney  Island  relics 
which  are  above  described,  and 
which,  as  has  been  said,  have 
been  attributed  to  the  last  years 
of  the  fourteenth  century,  a 
curious  pair  of  brass  dividers  or 
"  compasses  "  was  discovered.  This 
instrument,  the  upper  part  of 
which  is  shown  in  the  annexed 
sketch,  is  so  contrived  as  to 
open  when  pressure  is  applied  to 
the  bowed  parts  of  the  legs,  and  to  close  when  pressure  is  applied 
to  the  straight  parts.     The  relic  is  preserved  in  the  Hydrographic 


ANCTEKT  DIVIDERS  OR  COMPASSES,  I'ROB- 
Alil.Y  DATING  FROM  THE  TIMK  OF 
KICIIARD   II. 

{Nou!  jnrKervecl  in  tlie  Hijdroijrtiptiie  Office 

of  the  Admiralty.) 

(Tho  point.s  arc  not  shown.) 


1399.] 


TEE    WALNEY  BELICS. 


159 


Office  of  the  Admiralty.  It  is  interesting  as  showing  the  antiquity 
of  a  most  ingenious  and  useful  device,  thanks  to  which  dividers  can 
be  opened  or  closed  by  a  person  who  has  but  one  hand  free  for 
their  manipulation. 

The  abdication  of  Richard  II.,  in  1899,  put  an  end  to  the  dynasty 
of  the  Angevin  kings  in  England. 


(      ]G0      ) 


CHAPTEE  VIII. 

MILITARY   HISTORY   OF   THE    NAVY,    1154-1399. 

Henry  II. — Operations  against  Brittany — A  fatal  storm — Conquest  of  Ireland — Wars 
with  France,  vScotland,  and  Flanders — Englisli  Crusaders — Richard  I. — His  ex- 
pedition to  the  Levant — Alliance  with  Thilip  Augustus — The  English  fleet  and 
its  cruising  formation — Conquest  of  Cyprus — Destruction  of  a  Saracen  dromon — 
Capture  of  Acre — Treachery  of  Leopold  of  Austria  and  Philip  Augustus — King 
John — Renewed  war  with  France — Loss  of  Nonnandy,  Anjou,  and  Maine — Naval 
preparations — Eustace  the  Monk — Expedition  to  Ireland — Salisbury's  victory  off 
Darume  in  121.3 — The  expedition  of  Sir  Hugh  de  Boves — Eustace  the  Monk  at 
Folkestone — France  paramount  in  the  Channel — England  invaded — Hubert  de 
Burgh's  victory  oft'  the  South  Foreland  in  1217 — Death  of  Eustace  the  Monk — 
Henry  III. — Expedition  to  France — Piracy  in  the  Narrow  Seas — English  resources 
wasted — Convoy — Mysterious  ships  at  Berwick — Cinque  Ports'  piracies — Henry  a 
prisoner — Prince  Edward's  crusade — Edward  I. — Troubles  with  Bavonne — Zeeland 
pirates — AVelsh  expeditions — Tiptoft's  victory  in  Mid-Channel  in  1293 — Renewed 
war  with  France — Treachery  of  Thomas  de  Turborville — French  raids — Priva- 
teering— Action  off  Berwick — Relief  of  Bourg — Alliance  with  Flanders — Mutinous 
seamen — Operations  against  the  Scots — Edward  II. — Scots  invasion  of  Ireland — 
Contraband  of  war — Lax  discipline — Reprisals — Massacre  in  tlie  Hope — Iniquities 
of  Hugh  le  Despencer — Renewed  war  with  France — Treason  of  Queen  Isabella — 
Isabella's  invasion — Edward  III. — He  does  homage  to  Philii)  VI. — John  Crabbe  in 
the  Tay — Scots  raids — An  English  fleet  in  the  Forth — The  dominion  of  the  sea 
asserted — French  raids — Convoys — Edward's  claim  to  France — The  Hundred  Years' 
War — The  exploits  of  Be'huchet — Scots  ships  taken — Beacons — Capture  of  Gadzand 
— The  Flanders  expedition — Loss  of  the  Christopher — Panic  in  England — Edward's 
victory  off  Sluis  in  1340 — His  dispatch  after  the  battle — English  interference  in 
Brittany — English  disaster  off'  Vannes — French  cruisers  in  the  Channel — Invasion 
of  France — The  blockade  of  Calais — "  L'Espagnols  sur  Mer,"  1350 — Belief  of 
Calais — Fresh  invasion  of  France — French  activity  i]i  the  Channel — Panic  in 
England — Peace  with  France — The  war  renewed — Portsmouth  burnt — Decline  of 
the  English  navy — Action  in  Bourgneuf  Bay — Pembroke's  action  off'  La  Rochelle 
— His  defeat  anil  capture — Piracies  of  Evan — Parliament  remonstrates  on  the  state 
of  the  navy — The  French  command  the  Channel — Rise  of  the  French  Royal  Navy 
— French  success  in  the  Bay  of  Bourgneuf — Jeanne  de  Vienne — Richard  II. — Rye 
phmdered — Lewes  sacked — Coast  towns  burnt — Mutiny  in  the  navy — Success  of 
Sir  Thomas  Percy — Failure  of  Salisbury  and  Arundel — Captures  by  ships  of 
Bayonne — Salisbury  and  Arundel  defeated  by  Jean  de  Vienne — C;herbourg  relieved 
by  Lancaster  —  John  Plnlpotts'  patriotism  —  Official  inaptitude  —  Disaster  to 
Arundel's  fleet — Parliamentary  remonstrances — Exhaustion  of  England — Sufferings 


U.OK.]  JNVA.sION   OF  BRITTANY.  101 

nf  coinmeiee — Cuast  ilel'eiu'e  umlertaken  by  contract — Jean  de  Vicnne's  exiieilition 
to  Scotlanil — Minor  English  successes — Starvation  of  the  navy — Freneli  sdiciiics 
of  invasion — (iradiial  restoration  of  public  contiilence  in  Kii<;laiul — Depositinn  of 
Richard. 


T' 


I  HE  naval  expeditions  of  Henry  II.  are  not  of 
great  interest,  although  one  at  least  of  them, 
that  having  for  its  object  the  completion  of  the 
conquest  of  Ireland,  was  of  extreme  importance. 

The  king  was  in  Normandy  at  the  moment  of 
his  accession  and  did  not  come  to  England  until 
six  weeks  after  Stephen's  death.  Having  settled  his 
English  inheritance  he  proceeded  to  France  in  115(j  to  do  homage 
for  his  French  possessions,  and  to  recover  Anjou  from  his  brother 
Geoffrey  of  Nantes,  Earl  of  Martel,  who  had  seized  it,  but  who  soon 
submitted  and  relincpiislied  his  claims  in  return  for  an  annual 
pension  of  one  thousand  pounds. 

In  the  following  year  the  king  began  naval  preparations  on  a 
considerable  scale  against  Wales,  in  order  to  put  a  stop  to  border 
raids  and  to  piracies  which  had  become  troiiblesome,  but  the  Welsh 
made  the  requisite  concessions  before  hostilities  actually  broke  out. 

The  death  of  Geoffrey  of  Nantes,  in  1158,  induced  Conan  IV.  of 
Brittany  to  take  possession  of  the  Comity  of  Nantes  in  defiance  of 
the  claims  of  Henry  II.,  whereupon  the  latter,  apparently  in  1159, 
fitted  out  a  large  fieet  and  army,  and,  crossing  the  Channel,  not  onlj' 
compelled  Conan  to  abdicate,  but  also  obliged  him  to  betroth  his 
daughter  Constance  to  Henry's  infant  son  Geoffrey,  known  thence- 
forward as  Geoffrey  of  Brittany.  Thus  Brittany  was,  for  the  time, 
practically  made  a  part  of  the  king's  continental  dominions.  The 
campaign,  and  an  unsuccessful  expedition  against  Toulouse,  detained 
Henry  abroad  until  1103.  No  naval  operations  of  any  moment 
occurred,  however,  during  the  period  ;  nor  do  we  read  of  much  naval 
activity  having  been  shown  by  England  until  1107,  when  the 
country  was  threatened  with  a  formidable  invasion  by  the  Counts  of 
Boulogne  and  Flanders,  who  are  said  to  have  collected  six  hundred 
ships  for  the  purpose.  Henry  was  again  abroad,  but  Richard  de 
Lucy,  one  of  the  Justiciars  or  Regents,  and  a  most  able  and  devoted 
minister,  promptly  assembled  so  large  a  military  force  on  the  south 
coast  that  the  attempt  was  abandoned,  although  there  seems  to  have 
been  no  naval  force  ready  and  able  to  dispute  the  passage  of  the 
enemy.  Pi-oJjably  because  he  realised  how  narrowly  lie  had  escaped 
VOL.    I.  M 


162  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1154-1399.  [11G9. 

the  danger,  Heury  deemed  it  wise  to  purchase  the  future  alhance  of 
the  Count  of  Boulogne  with  an  annual  subsidy.^ 

On  the  king's  return  from  the  continent,  early  in  March,  1170, 
a  violent  storm  overtook  his  fleet  in  the  night,  and  dispersed  it. 
Henry  himself,  with  some  difficulty,  made  Portsmouth,  but  all  the 
ships  were  not  equally  fortunate  ;  and  one  especially,  conveying  the 
royal  physician,  a  great  noble  named  Henry  de  Agnellis,  the  latter's 
two  sons,  and  several  personages  of  the  king's  household,  foundered 
with  all  on  board.' 

The  conquest  of  Ireland  had  been  for  some  years  a  cherished 
project  with  Henry,  but  his  continental  preoccupations,  and  his 
long  quarrel  with  Becket,  had  prevented  him  from  putting  it  into 
execution.  Excuses  were  not  lacking,  though  the  leading  motive 
was  doubtless  a  desire  for  extended  dominion,  coupled  with  a 
statesmanlike  consciousness  that  Ireland,  so  long  as  it  remained  a 
congeries  of  petty  principalities  in  a  normal  condition  of  anarchy, 
must  be  a  permanent  source  of  trouble  to  England.  One  of  the 
ostensible  excuses  was  that  certain  Irish  had  taken  some  English 
men  prisoners  and  sold  them  as  slaves. 

But  while  Henry  thus  desired  the  conquest  of  Ireland,  he  might 
still  have  postponed  action  had  he  not  been  drawn  into  it  in  1171  by 
forces  which  have  since  on  innumerable  occasions  brought  about  the 
extension  of  the  British  Empire.  These  forces  were  set  in  motion 
by  the  conduct  of  private  adventurers.  Ireland  was  at  the  time 
divided  into  several  small  kingships,  one  of  which  was  Leinster. 
Dermot,  King  of  Leinster,  being  expelled  by  his  oppressed  subjects, 
aided  by  two  of  his  royal  neighbours,  applied  for  aid  to  Henry,  who 
was  then  engaged  in  France.  Assistance,  but  at  some  indefinite 
time,  was  promised  ;  and  Dermot,  unwilling  to  wait  until  the  Greek 
Calends,  came  to  England,  and  laid  his  case  before  several  of  the 
nobles,  who  agreed  to  help  him  at  once.  Eirst  among  his  sym- 
pathisers was  Robert  FitzStephen,^  a  son  of  Stephen  de  Marisco  by 
Nesta,  sometime  a  mistress  of  Henry  I.  In  1169  EitzStephen  led 
thirty  knights,  sixty   men-at-arms,  and   three   hundred   archers  to 

>  Gerv.  of  Cant.,  1102. 

-  Ih.,  1410;  Hoveden,  29Gn;  Broiiituu,  1060. 

^  With  FitzStephen  was  Maurice  FitzGerald,  subsequently  Barun  of  Offaley, 
ancestor  of  the  Dukes  of  Leinster,  and  of  the  Earls  of  Kildare  and  (if  Desmond.  For 
several  centuries  the  Fitzlieralds  were  iiractically  rulers  of  tho  F.nglish  part  of  Ireland, 
and  their  arms  have  jiiovided  the  so-called  "  St.  Patrick's  Cross,"  which  does  ihdy  for 
Ireland  on  the  Union  lliii;.     The  family  has  given  several  oflicers  to  tlie  I'oyal  Navy. 


1171.]  CONQUEST  OF  IRELAND.  1G3 

Ireland,  and  took  Wexford,  though  he  subsequently  had  to  surrender 
at  Carrig.  Other  adventurers  followed,  among  them  Eichard  de 
Clare,  Earl  of  Pembroke,  surnamed  Strongbow.  Henry  had 
forbidden  him  to  go,  but  he  was  anxious  to  marry  Eva,  daughter  of 
Dermot ;  and  in  defiance  of  the  prohibition,  he  sailed  with  an 
expedition  from  Milford  Haven,  gained  some  success,  and  eventually 
succeeded  to  the  kingdom  of  Leinster. 

In  the  meantime  Henry,  perceiving  that  his  adventurous  subjects 
were  forestalling  him,  set  about  making  preparations  for  his  own 
expedition,  and  formally  recalled  all  Enghshmen  from  Ireland.' 
The  adventurers,  instead  of  complying,  humbly  placed  all  their 
present  and  future  conquests  at  the  king'S  disposal.  This  was  not 
entirely  satisfactory  ;  yet  Henrj',  while  pushing  on  his  preparations, 
concluded  an  agreejiient  that  he  should  have  all  the  seaports,  and 
granted  the  rest  of  the  country,  to  hold  of  him  and  his  successors,  to 
the  conquerers.  It  would  appear  that  Strongbow  returned  for  a 
time  to  England,  j)robably  to  take  part  in  these  negotiations. 

A  fleet  of  four  hundred  large  ships,  with  an  army  embarked  in 
them,  was  at  length  assembled  in  Milford  Haven.  Henry  went  on 
board,  and  on  October  18th,  1171,  landed  at  Crook,  near  Waterford. 
The  gi'eater  part  of  the  island  suljmitted  without  resistance,  even 
Roderick  O'Connor,  King  of  Connaught,  the  most  powerful  of  all  the 
kinglets,  doing  homage  ;  and  Henry  celebrated  Chi-istmas  in  Dubhn'- 
with  much  splendour  and  magnificeuce.  The  real  conquest,  indeed, 
so  far  as  it  was  effected  by  force  of  arms,  was  effected  by  the 
adventurers  and  not  by  the  king,  who,  having  established  garrisons 
in  the  principal  seaports,  and  consigned  the  administration  of  his 
new  possession  to  a  Justiciary,  returned  to  England  on  the  following 
Easter  Monday.^ 

A  rebellion,  headed  by  the  queen  and  her  sous,  drew  Heniy  into 
war  with  the  Kings  of  France  and  Scotland,  the  Counts  of  Elanders, 
Boulogne  and  Blois,  and  many  of  his  own  subjects.  There  is  no 
record,  however,  of  any  important  naval  operations  having  been 
undertaken  in  the  course  of  the  campaign,  from  which  Henry 
emerged  victorious  in  1175.  There  were,  nevertheless,  some  naval 
incidents.      In   July,    1174,    the    king,    with    numerous    prisoners, 

'  Lytteltun,  iv.  73. 
-  Bruiut'iii,  1079 ;  Hoveden,  ."Olii. 

'  A  record  of  the  campaign,  disfijiured  by  exaggeration,  siH)erstition  and  iirclcvancv, 
was  left  by  Giraldus  Canibreneis,  who  was  an  cye-witne.ss. 

M   2 


164  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1154-1399.  [1177. 

embarked  at  Barfleur  for  Southampton,  and,  perceiving  from  the 
countenances  of  the  seamen  that  there  was  in  their  minds  some 
question  as  to  the  wisdom  of  attempting  the  passage  while  the 
weather  continued  as  threatening  as  it  then  was,  is  reported  to  have 
said:  "If  the  Supreme  Euler  designs  by  my  arrival  in  England  to 
restore  to  my  people  that  peace  which  He  knows  I  sincerely  have  at 
heart,  may  He  mercifully  bring  me  to  a  safe  port ;  but  if  His  will 
has  decreed  to  scourge  the  realm,  may  I  never  be  permitted  to  reach 
its  shore."  '  And  the  English  fleet  seems  to  have  kept  the  Narrow 
Seas  clear  of  the  enemy,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  bad  weather  con- 
tributed to  the  discomfiture  of  the  foe. 

It  was  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  twelfth  century  that  the  nobles 
of  England  first  began  to  take  an  active  interest  in  affairs  in  the 
Holy  Land.  Some  writers  assert  that  the  resultant  Crusades 
exerted,  upon  the  whole,  less  direct  influence  upon  England  than 
upon  most  of  the  other  countries  of  Europe ;  and  this  is  perhaps 
true ;  but  there  can  be  no  question  that,  indirectly,  the  Crusades 
have  affected  the  destinies  of  the  country  ever  since ;  for  it  was 
they  which  first  caused  her  to  become  a  Power  in  the  Mediterranean, 
and  which  first  led  a  large  volume  of  English  trade  thither.  Indeed 
it  was  they  which  first  induced  England  to  essay  the  exercise  of  her 
naval  force  in  water  anywhere  outside  her  own  seas ;  which  showed 
her  her  aptitude  for  distant  adventure ;  and  which  taught  her 
wherein  lay  the  secret  of  her  strength. 

Henry  took  great  interest  in  the  Eastern  question,  and  designed 
to  himself  assume  the  Cross ;  but,  though  he  was  never  able  to  carry 
out  his  intention,  at  least  one  private  crusading  expedition  was  fitted 
out  in  England  during  his  reign,  and  the  king,  more  than  once, 
furnished  ships,  arms  and  money  for  the  assistance  of  Christendom 
against  the  Infidel.^ 

The  most  noteworthy  private  expedition  was  one  headed  by 
William  de  Mandeville,  Earl  of  Essex,  who,  accompanied  by  many 
nobles,  knights  and  gentlemen  of  several  nationalities,  sailed  from 
Dartmouth  in  1177,  with  thirty-seven  ships.  Touching  at  Lisbon, 
Essex  was  invited  by  the  King  of  Portugal  to  aid  him  against  the 
Moors,  and,  acquiescing,  contributed  greatly  to  their  defeat  and  to 
the  slaughter  of  forty  thousand  of  them.^ 

'  Brumtoii,  1095  ;  Hovedeii,  308  ;  Bened.  of  Teterboro,  i.  82. 
^  William  of  Newburg,  iii.  c.  10. 

^  Holinshed,  'Voyage  of  Esse.K  ' ;  rurclias  (<iuoting  Matt.  Paris)  i.  Bk.  II.  1.  It  is, 
however,  luicertain  whether  these  speak  of  <nic  or  of  two  expeditions. 


llyii.]  THE   CnUHADEli.  165 

Henry's  intention  to  take  the  Cross  was  frustrated  by  the 
rebellion  of  his  son  Kichard,  who,  in  alliance  with  Philip  Auf^istus, 
attacked  the  continental  possessions  of  the  Crown.  Upon  the  death 
of  Henry  II.,  a  proposition,  which  had  originated  \\-ith  him,  that  the 
Kings  of  England  and  France  should  go  together  upon  a  Crusade, 
was  revived  by  Kichard,  his  successor,  and  was  agreed  to  by  Phili]) 
Augustus.'  Preparations  upon  a  large  scale  were  at  once  begun  in 
both  countries. 

Concerning  the  expedition  which  followed,  Campbell  has  some 
remarks  that  appear  to  deserve  reproduction  :  "  Our  historians,"  he 
says,  "  speak  of  this  according  to  their  own  notions,  and  without  any 
respect  had  to  the  then  circumstances  of  things ;  hence,  some  treat 
it  with  great  solemnity,  and  as  a  thing  worthy  of  immortal  honour, 
while  others  again  consider  it  as  a  pure  effect  of  bigotry,  and  blame 
the  king  exceedingly  for  being  led  by  the  nose  by  the  Pope,  and 
involving  himself  in  so  romantic  a  scheme,  to  the  great  danger  of 
his  person,  and  the  almost  entire  ruin  of  his  subjects.  I  must  own 
that  to  me  neither  opinion  seems  right ;  yet  I  should  not  have 
expressed  my  sentiments  on  this  subject,  if  it  did  not  very  nearly 
concern  the  matter  of  this  treatise.  The  power  of  the  Saracens  was 
then  exceeding  great,  and  they  were  growing  no  less  formidable  at 
sea  than  they  had  been  long  at  land ;  so  that  if  the  whole  force  of 
Christendom  had  not  been  opposed  against  them  in  the  East,  I  see 
very  little  or  no  room  to  doubt  of  their  making  an  entire  conquest  of 
the  West ;  for,  since  they  were  able  to  deal  with  the  joint  forces  of 
these  princes  in  the  Holy  Land,  they  would  undoubtedly  have 
beaten  them  singly,  if  ever  they  had  attacked  them."  - 

By  the  beginning  of  December,  1189,  a  considerable  squadron 
was  assembled  at  Dover  to  transport  the  king  and  his  principal 
followers  to  the  continent ;  and  on  the  11th  of  that  month,  Richai'd 
embarked  for  Calais,  his  design  being  to  proceed  leisurely  overland 
to  Marseilles,  meeting  Philip  Augustus  by  the  way,  and  there  to 
pick  up  his  fleet,  which  was,  meanwhile,  being  collected  at 
Dartmouth. 

Richard  kept  Christmas  at  Bures,  near  Dieppe,  joined  Philip  at 
Reims — where,  on  January  13th,  1190,  a  solemn  treaty  was  entered 
into  between  the  two  sovereigns,'' — went  into  Gascony  and  Anjou  to 

'  AVilliain  of  Ncwluiru,  iv.  c.  1 ;  Matt.  Paris,  15"). 

=  Caiiiiibell  (1H17),  i.  127. 

■''  licneil.  of  IVterboro,  ii.  581!  ;  Bromton,  1 170  ;   Hovi'iicii,  .178. 


166  MILITARY  HISTORY,    1154-1399.  [IIOO. 

settle  various  affairs  there,  visited  Tours  to  obtain  from  the 
archbishop  the  scrip  and  staff  of  pilgrimage,  and  rejoined  the  French 
king  at  Vezelay  in  June/  Thence  the  allied  monarchs,  with  their 
armies,  marched  together  as  far  as  Lyon,  where  they  separated, 
Philip  proceeding  to  Genoa  and  Kichard  to  Marseilles,  the  intention 
being  that  the  two  armadas  should  make  rendezvous  at  Messina, 
previous  to  sailing  in  consort  for  Palestine. 

The  Dartmouth  fleet  comprised  ships  as  well  from  Normandy, 
Poitou,  Brittany  and  Aquitaine  as  from  England.  Part,  if  not  the 
whole  of  it,  sailed  in  April,  1190,  having  on  board,  in  addition  to 
men,  stores,  engines  and  other  provisions  for  the  army.  But  many 
of  the  vessels  were  ill  suited  for  Atlantic  weather,  and  when,  on  the 
3rd  of  May,  in  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  it  blew  a  south-westerly  gale,  the 
fleet  was  dispersed,  and  four  ships  would  seem  to  have  been  lost,  if 
Peter  of  Langtoft  be  correct  in  saying  that  110  ships  sailed,  and  if 
other  historians  rightly  state  the  number  of  vessels  that  later 
assembled  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tagus  at  106  only. 

One  ship  belonging  to  London,  and  carrying  a  hundred  pas- 
sengers, is  declared  to  have  been  favoured  with  a  miracle.  When, 
at  the  height  of  the  storm,  the  terrified  crew  invoked  divine  aid 
St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury  thrice  appeared  to  them  and  assured 
them  that  he  and  the  martyrs,  St.  Edmund  and  St.  Nicholas,-  had 
been  appointed  protectors  of  the  ship,  and  would  conduct  her  in 
safety,  if  only  the  people  would  repent  of  their  sins  and  do  penance. 
The  terms  being  accepted  the  tempest  instantly  ceased,  and  the  ship 
proceeded  on  her  voyage  until  she  reached  Silves,  on  the  south  coast 
of  Portugal.  Silves  had  been  taken  from  the  Moors  a  few  years 
earlier,  by  the  help  of  William  de  Mandeville,  but  they  were 
endeavouring  to  regain  possession  of  it.  Eighty  soldiers  from  the 
vessel  were  landed  as  a  reinforcement  for  the  besieged ;  but  the 
town's  people,  not  content  with  this  aid,  seized  the  ship  herself,  and 
broke  her  up,  in  order  to  utilise  her  timbers  for  the  defence, 
promising,  however,  that  the  King  of  Portugal  would  provide 
compensation.^ 

Of  the  other  ships  two  detachments,  one  of  nine  and  the  other  of 
sixty-three  sail,  got  into  Lisbon.  There  their  crews  committed 
gi-eat  outrages,  until  the  King  of  Portugal  closed  the  gates  of  the 
city  against  theih  and  imprisoned  the  seven  hundred  offenders  who 

'  Hoveden,  373b.  ^  St.  Nicholas,  special  patron  of  seamen. 

»  Hoveden,  380b,  381  ;'l5ronit.in,  1175. 


IIDO.]  CRUHADK  OF  RICHARD    I.  Kii 

were  found  inside,  pending  the  making  of  an  arrangement  with  the 
commanders,  Bobert  de  Babloil  and  liichard  de  Camville,^  for 
securing  peace.'  These  detachments  sailed  again  on  July  24th,  and 
found  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tagns  the  remainder  of  the  fleet  under 
Wiiham  de  Fortz.  A  further  voyage  of  twenty-eight  days  brought 
the  fleet  safely  to  Marseilles  on  August  22nd. 

But  King  Eichard,  who  had  reached  Marseilles  about  the  end  of 
Julj',  expecting  to  tiiid  the  fleet  already  there,  had  waited  for  only 
eight  days.  He  had  then  hired  ten  large  busses  and  twentj'  galleys 
to  convey  his  immediate  followers  and  himself  to  Messina,  and  had 
sailed  on  Augiist  7th  in  a  galley  called  the  ruitiho.^  He  was  at 
Genoa  on  August  13th,  and  had  an  interview  with  Phihp,  who  lay 
ill  there.  His  next  place  of  call  was  Portofino,  where  he  remained 
for  five  days,  and  where  he  received  a  request  from  Philip  for  the 
loan  of  five  galleys.  Richard  offered  three,  and  Philip  thereupon 
preferred  to  accept  none.  From  Portofino  liichard  reached  the 
mouth  of  the  Arno  on  August  20th,  and  I'orto  Baratto  on  the  23rd. 
At  Piombino  he  went  on  board  another  galley,  belonging  to  Fulk 
Postranti,^  with  the  intention  of  proceeding  in  her,  but  as  she  split 
her  sail  on  the  2oth,  he  returned  to  the  Pitmho,  and  that  da_y 
anchored  in  the  Tiber.  The  Cardinal  Bishop  of  Ostia  came  from 
Home  to  receive  him,  but  by  asserting  a  claim  to  some  money  on  the 
part  of  the  Holy  See,  his  Eminence  so  angered  the  hot-tempered 
king  that  Richard  accused  the  Papal  court  of  simony,  declined  to  go 
to  Rome  and  sailed  again  on  the  2()th.  On  the  28th  he  landed  at 
Naples,  and,  after  a  brief  stay,  continued  his  journey  down  the  coast 
on  horseback  until  he  reached  Scylla.  On  the  way,  when  but  a 
single  knight  happened  to  be  with  him,  he  was  attacked  by  peasants, 
from  the  house  of  one  of  whom  he  had  attempted  to  take  a  hawk, 
and  the  King  of  England  compelled  to  cover  his  retreat  by  throwing 
stones  at  his  assailants.  From  Scylla,  Richard  crossed  to  Messina, 
and  entered  the  port  on  September  23rd. 

"As  soon,"  says  Vinesauf,  "as  the  people  heard  of  his  arrival, 
they  rushed  in  crowds  to  the  shore  to  behold  the  glorious  King  of 
England,  and  at  a  distance  saw  the  sea  covered  with  innumerable 

'  He  fuiiiiileil  Combe  Aliliey,  AVai-wickshire.  Haviui;  been  maile  Governor  of 
Cyprus,  he  quitted  tliat  island  witliout  Rii'liard"s  jieruiission,  and  died  at  tlie  siege  ol 
Aeon. 

'  Bened.  of  Petcrlioni,  ii.  003;  Brouiton,  1177. 

•''  "  In  galea  Puuibone." — Bened.  of  Peterbmo,  ii.  590. 

*  Hoveden  says  Fulk  Rustac. 


168  MILITARY  HISTORY,    1154-1399.  [1190. 

galleys ;  and  the  sound  of  trnmpets  from  afar,  with  the  sharper  and 
shriller  blasts  of  clarions,  resounded  in  their  ears ;  and  they  beheld 
the  galleys  rowing  in  order  nearer  to  the  land,  adorned  and  furnished 
with  all  manner  of  arms,  coiuitless  pennons  floating  in  the  wind, 
ensigns  at  the  ends  of  lances,  the  beaks  of  the  galleys  distingiiished 
by  various  paintings,  and  glittering  shields  suspended  to  the  prows. 
The  sea  appeared  to  boil  with  the  multitude  of  the  rowers  ;  the 
clangor  of  their  trumpets  was  deafening ;  the  gi-eatest  joy  was 
testified  at  the  arrival  of  the  various  multitudes  ;  when  thus  our 
magnificent  king,  attended  by  crowds  of  those  w'ho  navigated  the 
galleys,  as  if  to  see  what  was  unknown  to  him,  stood  on  a  prow 
more  ornamented  and  higher  than  the  others  and,  landing,  displayed 
himself,  elegantly  adorned,  to  all  who  pressed  to  the  shore  to 
meet  him." 

Richard  found  his  fleet  in  the  harbour  of  Messina.  It  had 
remained  eight  days  at  Marseilles  to  refit,  and  had  reached  port  on 
Heptember  14th.  He  also  found  Philip,  who  had  arrived  a  few  days 
before  him.  The  Archbishop  of  Canterbur\',  the  Bishop  of  Salisbury, 
and  Eanulf  de  Glanvill,'  Chief  Justice  of  England,  who  had  accom- 
panied Richard  as  far  as  Marseilles,  had  gone  thence  direct  to  the 
Holy  Land. 

In  those  days,  even  in  the  Mediterranean,  the  winter  was 
considered  to  be  no  season  for  ships  to  be  anywhere  save  in  port, 
and  as  the  autumn  was  nearly  over,  Richard  and  Philip  wintered  at 
Messina. 

Richard  spent  the  winter  in  quarrelling  both  with  his  ally  Philip 
and  with  Tancred,  King  of  Sicily.  He  repudiated  a  contract  of 
marriage  which  he  had  made  with  the  Princess  Alice,  Phihp's  sister, 
and  contracted  himself  instead  to  Berengaria,  daughter  of  Sancho  VI 
of  Navarre ;  and  having  a  grievance  against  Tancred,  who  had 
imprisoned  the  Queen  Dowager  of  Sicily,  Princess  Joan  of  England, 
he  forcibly  demanded  reparation  from  him,  going  even  to  the  length 
of  occupying  Messina.  But  the  difficulty  with  Philip,  though  it 
afterwards  broke  out  afresh,  did  not  then  assume  a  dangerous 
complexion,  and  the  difficulty  with  Tancred  was  at  length  composed 
by  the  latter  agreeing  to  pay  Joan's  dowry,  and  to  contribute  to  the 
expedition  four  great  ships  called  "  vissers,"  and  fifteen  galleys. - 

'  Kaniilf  lie  Glaiivill  was  the  author  of  'De  Legibiis  ot  ('ciisvictiulinibus  Aiiglia'," 
tlie  first  treatise  on  EngHsh  law.     He  died  in  1190. 
-  Hovcdeii,  .'I91ii ;   Broiiiton,  1195. 


nni.]  liiruARD'fi  fleet.  169 

During  ,tlie  winter  the  ships  suffered  extensively,  especially 
from  the  depredations  of  worms,  and  many  liad  to  he  careened 
and  repaix-ed.  Moreover,  one  galley  was  stiuck  hy  li^ditning  and 
sunk.' 

On  Saturday,  March  HOth,  llfll,  Phihp,  with  his  contingent, 
sailed  for  Palestine."  Eichard,  who  had  heen  joined,  apparently  late 
in  Fehruary,  by  Philip,  Count  of  Flanders,  and  hy  thirty  busses 
fi'om  England,  with  reinforcements  of  men  and  provisions,  still 
awaited  his  mother,  Eleanor  of  Aquitaine,  and  his  betrothed  bride, 
Berengaria ;  nor  had  he  quite  completed  his  preparations.  He 
crossed,  however,  to  Reggio,  on  the  mainland,  and  carried  the  royal 
ladies,  whom  he  found  there,  over  to  Messina.  Either  because  it 
was  Lent  or  because  he  was  unwilling  to  further  delay  his  voyage, 
he  did  not  celebrate  his  wedding  at  Messina,  but  consigned  his 
destined  wife  to  the  care  of  his  sister.  Queen  Joan,  and  placed  both 
on  board  a  dromon  commanded  by  Sir  Stephen  de  Turnham, 
commanding  the  fleet.     This  vessel  subsequently  sailed  in  the  van. 

On  Wednesday,  April  10th,  the  large  ships  weighed  and  put  to 
sea,  and  as  soon  as  Richard  had  dined,  he  followed  them  with  the 
galleys." 

The  fleet,  the  most  formidable  which  had  ever  been  fitted  out  by 
England  for  any  foreign  service,  seems  to  have  consisted  of  about 
•230  vessels,  with  possibly  some  small  craft  as  well,  although  different 
writers  give  slightly  different  accounts  of  it.  All  the  ships  were 
stored  for  one  year,  and  distributed  among  them,  so  as  to  minimise 
risk  of  loss,  were  the  necessary  supplies  of  money  for  the  payment 
of  the  ofScers,  men,  and  troops.  Vinesauf  describes  the  order  of 
sailing :  "In  the  van  were  three  large  ships,  filled  with  soldiers  and 
stores,  and  in  one  of  them  were  the  Queen  of  Sicily  and  Bei'engaria, 
the  two  others  being  laden  with  the  most  valuable  part  of  Richard's 
arms  and  treasure.  The  second  line  consisted  of  thirteen  ships, 
dromons,  and  busses  ;  the  third,  of  fourteen  ;  the  fourth,  of  twenty  ; 
the  fifth,  of  thirty  ;  the  sixth,  of  forty,  and  the  seventh,  of  sixty 
vessels.  The  eighth  line,  in  which  was  the  king  himself,  was 
formed  of  the  galleys,  which  are  said  by  some  to  have  numbered 
fifty-three,  and  by  others,  fifty  and  fifty-one.  The  lines  were  so 
close  that  a  trumpet  could  be  heard  from  one  to  the  other,  and  each 

'  Hoveden,  .'iST. 

*  Bened.  (if  Peterboro,  ii.  044 ;  Iloveden,  302. 

'  Hove<leii,  .T.t.'!;  Vinesaiir,  •'UC  ;  IJog.  of  Weml.  ii.  .".7. 


170  MILITARY  HISTORY,    1154-1399.  [1191. 

ship  was  near  enough  to  the  next  on  each  beam  to  communicate  hy 
haihng."  ^ 

It  is  difficult  to  understand  the  objects  of  this  formation,  since  no 
enemy  was  hkely  to  attack  from  the  rear,  and  since,  if  there  were  a 
post  of  danger,  it  was  apparently  the  van,  where  the  princesses 
were ;  nor  is  the  formation  in  accordance  with  the  usual  tactics  of 
the  period. 

On  April  11th,  the  fleet  was  becalmed  off  Etna,  and  was  obliged 
to  anchor ;  but  on  the  following  day.  Good  Friday,  a  breeze  sprang 
up  and  progress  was  made,  though  it  again  fell  calm  in  the  night. 
On  the  13th  a  heavy  gale  from  the  southward  succeeded ;  seamen  as 
well  as  passengers  became  sea-sick  and  terrified,  and  many  of  the 
ships  were  dispersed.  Richard  remained  cool  and  collected,  and 
encouraged  those  about  him  by  his  words  and  his  example.  Towards 
nightfall  the  gale  abated,  and  the  king's  vessel,  which  was  indicated 
by  a  light  at  her  masthead,  brought  to  to  enable  the  scattered  fleet  to 
collect  around  her.  In  the  morning  the  wind  was  fair,  and  the  fleet 
proceeded  for  Crete,  where  it  anchored  on  April  17th;  but  twenty-five 
vessels  had  not  rejoined,  and  among  them  was  the  ship  having  on 
board  the  kmg's  sister  and  his  destined  bride.  Eichard,  nevertheless, 
waited  only  for  a  day,  and  continuing  his  voyage,  was  in  sight  of 
Rhodes  on  the  morning  of  the  19th.  There  the  fleet  lay  to  until  the 
'J2nd,  when  Richard  landed,  and,  being  taken  ill,  was  detained  for 
some  days.  He  utilised  the  enforced  delay  by  sending  galleys  in  all 
directions  to  look  for  his  missing  ships,  but  nothing  was  seen  of  them. 
,  Of  the  dispersed  ships  three  had  been  wrecked  on  the  rocks  of 
Cyprus,  and  nearly  all  on  board,  including  Roger  Malchien,  the 
Vice-Chancellor,  drowned.  The  survivors  were  ill-treated  and 
imprisoned,  their  effects  stolen,  and  their  vessels  destroyed  by  the 
subjects  of  Comnenus,  who  had  proclaimed  himself  independent 
sovereign  of  the  island  in  opposition  to  the  Greek  Empire.  About 
twenty  more  of  the  missing  vessels  did  not  rejoin  mitil  the  second 
week  of  May.  The  ship  having  on  board  the  two  princesses  also 
made  Cyprus,  but  was  more  fortunate.  She  entered  the  Bay  of 
Limasol  about  a  week  earlier,  and  made  inquiries  as  to  whether  the 
king  had  passed ;  but  Sir  Stephen  de  Turnham,  perceiving  four 
galleys  about  to  issue  from  the  port,  and  suspecting  their  intentions, 
weighed  again  promptly,  and  stood  out  to  sea,  lying  to,  however, 
when  he  had  made  an  ofling. 

'  Kich.  uf  Devizes,  46  ;  Vinesauf,  310. 


ll'jl.]  CAPTURE   OF  CYPRUS.  171 

On  May  ()th,  the  king  with  tlie  rest  of  liis  fleet  anived  from 
Rhodes,  and  learnt  from  Sir  Stephen  de  Tm-nhani  of  the  manner  in 
which  the  princesses  had  heen  treated  hy  Comnenus/  and  how  the 
wrecked  crews  had  suffered  at  the  hands  of  his  subjects.  liichard, 
very  indignant,  sent  two  knights  on  shore  to  demand  satisfaction. 
Comnenus  returned  an  offensive  reply,  and  provoked  the  king  to 
make  an  immediate  attack  upon  tlie  town.  Eicliard  himself  was  the 
first  to  land,  and  the  first  to  strike  a  blow."  The  Crusaders  came 
ashore  in  small  craft  from  their  great  ships  and  galleys,^  and  after 
a  very  brief  contest,  Comnenus  fled  to  the  mountains.  On  the  day 
following,  the  fleet,  including  the  ship  of  the  two  princesses,  anchored 
in  the  harbour.  The  English  pressed  their  advantage  so  energetically 
that  on  or  about  May  11th,  Comnenus  sued  for  peace,  appearing  for 
the  purpose  before  Richard,  wiio  was  mounted  on  a  Spanish  charger, 
and  dressed  in  a  tunic  of  rose-coloured  silk,  embroidered  with  golden 
crescents.  Comnenus  undertook  to  do  homage  to  the  king,  to 
resign  all  his  castles,  to  serve  in  the  Holy  War  with  five  hundred 
knights,  to  pay  20,000  marks  of  gold  as  compensation,  to  restore  the 
imprisoned  ci'ew  and  their  effects,  and  to  hand  over  his  daughter  as 
a  hostage.  But  he  had  scarcely  concluded  the  treaty  ere  he  broke 
it,  and  fled  to  the  interior. 

In  the  meantime  Guy  de  Lusignan,  King  of  Jerusalem,  the 
Prince  of  Antioch,  and  others,  had  arrived  to  offer  their  services  to 
Richard,  and  to  swear  fealty  to  him.  The  king  put  his  army  under 
the  command  of  the  Prince  of  Antioch,  ordered  him  to  pursue 
Comnenus,  and  divided  the  galleys  into  two  squadrons.  One  he  led 
himself,  and  the  other  he  entrusted  to  Sir  Stephen  de  Turnham,  and 
the  two,  starting  in  different  directions,  swept  the  coasts  of  the 
island,  and  captured  or  destroyed  every  craft  they  encountered.  By 
these  methods,  Comnenus  was  again  induced  to  sue  for  peace ;  but 
Richard  would  trust  him  no  longer.  He  ordered  him  to  be  thrown 
into  chains  of  silver,  and  confined  in  a  castle  in  Palestine. 

Richard's  celerity  in  dealing  with  and  capturing  Comnenus  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  although  the  search  for  that  prince  appears 
not  to  have  begun  until  the  11th,  the  king  was  back  in  Limasol, 
and  was  indeed  married  there,  on  the  12th  of  May."*     On  or  about 

'  Hovedcn,  393,  saj-B  that  lie  liad  refused  to  allow  the  inhu'esses  to  enter  the  ]iort. 

-  Hich.  of  Devizes,  \\  ^^^• 

■'  Hoveden,  393. 

■*  Ih.,  394.     But  the  search  may  possilily  have  liegvm  earlier. 


172  MILITARY  HISTORY,    ll.H-1399.  [1191. 

the  25tb,  Queen  Berengaria,  and  Joan,  Queen  Dowager  of  Sicily, 
accompanied  b}'  the  daughter  of  Comnenus,  sailed  from  Cyprus, 
convoyed  by  aU  the  busses  and  large  ships,  and  arrived  at  the  camp 
before  Acre  on  June  1st;'  but  Richard,  with  the  galleys,  remained 
ten  days  longer,  to  make  arrangements  for  the  government  of  the 
new  foreign  possession  of  England,  which  he  entrusted  to  the 
administration  jointly  of  Eichard  de  Camville  and  Stephen  de  Tmn- 
bam.  On  AVednesday,  June  5tb,  be  sailed,  his  force  of  galleys 
increased,  by  captures  and  other-«-ise,  to  one  hundred,  of  which  sixty 
were  "  of  great  excellence." 

He  steered  for  Acre,  but  before  arriving  there,  fought  the  first 
sea-fight  in  which  any  king  of  England  had  commanded  since  the 
days  of  the  Conquest.  The  account  of  this,  chiefly  compiled  from 
Vinesauf,  is  here  given,  with  but  little  alteration,  as  it  is  given  by 
Nicolas : — - 

Ploughing  their  way  across  the  seas,  they  made  the  coast  of 
S>Tna,  close  to  the  castle  of  Margat,  on  June  6tb,  and  then  shaped 
their  course  along  the  land  for  Acre.  On  the  7th,  when  near  Beirut, 
an  immense  ship  was  discovered  ahead.  The  vessel,  which  was  the 
largest  the  English  had  ever  seen,  excited  their  wonder  and  admira- 
tion. Some  chroniclers^  call  her  a  ch-omon,  and  others  a  buss,  while 
one  of  them  exclaims,  "  A  marvellous  ship !  a  ship  than  which, 
except  Noah's  ark,  none  greater  was  ever  read  of ! '"  He  also 
calls  her  "  the  queen  of  ships."  ^  This  vessel  was  very  stoutly  built, 
with  three  tall,  tapering  masts,  and  her  sides  were  painted,  in 
.some  places  green,  and  in  others  yellow,  so  elegantly  that  nothing 
could  exceed  her  beauty.  She  was  full  of  men  to  the  number 
of  fifteen  hundred,  and  among  them  were  seven  emirs  and  eighty 
picked  Turks  for  the  defence  of  Acre.  She  was  laden  with  bows, 
arrows,  and  other  weapons,  an  abundance  of  Gi'eek  fire  in  jars,  and 
"  two  hundred  most  deadly  serpents,  prepared  for  the  destruction 
of  Christians."' 

Richard  ordered  a  galley,  commanded  by  Peter  de  Barns,  to 
approach  and  examine  the  stranger,  and  was  told  that  the  vessel 
reported  herself  to  be  bound  from  Antioch  to  the  siege  of  Acre, 
and  to  belong  to  the  King  of  France,  but  that  the  crew  could  not 
.speak  French,  nor  show  a  French  or  other  Christian  flag.'^     Being 

'  Hoveden,  394;  Vinesauf,  .328.  -  Xicolas,  i.  119. 

"  E.t!.  Matt.  Paris.  *  Rich,  of  Devizes,  49. 

•''  Yet  Bromton,  1200,  and  Hoveden,  .394,  say  that  tlie  vessel  flew  Fieneji  flags. 


1191.]  ACTION    WITH  A    TURKISH  DROMON.  173 

again  interrogated,  the  enemy  varied  his  tale,  and  pretended  to  be  a 
Genoese  bound  for  Tyre.  In  the  meanwhile,  an  English  galley-man 
had  recognised  the  ship  as  having  been  fitted  out  in  Beirut  while  he 
was  in  that  port,  and  in  reply  to  the  king's  question  he  said,  "  I  will 
give  my  head.to  be  cut  off,  or  myself  to  be  hanged,  if  I  do  not  prove 
that  this  is  a  Saracen  ship.  Let  a  galley  be  sent  after  her,  and  give 
her  no  salutation ;  her  intention  and  trustworthiness  will  then  be 
discovered."  He  meant,  no  doubt,  "If  you  make  for  her  as  if  with 
the  intention  of  attacking,  you  will  discover  her  nature."  The 
suggestion  was  adopted.  As  soon  as  the  galley  went  alongside  the 
shij3,  the  Saracens  threw  arrows  and  Greek  fire  into  the  Englishman. 
Richard  at  once  ordered  the  foe  to  be  attacked,  crying,  "  Follow  and 
take  them,  for  if  they  escape,  ye  lose  my  love  for  ever,  and  if  ye 
capture  them,  all  their  goods  shall  be  yours."  Himself  foremost  in 
the  fight,  he  collected  his  galleys  around  the  royal  vessel,  and 
animated  everyone  by  his  characteristic  valour. 

Showers  of  missiles  flew  on  both  sides,  and  the  Turkish  ship 
slackened  her  way  ;  but  although  the  galleys  rowed  round  her  in  all 
directions,  her  great  height  and  the  number  of  her  crew,  whose 
arrows  fell  with  deadly  effect  from  her  decks,  rendered  it  extremely 
diihcult  to  board  her.  The  English  consequently  became  dis- 
couraged, if  not  intimidated  ;  but  the  king  cried  out,  "  Will  ye  now 
suffer  that  ship  to  get  off  untouched  and  iminjured  ?  Oh  shame ! 
After  so  many  triumphs,  do  ye  now  give  way  to  sloth  and  fear? 
Know  that  if  this  ship  escape  everyone  of  you  shall  be  hmig  on  the 
cross,  or  put  to  extreme  torture."  Impelled  by  this  threat,  the 
English  galley-men  jumped  overboard,  and  diving  under  the  enemy's 
vessel,  fastened  ropes  to  her  rudder,  so  that  they  could  steer  her  as 
they  pleased,  and  then,  laying  hold  of  ropes  and  swanning  up  her 
sides,  they  succeeded  in  boarding  her. 

A  desperate  conflict  followed,  and  the  Turks  were  forced  forward, 
but  being  joined  by  their  comrades  from  below,  they  rallied,  and 
drove  their  assailants  back  to  the  galleys.  The  resource  of  ramming 
alone  remained.  The  galleys  were  drawn  off'  a  little  and  formed 
into  line.  Then  with  all  the  force  of  their  oars,  they  charged  down 
upon  the  Turk,  stove  in  her  sides  in  many  places,  and  damaged  her 
so  severely  that  she  quickly  foundered.  Of  her  crew  only  thirty-five 
(Peter  of  Langtoft  says  forty-six)  were  saved,  and  even  these  would 
probably  have  shared  the  fate  of  the  rest  had  not  the  victors 
considered  that  they  might  be  useful  in  the  construction  of  engines 


174  MILITARY  EISTOBY,   1154-1399.  [1194. 

to  be  employed  agaiust  Acre.  "If,"  concludes  Vinesauf,  "this 
vessel  had  succeeded  in  making  her  way  to  the  succour  of  Acre,  the 
place  would  have  never  been  taken  by  the  Christians."  Most  of 
the  dromon's  cargo  seems  to  have  gone  down  with  her,  but  what 
was  saved  was  given  to  the  galley-men.^  , 

There  is,  of  course,  nothing  particularly  creditable  to  the  arms  of 
Eichard  in  the  record  of  this  action.  The  Turks  fought  with  the 
utmost  gallantry,  and  were  overpowered  only  by  the  weight  of 
superior  numbers,  while  it  would  appear  that  but  for  Eichard's 
threat  that  if  the  dromon  got  away  his  men  should  be  crucified,  the 
Enghsh,  at  one  period  of  the  contest,  would  have  been  very  glad  to 
let  her  depart  in  peace.  It  is  not  said  that  she  ever  surrendered, 
and  even  if  she  did  not  go  down,  so  to  speak,  w-ith  her  colours  flying, 
she  deserves,  although  her  name  has  iinfortunately  not  been  pre- 
served, to  rank  with  our  "  little  Revenge," "  and  the  United  States 
ship  Cumberland,^  among  the  best-fought  craft  in  the  history  of 
naval  warfare. 

Eichard  reached  the  camp  before  Acre  on  Saturday,  June  10th, 
and  on  July  l'2th  the  town  surrendered.  After  a  year  and  two 
months'  further  service  in  Palestine,  where  the  fleet,  though  useful, 
had  little  or  no  fighting  to  do,  the  king  decided  to  return  to  England. 
His  buss,  however,  was  so  delayed  by  contrary  winds,  that  he 
disguised  himself  and  paid  the  master  of  a  neutral  galley  to  land  him 
and  his  suite  on  the  Dalmatian  coast.''  On  his  overland  journey 
homeward,  he  was,  on  December  20th,  1192,  arrested  by  order  of 
Leopold,  Dvrke  of  Austria,  and  held  prisoner  for  about  seventeen 
months.  MTieu  at  length  the  terms  for  his  release  had  been  settled, 
he  proceeded  to  Antwerp,  and  in  March,  1194,  embarked  in  a  galley 
which,  with  other  vessels  under  the  command  of  Alan  Trenchmer, 
he  had  ordered  to  meet  him  there.  He  seems  to  have  travelled  in 
this  galley  by  day,  but  to  have  slept  every  night  in  a  large  ship 
belonging  to  Eye.  Not  until  the  sixth  day  did  he  reach  the 
roadstead  opposite  Gadzaud,  and  there  he  was  detained  for  five  days 
longer ;  but  on  Sunday,  March  13th,  1194,  he  once  more  landed  in 
England.^ 

1  Hoveden,  394;  Vinesauf,  328;  Bromton,  1200,  1201. 
^   Vide  infra.     Aiigust  31st,  1591. 
'  Hampton  Roads,  March  8th,  1861. 

*  Hoveden,  408,  409;  Coggleshall,  830.  But  a  different  account  is  given  by 
Bromton,  1250. 

^  Hcjveden,  418 ;  Bromton,  1257. 


UOl.]  DEATH   OF  ItlCllAUD   I.  175 

Philip  Augustus,  who,  lonj,'  bel'oie,  h;ul  retiu-ned  from  the  East, 
had  chosen  to  forget  the  undertaking  which  he  had  concluded  with 
Richard  before  setting  out,  and  which  he  had  confirmed  in  Palestine, 
and  had  attacked  Normandy  during  llichaid's  absence. 

The  King  of  England  took  advantage  of  his  restoration  to  liberty 
to  immediately  resent  this  breach  of  faith.  By  the  third  week  of 
April,  1194,  he  had  assembled  a  large  army,  and  a  fleet  of  one 
hundred  sail  at  Portsmouth ;  but,  the  wind  being  contrary  and 
the  weather  foul,  he  was  delayed  for  several  days.  On  May  '2nd, 
although  the  circumstances  were  still  adverse,  his  impetuosity 
induced  him  to  order  the  troops  and  horses  to  embark,  and  to 
himself  put  to  sea  in  a  "  long  ship,"  in  spite  of  all  remonstrances. 
Happily,  the  fleet  did  not  sail  with  him.  Had  it  made  the  attempt, 
it  is  probable  that  part  of  it  would  have  been  lost,  for  Richard  was 
obliged  to  take  shelter  in  the  Isle  of  Wight,  and  to  return  thence  to 
Portsmouth.  On  INIay  12th,  however,  the  weather  being  favourable, 
he  embarked  again,  and  crossed  with  all  his  force  to  Barfleur.^  He 
never  returned  to  England  ;  for  although,  after  a  five  years'  war,  in 
which  the  navy  did  not  participate,  he  concluded  a  triice  with  the 
French,  he  prolonged  his  stay  on  the  continent  in  order  to  settle  a 
petty  quarrel  with  one  of  his  nobles,  and  in  the  course  of  this 
he  fell.- 

John  became  king  l)y  the  will  of  his  brother  Richard,  and  by  the 
wish  of  the  people  of  England,  rather  than  by  hereditary  right ;  for, 
though  Richard  left  no  legitimate  issue,  there  was  a  nearer  heir  in 
the  person  of  Geoffrey  Plantagenet  (son  of  Henry  II.),  by  Constance, 
Duchess  of  Brittany.  The  cause  of  his  son  Arthur  was  espoused, 
feebly  and  half-heartedly  by  Philip  Augustus,  and  more  generously 
by  the  nobles  of  Anjoi;,  Maine  and  Touraine,  so  that  John's 
accession  involved  the  almost  immediate  breaking  of  the  truce  witli 
France,  and  the  renewal  of  the  war. 

John,  who  was  at  Beaufort,  in  Anjou,  at  the  time  of  his  brother's 
death,  crossed  to  England  before  the  truce  was  actually  broken,  and, 
landing  at  Shoreham  on  May  2.5th,  1199,  was  crowaied  at  West- 
minster on  the  27th.  In  June,  having  raised  an  army  and  assembled 
a  fleet  to  transport  it,  he  re-embarked  ^  at  Shoreham  for  Normandy, 

'  Hoveden,  421 ;  Broiuton,  1250. 

^  The  evidence  as  to  the  place  uf  his  death,  etc.,  is  collected  in  Palgi-ave's  preface 
to  tlie  'Rdtuli  Curia'  Ilecis.' 

^  Bromton  says  on  July  13th. 


176  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1154-1399.  [1202. 

and  landed  witliout  incident  at  Dieppe.  On  February  27th,  1200, 
he  returned  to  England,  landing  at  Portsmouth  from  Barfleur,  but 
recrossed  the  Channel  from  Portsmouth  on  April  28th,  and  reached 
Valognes  on  May  Ist.^  By  this  time  Philip's  championship  of 
Prince  Arthur  had  weakened  ;  and  later  in  the  month  peace  was 
concluded  between  France  and  England,  Arthur  being  obliged 
to  do  homage  to  John  for  Brittany.  The  arrangement  was  not 
a  durable  one,  and  eventually  Arthur  was  captured  by  John,  and 
imprisoned  until  his  death,  the  circumstances  of  which  remain  in 
obscurity. 

In  the  meantime  the  king  had  created  trouble  for  himself  both 
in  England  and  in  France  by  divorcing  his  wife,  Hadwisa  of 
Gloucester,  on  the  ground  of  consanguinity,  and  by  marrying 
Isabella  of  Augouleme,  in  defiance  of  the  fact  that  she  was  betrothed 
to  Hugh  de  Lusignan,  Count  of  La  Marche.  These  steps,  and 
John's  refusal  to  submit  the  question  of  Arthm-'s  death  to  the 
inquisition  of  the  j)eers  of  France,  cost  him  the  lands  which  he 
held  of  Philip  by  homage.  Normandy  was  conquered  by  the 
French  without  much  difficulty,  and  Anjou  and  Maine  were  also 
annexed ;  but,  though  John  was  very  apathetic  in  defending  his 
continental  dominions,  a  few  naval  episodes  of  this  period  demand 
notice. 

In  July,  1202,  the  king  informed  the  barons  of  the  Cinque  Ports 
that  he  believed  the  King  of  France  to  be  preparing  vessels  to 
convey  provisions  by  sea  to  the  French  army  at  Arques ;  and 
ordered  them  so  to  guard  the  sea  that  no  provisions  could  be  so 
sent.  If  the  barons  fell  in  with  two  of  the  king's  galleys,  which 
were  then  at  sea,  they  were  to  speak  them,  for  the  commanders  of 
the  galleys  would  do  anything  that  was  expedient  for  maintaining 
the  honour  of  the  King  of  England.  After  the  relief  of  Mirabeau, 
where  Eleanor,  the  Queen  Dowager,  had  been  beseiged  by  her 
grandson  Arthur,  the  bailiffs  of  Barfleur  and  Estreham  were,  on 
August  13th,  1202,  ordered"  to  find  "good  and  secure  ships"  to 
convey  to  England  some  of  the  prisoners,  who  included  Arthur's 
sister  Eleanor,  known  as  "  the  Beauty  of  Brittany,"  Hugh  de 
Lusignan,  and  two  hundred  knights,  twenty-two  of  whom  were  sub- 
sequently starved  to  death  in  Corfe  Castle.^     And,  on  December  fltli, 

'  Hardy,  Pref.  to  Pat.  Rolls,  45  ;  Hovedeu,  45G  ;  :Matt.  Paris,  139. 

2  Norni.  Rolls,  60. 

^  Manly,  Pref.  to  Fat.  II. ills. 


l-ido.]  PllKl'AUAriONS   AOAiysT  FRANCE.  177 

1-203,  John,  liaviiig  lost  his  hinds,  hinisolf  embarked  at  Barfleur  for 
Enghxnd,  arriving  at  Portsmouth  two  days  hiter/ 

The  king  had  been  remiss  in  his  eli'orts  to  defend  his  possessions 
in  France.  It  cannot  be  said  that  he  was  remiss  in  his  efforts  to 
regain  them,  ahhough  it  is  true  that,  first  liis  differences  with  the 
Papacy,  and  then  his  domestic  difficulties,  prevented  him  from 
achieving  success. 

Towards  the  end  of  1204  he  began  great  preparations  by  sea 
and  land.  At  the  beginning  of  October,  when  knights  and  money 
were  about  to  be  sent  to  La  Kochelle,  the  sheritf  of  ])evonshire 
was  ordered  to  send  to  Dartmouth  three  of  the  best  ships  that 
could  be  procured  to  defend  them  on  their  passage."  At  the  same 
time,  the  wages  of  the  seamen  of  the  ships  conveying  some 
of  the  king's  knights  and  servants  to  Poitou  were  paid.''  And 
on  December  4th  John  invited  Hilary  de  Wateville  and  his 
companions  to  enter  his  service,  with  their  galleys  and  as  many 
followers  as  they  could  bring,  promising  them  an  honourable 
reception,  and  such  terms  as  might  be  agreed  upon  with  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury.'' 

To  secure  shipping  for  his  object,  John,  early  in  February, 
1205,  issued  an  order  forbidding  the  bailiffs  of  the  ports  to  pennit 
any  ship,  vessel,  or  boat  to  depart  without  the  king's  special  license,'* 
but  that  these  directions  did  not  apply  to  vessels  belonging  to  neutral 
Powers  is  shown  by  a  further  order  of  May  13th  in  the  same  year, 
whereby  the  king's  galley -men  at  Sandwich,  who  had  detained  two 
ships,  the  property  of  the  King  of  Scotland,  were  enjoined  to  release 
the  captm-es.'^ 

By  the  beginning  of  June,  a  large  army  and  fleet  were  assembled 
at  Portsmouth.  The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  Earl  cf 
Pembroke,  and  others  prophesied  ill  of  the  projected  expedition, 
probably  because  they  knew  better  than  the  king  the  true  temper  of 
the  nobles  upon  whom  he  mainly  depended  ;  but  John  did  not 
listen  to  the  warnings,  and  on  June  18th  put  to  sea  with  a  few 
followers.     But,  perhaps  because   he  found  he  was  not  followed,  ho 

'  Another  naval  episode  of  1203,  probalily  nnconuecteil  with  the  war,  was  llie 
following : — Karly  in  the  j-ear  two  galley.^  belonging  to  William  de  Biaose,  and  com- 
manded by  John  de  Bucy,  captured  a  .ship  of  Orford  laden  with  wine,  and  the  wine 
was  sent  to  the  king.  As  the  ship  did  not  belong  to  tlie  enemy,  she  may  have  been 
condemned  for  smuggling,  or  for  some  other  irregularity.  — Patent  Kolls,  'JH. 

■'  Close  Itolls,  10.  »  //-.,  12.  *  Tat.  llolls,  W. 

''  lh,m.  .  '  ('lose  HolLs,  33. 

VOL.    I.  N 


178  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1154-1399.  [1206. 

proceeded  to  Studland,  in  Dorsetshire/  instead  of  to  Normandy,  and, 
after  visiting  Dartmoiith  and  Dorchester,  abandoned  for  the  moment 
his  purpose.  There  can  be  Httle  doubt  that  the  lukewarmness  of 
the  nation  was  the  cause  of  the  change  of  plan,  for,  soon  after  his 
return,  John  levied  large  sums  of  money  from  the  earls,  barons, 
knights,  and  ecclesiastics  who,  he  alleged,  had  refused  to  accom- 
pany him. 

In  the  meantime  the  war  was  being  prosecuted  at  sea,  although 
few  particulars  of  its  progress  have  been  preserved;  for  it  is  on 
repord  that  some  sailors  of  Normandy,  who,  under  Peter  de  Auxe, 
had  captured  one  of  the  enemy's  galleys,  and  apparently  retaken  an 
English  ship,  Avere,  in  August,  1206,  thanked  by  the  king  for  their 
services,  and  directed  to  deliver  galley,  ship,  stores,  and  prisoners 
to  John  de  Kernes.^ 

It  was  in  the  same  year  that  the  celebrated  adventurer,  Eustace 
the  Monk,^  a  thirteenth-century  prototype  of  the  far  more  famous 
Paul  Jones,  began  to  affect  the  course  of  English  naval  history. 
He  was  then  in  the  service  of  John,  and  he  made  some  kind  of 
capture  at  sea ;  for,  on  November  13th,  1205,  the  bailiffs  of  Sand- 
wich were  directed  to  deliver  to  the  Archdeacon  of  Taunton  the 
money  which  Eustace  the  Monk  and  the  men  of  justice  had 
arrested.  In  the  following  year  Eustace  seems  to  have  made  'an 
illegal  prize,  for  all  the  port  bailiffs  were  directed  that,  if  the  Monk 
did  not  restore  the  captured  ship  of  WilHam  le  Petit  to  her  owner, 
they  were  to  assist  the  said  Petit  in  recovering  her,  wheresoever 
she  might  be  found. 

The  king's  preparations  against  France  produced  more  tangible 
results  in  1206.  John  assembled  his  fleet  and  army  anew,  and,  on 
June  (3th  or  7th,  embarked  at  Yarmouth,  Isle  of  Wight,  and  landed 

'  Kog.  ol'  Wend.  iii.  182,  .iiul  Matt.  Paris,  14:8,  gives  an  erroneous  date  wliicli  is 
convincingly  corrected  in  Hardy's  'Itinerary  of  K.  John.' 

-  Close  Rolls,  47b. 

*  Eustace  the  Monk  (Eustache  le  Moine),  who  is  the  hero  of  au  old  French 
romance  (ed.  Michell),  is  there  said  to  have  been  born  at  Cors,  near  Boulogne,  and  to 
have  become  a  monk  at  the  neighbouring  town  of  Samer.  Matthew  Paris,  however, 
calls,  him  a  Elamand.  He  seems  to  have  quitted  the  cloister  upon  inheriting  property. 
Two  or  more  of  his  brothers,  and  an  uncle,  were  adventurers  like  himself.  He 
probably  entered  King  .John's  service  about  1205 ;  but  he  was  soon  afterwards  out- 
lawed. By  June,  1209,  he  was  again  in  the  king's  favour,  and  soon  after  he  held 
lands  in  Norfolk,  and  was  a  personage  of  importance.  His  descent  on  Folkestone, 
mentioned  elsewhere,  was  one  of  the  first-fruits  of  his  transfer  of  allegiance  to  the 
rebellious  barons  and  to  Prince  Louis  of  France.  His  defeat  at  sea  by  Hubert  de 
Burgh  in  1217,  and  his  consequent  death,  will  be  described  in  duo  course. 


1210.]  EXPEDITION   TO   IRELAND.  179 

at  La  Eochelle  on  the  8th.  Soon  after  his  arrival,  he  ordered  one 
thousand  silver  marks,  and  all  the  money  (£'2088  lO.s.),  taken  in  a 
cog  which  ought  to  have  gone  to  Nhnes,  to  be  sent  to  Anjou  Tor 
the  payment  of  the  laiights  and  soldiers,  and  of  fifty  ships  and 
galleys.  The  king  reduced  to  obedience  part  of  his  former  provinces, 
but  unwisely  interrupted  the  course  of  his  successes  by  granting  to 
Philip  a  truce  for  two  years,  and  returned  to  Portsmouth  on 
December  12th.  Whether  he  distrusted  Philip  or  feared  the 
pirates  of  the  Narrow  Seas  does  not  appear ;  but  in  July,  1207, 
when  the  Sheriff  of  Devon  was  ordered  to  find  a  good  and  safe 
ship,  at  as  small  a  cost  as  possible,  to  convey  the  king's  money  to 
Poitou,  he  was  also  directed  to  see  that  no  vessel  sailed  before  the 
treasure-ship,  lest  perchance  news  might  get  abroad  that  the  money 
was  going  over.^ 

John's  next  naval  expedition  was  one  to  Ireland,  in  1210.  He 
embarked  with  his  army  at  Pembroke  about  the  middle  of  June, 
and  landed,  on  the  19th  or  20th,  at  Crook,  near  Waterford,  where 
Henry  II.  had  disembarked  thirty-nine  years  earlier.  The  fleet 
employed  on  the  occasion  was  a  very  lai-ge  one,  yet  its  only 
duties  seem  to  have  been  those  of  transportation ;  and  John,  after 
a  brief  and  successful  campaign  on  shore,  returned  to  England 
on  August  24th  following."  "While  he  was  in  Ireland,  six 
galleys,  under  Geoffrey  de  Lucy,  were  searching  for  pirates  in  the 
Narrow  Seas.^ 

In  the  meantime  the  truce  with  France  had  lapsed  ;  and  in  May^ 
1212,  Geoftey  de  Lucy,  and  others  of  the  king's  officers,  knights 
and  mariners,  were  ordered  to  detain  all  ships  coming  from  Poitou, 
and  to  send  them  with  their  cargoes  to  England.*  It  would  also 
seem,  although  the  details,  as  given  by  the  chronicler,  are  not  in 
all  respects  borne  out  by  the  records,  that  in  1212  an  Enghsh  force 
captured  many  ships  and  burnt  others  at  the  moiath  of  the  Seine,- 
and,  having  seized  some  vessels  at  Fecamp,  and  attacked  and' 
burnt  Dieppe,  returning  victorious  to  Winchelsea.^  Nor  did  John 
confine  his  attention  solely  to  his  enemies  in  the  south.  The  Welsh 
had  been  guilty  of  aggressions ;  and  the  king  entered  their  country,  ■ 
ordering  Geoffrey  de  Lucy,  on  August  17th,  to  send  eighteen  galleys 


'  Close  HoUs,  8!t.  -  M:itt.  Paris,  160. 

='  r.utuli  de  IVa'stitn,  xii.  .John,  IT'J.  *  Close  Rolls,  117. 

■''  Diinstaple  Cliron.  i.  0!t,  confirmed  to  some  extent  by  Close  liolls,  117,  118. 

N   2 


180  MILITARY  insrOBY,   1154-1390.  [1212. 

to  the  coasts  of  Llewellyn's  territories  to  co-operate  with  the  armj' 
by  destroying  the  Welsh  prince's  vessels,  and  harassing  the  foe  in 
every  possible  manner ;  and  to  dispatch  two  other  galleys,  with 
stores  for  John,  to  Bristol.'  Three  months  later,  the  available 
strength  of  the  fleet  was  reinforced  by  means  of  a  general  arrest 
of  shipping. - 

This  last-mentioned  measm-e  was  no  doubt  taken  in  anticipation 
of  a  threatened  French  invasion.  In  consequence  of  his  attitude 
towards  Rome,  John  had  driven  the  Papacy  to  employ  all  its  terrors 
against  him.  His  kingdom  had  been  laid  under  an  interdict  in 
1208,  and  he  had  retaliated  by  confiscating  the  goods  of  the  clergy, 
and  had  so  drawn  upon  himself  the  further  penalty  of  personal 
excommunication.  But  he  still  remained  intractable,  and  the 
Holy  See  now  decided  to  use  physical  as  well  as  spiritual  force. 
It  deposed  John,  and  confided  the  execution  of  its  decree  to 
I'hilip  Augustus,  in  particular,  and  to  all  Chi'istian  princes,  in 
general. 

Philip,  far  from  being  loath,  was  only  too  willing  to  undertake 
the  mission.  Even  when  John,  by  an  unnecessarily  abject  sub- 
mission to  the  Pope,  had  secured  the  countenance  instead  of  the 
frown  of  Innocent  III.,  and  had  obtained  the  revocation  of  the  Bull 
of  Deposition,  Philip  remained  eager  for  the  conquest.  He  had  a 
large  fleet  in  the  mouth  of  the  Seine,  and  a  large  army  at  Eouen ; 
and,  with  the  weapons  in  his  hands,  he  w^as  not  disposed  to  lay 
them  aside  without  using  them,  although  John  had  sixty  thousand 
men  encamped  upon  Barnham  Down,  and  the  strongest  fleet  that 
had  ever  been  collected  from  the  ports  of  England.  But  it  happened 
tliat  the  Count  of  Flanders,  who  before  had  been  Philip's  ally,  did 
not  share  Philip's  eagerness,  and  declined,  since  John  had  made  liis 
peace  with  the  Pope,  to  have  anything  further  to  do  with  the 
invasion  of  England.  Philip  replied  by  entering  Flanders  with  his 
army,  and  by  ordering  his  fleet,  which  had  been  collected  in  the 
Seine,  to  proceed  to  Damme,  now  an  inland  village  five  or  six  miles 
north-east  of  Bruges,  but  then  a  seaport  with  a  very  spacious 
harbour.  It  is  said  that  the  French  vessels  numbered  seventeen 
liundred  ;  and  that  in  consequence  of  the  size  of  the  fleet,  part  of 
it  had  to  anchor  outside  the  port.'' 

Ferdinand,  who  was  then  Count  of  Flanders,  naturally  appealed 

1  Close  Rolls,  121,  122.  ''  IK  127. 

'  Itigonl,  '  De  Gest.  P.  Aug.,"  212. 


1213.]  SALJSBUliY'S    VICTORY   OFF  DAMME.  LSI 

to  John  for  lielp  ;  and  John,  wlio  was  f^lacl  enough  of  the  opportunity 
to  deal  a  blow  against  an  armament  which  might  be  next  directed 
against  himself,  dispatched  the  Earl  of  Salisbury,'  the  Duke  of 
Holland,  and  the  Count  of  Boulogne,  with  five  hundred  sail,  and 
seven  hundred  knights,  to  the  coast  of  Flanders.'^ 

Salisbury  came  upon  the  French  fleet  at  a  moment  when  most 
of  the  crews  of  the  ships  had  landed  and  gone  inland  for  the  sake 
of  plunder.  He  instantly  attacked  ;  ^  and  three  hundred  vessels 
laden  with  corn,  wine  and  arms  fell  into  his  hands,  wliiU;  about  a 
hundred  more  were  burnt,  not,  however,  until  part  of  their  cargoes 
had  been  removed  by  the  victors.  The  English  success  ultimately 
induced  Philip  to  burn  the  remainder  of  his  vessels,  and  to  evacuate 
Flanders ;  but  ere  the  French  departed,  they  inflicted  a  serious 
blow  upon  their  assailants  ;  for  Salisbury  was  ill-advised  enough 
to  land  in  pursuit  of  the  fugitives  from  the  fleet,  and  Philip,  wdio 
had  been  besieging  Ghent,  returned  to  the  coast  with  a  large  force, 
and,  meeting  the  EngHsh,  defeated  them  with  a  loss  of  nearly  two 
thousand  in  slain  and  drowned.  He  also  took  many  prisoners  ;  and 
fortunate  were  those  who  got  back  to  their  ships.'' 

This  battle  off  Damme,  which  seems  to  have  been  fought  in 
April  or  May,  1213,  is  important  for  several  reasons,'  although  it 
cannot  be  said  of  it  that  it  was  an  action  which  greatly  redounded 
to  the  credit  of  the  English  arms,  seeing  that  the  French  were 
admittedly  taken  by  surprise,  and  that  in  all  probability  they  were 
largely  outnumbered.  It  is  noteworthy  rather  as  the  first  of  the 
very  long  series  of  general  actions  fought  between  English  and 
French  ;  and,  more  especially,  as  a  good  early  illustration  of  the 
influence  of  sea-power,  and  of  the  laws  which  govern  warlike 
operations  in  sea-washed  countries. 

Philip  committed  the  error  of  attempting  a  naval  expedition, 
designed   for    the   ravaging   or    occupation    of    territory,    whilst   a 

'  William  LongespL'e,  Earl  of  Salisbviry,  was  a  natural  sun  of  Henry  II.  by 
Kosanioud  Clifford.  lie  acquired  the  earldom  by  his  marriage  with  Ella,  daughter  and 
heiress  of  William  d'Evreux,  Earl  of  Salisbury.  After  the  battle  off  Damme,  he  was 
taken  prisoner  at  Bouvincs.  He  subsequently  joined  the  barons  against  John,  Init,  i  n 
the  accession  of  Henry  III.,  did  homage  to  him.  In  1224  he  conunanded  in  I'oitou, 
and,  returning,  died  in  March,  1226. 

-  The  expedition  seems  to  have  been  ordered  to  Dauanu  before  it  was  known  th:U 
the  French  fleet  lay  there. 

'  Kigord  (212)  says  that  the  English  used  their  boats  for  this  purpose  :  so  that  tf'e 
att'air  may  be  regarded  as  an  early  cutting-out  ex]ieilition. 

*  Kog.  of  Wend.,  257  ;  Matt.  I'aris,  Hio,  li;fi. 


182  MILITARY  EISTOBY,   H54-130'.i.  [1214. 

formidable  and  undefeated  fleet,  belonging  to  an  enemy,  was 
"potential"'^  in  the  same  waters.  Knowing,  as  lie  certainly  did, 
of  the  hostility  of  John,  he  should  not  have  essayed  the  naval 
expedition  to  Damme  without  having  first  defeated  or  shut  up  in 
port  the  fleet  commanded  by  the  Earl  of  Salisbury.  The  omission 
cost  him  not  only  the  ships  which  were  taken  or  destroyed  by  his 
enemy,  but  also  the  ships  which,  when  he  realised  that  the  success 
of  the  English  had  given  them  command  of  the  sea,  and  had 
■enabled  them  to  blockade  Damme,  he  destroyed  himself.  Nay 
more  :  it  cost  him  the  evacuation  of  the  country  by  his  army. 
Most  of  his  sea-borne  supplies  had  been  taken  or  burnt ;  he  could 
hope  for  no  further  supplies  by  water ;  and  the  English,  free  to 
act  from  the  sea  upon  his  left  flank,  threatened  his  communications 
even  on  land.  Yet,  plain  though  the  lessons  now  look,  the  French 
had  apparently  not  learnt  them  when,  nearly  six  hundred  years 
later.  Nelson  took  the  place  of  Salisbury,  and  Aboukir  Bay  did 
duty  for  Damme. 

John  was  desirous  of  pushing  his  advantage,  and  proposed  to 
embark  for  Poitou  with  a  large  army ;  but  his  barons  and  knights 
pleaded  lack  of  money ;  and  although  the  king  started,  attended 
only  by  his  personal  followers,  in  August,  he  thought  better  of  the 
project,  and  went  no  farther  than  Jersey,  whence,  finding  himself 
still  almost  entirely  unsupported,  he  returned  presently  to  England." 
He  did  not,  however,  cease  his  efforts  to  collect  an  adequate  force. 
In  November,  the  Archdeacon  of  Taunton  was  directed  to  prepare 
for  sea  all  the  king's  galleys  then  in  his  charge.^  A  few  weeks 
afterwards  they  were  sent  to  Portsmouth  ;  ■*  and,  about  February  9th, 
1214,  John,  having  appointed  the  Bishop  of  Winchester  Justiciary 
of  England,  sailed  from  the  Isle  of  Wight,  accompanied  by  the 
queen  and  by  his  bastard  son  Eichard,  and,  w^ith  a  large  army, 
landed  at  La  Eochelle  before  the  1.5th  of  the  month. ^  But  the 
expedition  was  unfortunate.  The  king  gained,  at  first,  a  few  small 
successes.  Later,  he  lost  everything  that  he  had  previously  gained, 
and  his  allies,  the  Emperor  Otho  and  the  Count  of  Flanders,  being 
crushingly  defeated  at  Bouvines,  near  Lille,  he  deemed  it  wise  to 
secure  the  mediation  of  the  Papal  Legate  for  the  conclusion  of  a 

'  Or,  as  some  niudern  writers  wuiild  express  it,  "  in  being."     But  that  tei'iu  is  not 
6,  satisfactory  one. 

2  Rog.  of  Wendover,  \\  261 ;  Matt.  Paris,  166. 

»  Close  Rolls,  155.  <  IK,  156.  ■'  Matt.  I'aris,  172:  Cos^eshall,  873. 


121-).]  DE   JloVEb'b   DIHAtiTEli.  183 

five  years'  truce.  He  returned  to  England  on  October  -ind,  and  \vas 
at  Dartmouth  on  the  loth.'  This  was  the  last  of  his  continental 
undertakings  ;  and  withal  it  was  the  most  disastrous. 

When  the  harons  rebelled  against  his  tj'rannical  exercise  of 
authority,  John  lost  the  services  of  Eustace  the  Monk,  wiio  joined 
Prince  Louis  of  France,  the  ally,  and  later  the  champion  and  head, 
of  the  insurrection.  Philip  Augustus  did  not  observe  the  truce, 
and  seems  to  have  countenanced  the  fitting  out  of  an  expedition 
which,  imder  James,  a  brother  of  Eustace,  together  with  an  uncle 
of  that  same  hero,  seized  the  Island  of  Sark,  and  held  it  until  the 
place  was  recaptured,  towards  the  end  of  1214,  by  the  forces  of 
Sir  Philip  d'Albini.  The  prisoners  were  lodged  in  Porchester 
Castle ;  but  some  of  them  wei'e  released  in  January,  and  the 
rest  were  either  released  or  sent  to  he  incarcerated  elsewhere  in 
April,  1215.- 

John's  fortunes  were  by  that  time  at  a  low  ebb.  The  king 
fought  with  his  back  to  the  wall,  and  still  attempted  to  parry  the 
blows,  not  only  of  the  barons  and  of  their  French  allies,  but  also 
of  the  tui'bulent  Welsh.  In  April,  1215,  he  laid  an  embargo  on 
all  English  shipping,  in  order  to  supply  his  naval  needs. ^  In  May 
he  sent  two  good  galleys,  well  equipped  and  manned,  to  the  Earl 
Marshal  at  Pembroke.  But  on  June  15th,  1215,  Magna  Charta 
was  wrung  from  him.  If  he  had  observed  its  provisions,  he  might 
have  ended  his  reign  in  peace.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  he 
never  intended  to  observe  them.  One  of  the  stipulations  was,  that 
the  royal  mercenaries  should  be  banished.  We  hear  little  or 
nothing  of  the  carrying  out  of  that  undertaking,  but  we  do  hear 
that,  on  October  26th,  within  five  months  of  the  acceptance  of  the 
Charter,  Sir  Hugh  de  Boves,  a  Norman  knight,  who  had  been 
previously  employed  by  the  king,  embarked  at  Calais,  with  40,000 
followers,  including  their  women  and  children,  in  order  to  assist 
John  against  his  subjects,  the  inducement  being  a  promise  of 
immense  grants  of  land  in  Norfolk  and  Suffolk.  The  force  of  the 
expedition  may  be  exaggerated  by  the  chroniclers,  but  it  was,  no 
doubt,  very  great.  One  of  the  most  comi)lete  disasters  on  record 
overtook  it  during  the  short  passage  to  Dover.  A  sudden  storm 
caused  every  ship  to  founder,  and  almost  all  the  people  on   board 

'  Ilanly's  '  Itinerary.' 

2  Close  Kolls,  xvi. ;  John,  177.     Av  „ho  Ih.,  171,  17.-),  A\v\  Pat,  Hulls,  120.  l:!;!. 

»  Close  Kolls,  197,  203. 


18±  MILITARY  HISTORY,    1154-1390.  [1216. 

were  lost.  The  body  of  De  Boyes  himself  drifted  ashore  near 
Yarmouth.  Up  and  dcvn  the  coast  the  beach  was  covered  with 
corpses,  among  which  were  those  of  women,  and  of  infants  in 
their  cradles  ;  and  the  air  was  rendered  pestilent.^ 

In  the  course  of  the  same  year,  Eustace  the  Monk,  aided  or 
abetted  by  William  de  Abrincis,  made  a  hostile  descent  upon 
Folkestone ;  ^  but  whether  this  was  before  or  after  the  concession 
of  Magna  Charta  is  uncertain.  Nor  is  much  light  thrown  upon 
the  question  by  the  fact  that,  on  June  '21st,  121.5,  John  ordered  the 
Abbess  of  Wilton  to  deliver  to  Eustace  his  daughter,  who  had  been 
held  as  a  hostage. 

The  king  spent  part  of  the  autumn  at  Sandwich  and  Dover,  and, 
according  to  Matthew  Paris,  sought  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the 
seamen  of  the  Cinque  Ports.  About  November,  he  ordered  that  a 
ship  of  Boulogne,  which  had  been  taken  by  Roger  de  Lovency, 
should  be  restored,  together  with  her  gear  and  crew.^ 

The  year  121(3  saw  the  end  of  the  struggle.  The  king  issued 
orders  prohibiting  vessels  from  trading  to  and  from  Scotland,  and 
other  dominions  of  his  enemies ;  and  in  April  he  called  upon  Rye, 
and  probably  upon  other  towns  also,  to  send  all  vessels  there  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Thames,  and  to  inform  him  concerning  other  ships 
belonging  to  the  port."  But  the  royal  cause,  so  far  as  it  was 
embodied  in  the  person  of  John,  was  plainly  lost.  No  one  who  was 
beyond  the  reach  of  his  arm  heeded  him.  His  Narrow  Seas  were 
left  unguarded  against  his  enemies,  and  the  cruisers  of  Prince  Louis 
of  France,  under  the  command  of  Eustace  the  Monk,''  appear  to 
have  enjoyed  undisputed  liberty  in  the  Channel.  Even  when  the 
Crown  of  England  was  offered  by  the  barons  to  Louis,  and  when 
the  succession  seemed  about  to  pass  to  aliens,  and  the  country  about 
to  become  an  appanage  of  France,  John  could  rally  neither  navy 
nor  army  to  his  side. 

Eustace  the  Monk  collected  six  hundred  ships  and  eighty  cogs 

'  Hog.  of  Wendover,  332 ;  Matt.  I'Miis,  108 ;  Coggeshall,  877. 

"  Pat.  EoIIk,  xvii.  ;  John,  155. 

■'  Close  IJ.iUs,  ]i.  238. 

'  Ih.,  2fi(l,  270. 

^  'J'he  lawless  character  of  Eustace  the  Monk  niav  lis  judged  from  the  fact  that 
when  in  121i;  the  Papal  Legate  demanded  permission  from  Philip. Augustus  to  cross 
the  Channel,  that  king,  while  giviug  him  a  safe-conduct  on  French  territory,  added  ■ 
"If  yon  should  chance  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  Eustace  the  Monk,  or  any  other  o* 
IjouIs's  people  who  infest  the  sea,  impute  it  not  to  me,  should  any  harm  befall  you." — 
Matthew  Paris  ifni.  1G(14),  lito. 


121(i.]  FRENCH  INVASION   OF  ENGLAND.  18o 

at  Calais,  Gravelines,  and  Wissant ;  and  Louis,  acc()iii])aiii(Ml  In-  a 
considerable  force,  embarked.  The  squadrons  were  dispersed  by 
a  strong  north-easter,  and  the  ship  in  which  Louis  crossed  anchored 
alone  off  Stonar,  in  Thanet.  But  it  did  not  matter.  Tiiere  was 
no  one  to  take  advantage  of  the  scattering  of  the  invasion  flotilla  ; 
there  was  not  even  a  loyal  galley-captain  to  seize  Louis,  and  to 
send  his  head  to  the  king.  John,  indeed,  went  to  Dover,  but, 
finding  it  impossible  to  raise  an  army,  he  retired  to  Winchester. 
Louis,  perfectly  undisturbed,  assembled  his  fleet  again,  and  landed, 
without  resistance,  at  Sandwich.  All  Kent,  except  Dover  Castle, 
which  was  defended  by  Hubert  de  Burgh,'  was  easily  subdued  by 
Louis,  who  advanced  and  joined  the  barons  in  London.-  The 
whole  kingdom  would  have  quickly  fallen  to  him,  but  that  the 
situation  was  opportunely  changed  in  an  instant  by  the  death  of 
John,^  on  October  19th,  and  by  the  patriotic  and  statesmanlike 
attitude  of  Kichard,  Earl  of  Pembroke,  who,  John's  son  and 
successor  being  but  a  child,  became  Guardian  of  the  Kingdom,  or 
Eegent. 

It  may  be  noted,  that  the  summoning  by  the  barons  of  a  French 
prince  to  assmne  the  crown  of  England  indicates  that,  up  to  the 
end  of  the  reign  of  King  John,  there  can  scarcely  have  existed 
in  the  country  much  of  the  deeply  rooted  anti-French  feeling,  which, 
for  many  centuries  afterwards,  played  so  important  a  part  in  the 
relations  between  the  two  Powers.  In  the  sixteenth,  seventeenth, 
and  eighteenth  centuries,  the  adoption  of  such  a  pohcy  as  that 
which  was  pursued  by  the  barons  of  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth 
century  would  have  sufficed  to  array  nearly  all  England  against 
it  from  the  first.  The  rise  and  growth  of  the  traditional  anti- 
French  sentiment  may  be  traced  back  to  the  time  of  the  invasion 
of  1216.     There  is  no  convincing  evidence  that  the  conduct  of  the 

'  Hubert  de  Buvgli  was  a  nephew  of  William  Fit/.Adeliiie,  .stewan!  lif  Ileni-y  II. 
After  serving  liiilianl  I.,  he  was  made  by  John  Senesehal  uf  r(jitim,  and  later 
Jiistieiary  of  Enf;land.  His  defence  of  Dover  Castle,  and  his  defeat  of  the  French  ofi' 
the  South  Foreland  in  1217,  entitle  him  to  liigh  rank  as  a  commander.  On  the  death 
of  Pembroke  he  became  Regent ;  and  in  1221  he  married,  as  his  fourth  wife,  Margaret, 
sister  of  the  King  of  Scots,  and  was  created  Earl  of  Kent.  In  spite  of  his  services,  the 
influence  of  foreigu  interests  procm'ed  his  disgrace  and  imjn'isonment ;  and,  although 
he  was  restored  to  favour  in  12.'54,  lie  pas.sed  iimch  of  the  rest  of  his  life  in  retireuiout. 
He  died  at  Bansted,  Surrey,  in  May,  1243. 

^  Coggeshall,  881  ;  Matt.  Paris,  19;') ;  liog.  of  Wend.,  :ir,7. 

^  On  July  23rd,  1217,  the  Slieritl'  of  Devonshire  was  ordered  to  find  ships,  at  the 
king's  cost,  to  carry  to  France  Isabella,  widow  of  King  John. — Close  Rolls,  31;"). 


186  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1154-1309.  [1217. 

followers  of  Louis,  while  on  shore,  had  anything  to  do  with  the 
change  which  undoubtedly  took  place  in  English  popular  prejudices 
at  about  that  period  ;  but  the  treacherous  career  and  evil  reputation 
of  Eustace  the  Monk  may  well  have  had  stronger  and  more  far- 
reaching  influence  than  is  generally  suspected.  The  peculiar  hatred 
with  which  he  was  regarded  by  Enghshmen  comes  out  forcibty  in 
all  the  accounts  of  the  great  naval  battle  of  the  South  Foreland, 
presently  to  be  described ;  and  no  nation  has  ever  been  more  prone 
than  ours  to  form  its  judgments  concerning  foreign  races  on  the 
principle  of  ex  2)ede  Herculem. 

The  decisive  battle  fought  in  the  streets  of  Lincoln,  in  May, 
1217,  cut  short  the  hopes  of  .Louis,  and  crushed  the  barons  who 
acted  with  him.  Upon  the  news  of  the  defeat  reaching  France, 
Eobert  de  Courtenay,  a  kinsman  of  the  French  king,^  collected  an 
army  wherewith  to  succour  the  prince,  and  embarked  with  it  at 
Calais  on  board  a  fleet  of  eighty  ships,  besides  galleys  and  small 
craft,  under  the  command  of  Eustace  the  Monk.^ 

It  is  impossible  to  discover  exactly  what  naval  preparations  had 
been  made  in  England,  as  the  records  contain  only  two  or  three 
notices  of  naval  matters  that  occurred  between  the  death  of  John 
aud  the  battle  off  the  South  Foreland.^  One  of  these,  however, 
suggests  that,  in  all  j)robability,  the  patriotic  regent  had  taken 
measures  with  a  view  to  cuttihg  the  communications  of  the  French 
expeditionary  force ;  for,  soon  after  the  accession  Henry  III., 
the  king's  men  from  Ireland,  who  were  with  their  ships  on  the 
coast  of  Normandy,  were  ordered  to  AVinchelsea  for  the  royal 
service.^ 

Hubert  de  Burgh,  Justiciary  and  Governor  of  Dover  Castle,  knew 
of  the  collection  of  the  fleet  of  Eustace  the  Monk  and  the  armj^  of 
Eobert  de  Courtenay  at  Calais,  and  was  deeply  impressed  with  the 
necessity  for  waylaying  it.  Addressing  the  Bishop  of  "Winchester, 
the  Earl  Marshal,  and  other  nobles,  he  said  :  "  If  these  j)eople 
land,  England  is  lost.  Let  us  therefore  boldly  meet  them,  for  God 
is   with   us,    and    they   are    excommunicated."'      But    his    hearers 

'  Courteua}'  was  also  ancestor  of  tlie  earls  of  Devon. 

^  The  '  Annals  of  Waverley '  put  the  French  fleet  at  nearly  one  hundred  sail. 

'  But,  according  to  some  of  the  chroniclers,  there  was  a  na\'al  engagement  in  1217, 
previous  to  the  battle  of  the  South  Foreland.  In  the  course  of  it  several  French  ships 
were  destroyed ;  but  the  general  result  seems  to  have  been  unsatisfactory,  if  it  be  true, 
as  is  alleged,  that  the  French  afterwards  lauded  and  b\u'nt  Sandwich. 

*  Patent  Rolls,  1  Hen.  III.,  la.  14. 


1217.]  VICTORY   OFF   TEE  tSOUTH   FOliELAND.  J87 

replied  :  "  We  are  not  soldiers  of  the  sea,  nor  maritime  adventm-ers,* 
nor  fishermen ;  but  do  thou  go  to  death."  Hubert  was  not  dis- 
couraged, but,  having  sent  for  his  chaplain,  had  the  sacrament 
administered  to  him,  and  then  solemnly  enjoined  the  garrison  to  let 
him  be  hanged  rather  than  surrender  the  castle,  "  for  it  is  the 
key  of  England."  Whereupon  all  present  pledged  themselves  to 
obey  his  conmiands."  Another  reported  conversation  upon  the 
occasion  runs  as  follows,  ^^1len  the  people  of  the  Cinque  Ports 
saw  the  French  fleet,  and  knew  it  to  be  commanded  by  Eustace 
the  Monk,  they  said :  "  If  this  tyrant  land,  he  will  lay  all  waste, 
for  the  country  is  not  protected,  and  our  king  is  far  away.  Let  us, 
therefore,  take  our  souls  in  our  hands,  and  meet  him  while  he  is 
at  sea ;  and  help  will  come  to  us  from  on  high."  To  one  ex- 
claiming, "  Is  there  one  among  you  who  is  ready  this  day  to  die 
for  England?"  another  answered:  "Behold  me!"  And  to  him 
the  first  said :  "  Take  with  thee  an  axe,  and  when  thou  seest  us 
alongside  the  ship  of  the  tyrant,  then  do  thou  run  up  the  mast  of 
that  same  ship,  and  cut  down  his  banner  which  is  borne  aloft,  so 
that  thus  the  other  vessels  may  be  scattered  and  lost,  for  lack  of  a 
chief  and  leader."^ 

The  English  squadron  consisted  of  sixteen  large  and  well-armed 
ships,  manned  with  trained  seamen  of  the  Cinque  Ports,  and  of 
about  twenty  smaller  vessels.  There  were  not  more  thaii  fortj'  in 
aU.*  But  on  board,  besides  Hubert  himself,  were  Sir  Phihp 
d'Albini,^  Sir  Henry  de  Turberville,  Sir  Eichard  Suard,  and 
Richard,  natural  son  of  King  John,  some  of  the  bravest  of  the 
English  knights  of  that  age. 

When  the  English  squadron  sailed  from  Dover,  on  August  24th, 
the  French  fleet  was  already  at  some  distance  from  Calais,"  and  was 
making  across  the  Channel  diagonally,  on  a  nearly  northern  course, 
with   a   view   to   rounding   the   North  Foreland    and    entering  the 

'  Piruts:  2  Matt.  Paris.  "  Hoii.iiiL,'fnnl  (Gale),  ii.,  563. 

*  Matt.  Pai-is,  p.  206  ;  Heminglbrd,  ii.  563. 

°  Sir  Philip  d'Albini  was  probably  related  to  the  Albinis,  Lords  of  Belvoir  Castle. 
In  1213  he  was  made  Goveruor  of  Jersey.  After  the  concession  of  Magna  Charta 
he  supported  John  and  resisted  the  French,  to  whose  defeat  at  Lincoln  he  sub- 
sequently contributed.  He  also  contributed  greatly  to  the  victory  off  the  South 
Foreland  in  1217.  Until  1236,  when  he  made  for  the  second  time  a  journey  to  the 
Holy  Land,  he  was  intimately  connected  with  naval  affairs.  He  died  in  Palestine 
in  1237. 

°  Matt.  Paris,  200;  Guil.  de  Anuorica  (Duchesne),  v.  i»0 ;  Pog.  of  Wendover, 
V.  28. 


188 


MILITAEY  HISTORY,   1154-1399. 


[1217. 


Thames.  There  was  a  brisk  breeze  from  the  south-south-east.^ 
Hubert  de  Burgh,  instead  of  making  direct  for  the  enemy,  kept  his 
wind  as  if  steering  for  Calais,  a  manoeuvre  which  caused  Eustace 
to  exclaim  :  "  I  know  that  those  wretches  think  of  invading  Calais, 
as  if  they  were  thieves  ;  but  it  is  in  vain,  for  the  folks  there  are 
well  prepared  for  them."^  As  soon,  however,  as  the  English  had 
gained  the  wind  of  the  foe — this  is  perhaps  the  first  example 
of   manoeuvring   for   the  weather-gage — they  bore  down  upon  the 


THE   STRAIT   OF    DOVER. 
{FrvM  a  Cliart  plMMinl  hjl  Jiii/re  Gold,  1816  ) 


French  rear,^  and,  as  they  came  up  with  it,  threw  grapnels,  and  so 
fastened  their  own  ships  to  those  of  their  enemies. 

The  crossbow-men  and  archers  of  Sir  Philip  d'Albini  did  good 
work  by  pouring  in  flights  of  arrows.  The  English  also  made  use 
of  unslaked  lime,  which  they  flung  forward,  and  which,  borne  on 
the  wind  in  powder,  Winded  the  Frenchmen's  eyes.  Under  cover 
of  this  the  Enghsh  boarded,  and  with  their  axes  cut  away  the 
rigging  and  halyards,  so  that  the  sails  fell  upon  the  French,  and 

'  Tlie  quarter  is  not  expressly  stated,  but  Matt.  Paris  (p.  20G),  says  of  tlie  Frencli 
that  they  Imhucrunt  a  frrr/o /latum  turgid n in. 
2  Matt.  Paris. 
'  Andudur  a  trryo  irrurrnnt  in  Itostes. — Matt.  Paris,  \).  200. 


1217]  NEGLECT   OF   THE  '■  I'UTENTIAL"   FLEET.  1<S1> 

increased  their  confusion.  After  a  short  hand-to-hand  combat, 
involving  immense  slaughter,  the  enemy  were  completely  defoattid. 
Home  of  his  ships  had  been  sunk  by  ramming  at  the  first  onslaught, 
for  the  English  galleys,  like  the  Mediterranean  ones,  had  iron  beaks. 
Most  of  the  rest  were  taken,  and  only  fifteen  in  ail  escaped.'  Tiie 
prizes  were  triumphantly  towed  into  Dover,  the  victors  thanking 
God  for  their  success.  As  soon  as  possible  after  the  action,  Eustace 
the  Monk  was  sought  for.  He  was  discovered  secreted  in  the  hold 
of  one  of  the  captured  vessels,  apparently  the  one  in  wliich  Kobert 
de  Courtenay  had  taken  passage.  He  offered  money  for  his  life, 
and  promised  to  serve  the  King  of  England  faithfully  in  the  future. 
But  Richard,  the  bastard  son  of  the  king  whom  Eustace  had  used 
so  treacherously,  seized  the  prisoner,  and,  exclaiming  "Base  traitor, 
never  again  will  you  seduce  anyone  with  your  fair  promises  !  "  - 
drew  his  sword  and  struck  off  the  monk's  head.  It  was  afterwards 
shown  on  a  pole  throughout  England.-' 

Here  was  another  example  of  French  ignorance,  or  neglect,  of 
the  laws  of  the  influence  of  sea-power.  It  is  true  that  the  potential 
fleet  on  this  occasion  was  a  small  one,  of  less  than  half  the 
numerical  strength  of  that  which  Eustace  commanded  ;  but  even 
an  inferior  fleet  must  always  be  regarded  as  a  potential  one,  until 
it  has  been  either  beaten  or  safely  sealed  up  in  port ;  and  no 
admiral  is  justified,  no  matter  how  great  his  strength,  in  deliberately 
endeavouring  to  carry  out  some  ulterior  operation,  such  as  the 
landing  of  troops,  or  the  thi'owing  ashore  of  supplies,  while  any 
hostile  fleet,  no  matter  how  apparently  feeble,  exists  free  and 
unbeaten  in  his  neighbourhood.  Necessity  may  require  the  running 
of  great  risks ;  that  is  another  matter.  But  Eustace  the  INIonk 
met  his  fate  with  his  eyes  open.  He  must  have  known  of  Hubert's 
squadron  being  at  Dover.  He  might  have  attempted  to  destroy 
it,  or  at  least  to  mask  it,  before  venturing  to  sail  for  the  Thames. 
Instead,  he  despised  his  enemy,  and  paid  the  penalty. 

The  progress  of  the  battle  had  been  watched  by  the  garrison  of 
Dover  Castle  ;  aiul  the  victors,  upon  their  return,  were  received  by 
the  bishop  and  clergy,  in  full  sacerdotals,  chaunting  in  procession 
praises  and  thanksgivings.'  When  the  spoils  of  the  prizes,  which 
included  gold,  silver,  silk  vestments,  and  weapons  of  all  sorts,  had 
been   collected,    and   the   prisoners,   who   were   loaded   with   heavy 

'  Matt.  Paris,  206.  »  Trivet,  i.,  1G9. 

^  lb.,  1).  201),  mr  led.  *  Matt.  I'aris. 


190  MILITABY  BISTORT,   1154-1399.  [1220. 

chains,  had  been  disposed  of,  Sir  PhiHp  d'Albini  dispatched  to  the 
king  an  account  of  the  victory.  Why  the  report  was  not  made  by 
De  Burgh  is  not  easly  explained.  Besides  Eobert  de  Courtenay, 
WiUiam  de  Baris,  Ealph  de  Tornellis,  and  other  persons  of  dis- 
tinction, the  Enghsh  captured,  in  the  battle  of  the  South  Foreland, 
one  hundred  and  twenty-five  knights,  and  upwards  of  a  thousand 
soldiers  of  inferior  rank.^  It  is  to  be  supposed  that  the  number 
of  French  slain  or  drowned  was  at  least  twice  as  great.  Some 
French  knights,  rather  than  be  taken,  leapt  into  the  sea.  The 
English  loss  is  unknown ;  but  it  is  nowhere  suggested  that  it  was 
very  considerable. 

The  24th  of  August,  1217,  saw  the  first  great  naval  victory 
gained  at  sea  by  an  inferior  English  force  over  a  superior  French 
one ;  and  the  date  deserves  to  be  remembered,  for  the  victory  was 
decisive,  and  it  ended  the  war.  Louis  retired,  and  a  treaty  of  peace  ^ 
with  France  was  concluded  in  less  than  a  month  from  the  day  of 
the  action.  The  treaty  did  not  contain  any  stipulation  on  the 
subject,  but  it  appears  certain  that  Louis  gave  a  personal  under- 
taking that,  when  he  should  come  to  the  throne  of  France,  he 
would  restore  to  England  all  the  continental  provinces  which  had 
belonged  to  John.^  The  fulfilment  of  this  undertaking  was  often 
urged  in  later  years,  but  never  granted. 

In  1218,  as  again  in  1227  and  other  years,  English  nobles  took 
part  in  Crusades  to  the  Holy  Land,  but  as  no  naval  operations  of 
importance  were  performed  by  them,  only  the  mere  fact  requires 
mention  here. 

The  peace  concluded  with  France  in  1217  was  a  very  precarious 
one.  There  were  apparently  apprehensions  that  it  would  be  broken 
in  1221,  for  on  March  6th  of  that  year  the  barons  of  the  Cinque 
Ports  were  ordered  to  guard  the  coasts  so  strictly  that  no  one  who 
was  likely  to  injure  king  or  realm  could  land  or  embark.''  And  in 
July,  1222,  galleys  were  directed  to  be  stationed  in  every  port  in 
Ireland,  for  the  defence  of  that  country.^  But  not  imtil  Louis  the 
Lion  succeeded  his  father  Philip  Augustus  in  July,  1223,  was  the 
peace  actually  broken.     Louis  was  then  called   upon  to  fulfil   his 

'  Mailros  (Gale),  ii.  190 ;  Laiicrcost  Clirou.,  21.  There  is  a  metrical  account;  of  the 
battle  in  'Eustace  le  Moigne '  (Michel!),  82.  In  Cott.  MSS.  Nero,  D.,  V.  f.  214,  there 
is  a  picture,  wholly  imaginative,  of  the  action. 

2  '  Fadera,'  i.  108.  «  Linganl,  iii.  104. 

'  Tat.  Rolls,  5  Hen.  III.  m.  6.  '-  lb.,  6  Hen.  III.  m.  2. 


rs^:,.']  EXPEDITION   TO   1-OlTOU.  IDi 

pei"sonal  midertaking  to  restore  to  the  English  Crown  Normandy, 
Maine  and  Anjou.  He  refused  to  do  so ;  and  as  evidence  that  he 
did  not  even  admit  the  right  of  Henry  to  what  he  retained  on  the 
continent,  he  entered  Poitou,  and  seized  La  "Rochelle  and  other 
towns/  The  war  which  ensued  was  waged  in  a  most  curious 
fashion,  for  it  appears  to  have  been  confined  ahnost  entirely  to  the 
land,  and  there  seems  to  have  been,  as  a  rule,  peace  at  sea. 

It  was  determined  to  send  to  Poitou  a  considerable  force  under 
the  Earl  of  Salisbury  and  Richard,  the  king's  half-brother,  who 
had  been  lately  knighted,  and  who  was  subsequently  created  Earl  of 
Cornwall  and  Count  of  Poitou.  The  naval  movements  of  l'2'2o, 
connected  with  the  dispatch  of  this  expedition,  are  thus  summarised 
by  Nicolas.^ 

On  January  1st,  the  sheriffs  of  Norfolk  and  Suffolk  were  ordered 
to  proceed  in  person  to  Ipswich,  and  if  they  found  there  three  good 
ships,  to  cause  them  to  be  fitted  out  and  provided  with  clays  and 
bridges  or  brows,  for  the  king's  service.  If  such  ships  were  not 
found  at  Ipswich,  the  sheriffs  were  to  go  to  Dunwich,  and  to  send 
thence  three  ships  to  Ipswich.  The  vessels  were  to  be  manned  with 
plenty  of  pilots  and  other  able  mariners  well  acquainted  with  the 
coasts  of  Flanders  and  Antwerp.^  On  January  15th,  the  barons  of 
the  Cinque  Ports  were  directed  to  meet  at  Sheppey  to  take  measures 
for  the  protection  of  the  sea  coast  against  the  king's  enemies,  and  to 
cause  all  persons  who  had  served  in  the  time  of  King  John  to  swear 
to  arm  themselves.*  Such  of  the  barons  who  were  at  Portsmouth, 
intending  to  go  to  Gascony  for  wine,  were  ordered  to  select  from  the 
whole  of  the  king's  fleet  the  best  and  safest  ship  for  the  purpose  of 
conveying  armour  and  baggage  to  Richard,  the  king's  brother,  in 
that  province.  They  were  also  to  see  to  it  that  the  best  sailors  and 
masters  were  appointed  to  the  ship,^  and  they  were  strictly  enjoined 
to  keep  close  to  it  for  its  protection  during  the  passage,  and  not  to 
quit  it  until  it  had  arrived  in  a  safe  port  in  Gascony.  On 
January  17th,  orders  were  issued  to  prevent  any  ship,  large  or 
small,  from  quitting  Dover  or  any  other  port,  unless  secm-ity  were 
first  given  that  she  would  not  go  with  her  cargo  to  any  place  not  on 
the  coast  of  England ;  and  she  was  to  bring  back  letters  from  the 
bailiffs  of  the  ports  to  which  she  might  go,  in  order  to  prove  her 

■  Matt.  Paris,  221.  ■■  Pat.  P.oUs,  'J  Hen.  III.  iii.  8. 

=  Xieolas,  i.  1H)-18S.  ''  lb.,  in.  2. 

-  Close  PvoUs,  U  Hen.  111.  Id. 


192  MILITAUY  HISTORY,    1154-1399.  [122G. 

compliance  with  her  undertaking.  Vessels,  however,  carrying  foreign 
merchants  and  others  from  Dover  to  Wissant,  or  elsewhere,  and 
fishing  boats,  when  employed  for  fishing,  were  exempted.^  On  the 
same  occasion,  the  king's  great  ship  and  several  other  vessels  were 
fitted  out,'^  the  great  ship  herself  being  placed  under  the  command  of 
Friar  Thomas  of  the  Temple,  to  whom  the  masters  of  that  ship,  as 
well  as  thpse  of  the  galleys,  w^ere  enjoined  to  pay  implicit  obedience.' 
On  February  '20th,  all  the  great  ships  which  were  at  Southampton 
were  ordered  to  Portsmouth ;  but  all  fishing  vessels  having  but 
twelve  oars  or  less  were  to  be  allowed  to  fish  or  to  go  whither  they 
pleased.^  In  March,  seven  of  the  ships  at  Portsmouth  were  assigned 
to  the  Earl  of  Salisbury  for  the  conveyance  of  his  horses  and 
equipage  to  Gascony  ;  and  all  the  great  merchant  ships  were  sent 
from  Shoreham  to  Portsmouth  for  the  expedition.^  In  December, 
the  keepers  of,  the  ports  were  enjoined  not  to  permit  ships  to  sail  for 
any  place  in  France ; "  and  they  were  soon  afterwards  further  com- 
manded not  to  allow  any  ship  to  leave  a  port  at  all  without  the 
king's  special  orders,  and  to  cause  all  persons  belonging  to  the  ports 
to  hold  themselves  ready  to  proceed  on  the  king's  service.'  It  was  at 
about  this  time  that  the  king's  "  great  ship  "  captured  a  Portugiiese 
vessel  called  the  Cardinal,  on  her  passage  from  some  place  in 
Gascony.**  The  cause  of  her  capture  is  not  known,  but  it  may  be 
supposed  to  have  been  connected  with  some  breach  of  blockade 
regulations. 

It  is  remarkable  that,  upon  its  being  represented  to  the  king 
that  six  scholars  taken  in  the  ship  had  received  from  their  relatives 
money  for  their  support  while  on  board,  he  ordered  that  out  of  the 
merchandise  captured  a  sum  of  forty  marks  should  be  paid  to  the 
scholars."  This  is  an  early  example  of  respect  being  conceded  to 
private  property  taken  at  sea. 

In  1226,  when  the  French  appear  to  have  done  much  as  they 
pleased  in  the  Channel,  there  were  rumours  of  a  projected  invasion, 
and  an  aid  was  urgently  demanded  from  the  people.  In  March, 
Saverv  de  Maloleone,  a  French  baron,  and  others,  were  reported  to 

'  CloKc  Kolls,  70. 

-  ///.,  rm,  mi,  cm-  rut.  Rolls,  O  Hen.  TIL  la.  7,  in.  T,  ;  10  Hen.  HI.  m.  4,  ni.  5, 
i.i.  111. 

•'  Pat.  Rolls,  9  Hen.  HI.  m.  8. 

*  Close  Rolls,  9  Hen.  III.  19.  '^  lb.,  ii.  21,  2."..  "  Ih.,  ii.  116. 

'  n>,  II  Hen.  III.  m.  25. 
'     *  Jb.,  10  He;i.  III.  m.  27,  ni.  U  ;  Tat.  Rolls,  10  Hen.  III.  m.  o.  »  Ih.,  89. 


TO 


PREl'AUATJONH   FOE    WAR. 


liJo 


be  committing  depredations  afloat,  and  to  be  preventing  persons 
from  coming  safely  to  England  ;  and  the  barons  of  the  Cinqne  I'orts 
were  directed  to  take  measures  accordingly.'  In  April,  all  vessels 
belonging  to  Norfolk  and  Suffolk  were  ordered  to  be  held  in  readiness 
to  proceed  on  the  king's  service  on  the  fifteenth  day  after  the 
ensuing  Easter."  In  May,  all  sliipping  was  directed  to  assemble  at 
Portsmouth  by  the  end  of  that  month. ^  And  although,  later  in 
the  year,  it  was  ordered  that  no  French  merchant  should  be 
suffered  to  remain  in  England  after  the  beginning  of  November, 
the  bailiffs  of  the  ports  were  informed  on  November  5th  that  they 
might  permit  French  vessels  laden  with  wine,  corn,  or  provisions 
to  come  to  England  in  safety. "*  But  that  may  have  been  after  the 
conclusion  of  a  twelve  months"  armistice,  which  at  about  that  time 
was  negotiated. 

Louis  VIII.,  the  Lion,  died  on  November  7th,  l'22(j,  and 
Louis  IX.  (St.  Louis),  then  a  child  of  eleven  years  of  age,  succeeded 
him. 

On  November  30th,  perhaps  in  consequence  of  the  existence 
of  apprehension  as  to  the  results  of  the  change  of  government  in 
France,  the  shipping  in  every  port  in  England  was  arrested  for  the 
service  of  Henry ;  ^  and  in  December  the  bailiffs  of  Fowey  and  of 
other  ports  were  commanded  not  to  permit  any  ship,  no  matter  to 
what  place  belonging,  to  proceed  to  any  port  under  the  dominion  of 
the  King  of  France,  until  further  orders. "^  The  further  orders  seem 
to  have  quickly  arrived ;  for  in  January,  1227,  the  bailiffs  of  Sand- 
wich were  told  to  permit  the  masters  and  rectors  of  all  ships  in  that 
port  to  sail  whither  they  would,  provided  that  they  gave  security  to 
return  to  England  before  mid-Lent.  The  bailiffs  were  also  directed 
to  enroll  the  names  of  all  the  rectors,  and  to  make  them  known  to 
the  king  at  Easter." 

In  1227  Henry  III.  was  twenty,  and  Louis  was  only  twelve. 
The  opportunity  for  wresting  back  from  France  some  of  the  territorj- 
which  she  had  conquered  from  John  appeared  so  favourable,  that 
the  English  king  began  preparations  for  a  continental  expedition. 
On  June  2nd,  he  issued  precepts  to  all  the  ports,  declaring  that  he 
was  making   ready  to  cross  tlie   sea   in  person,  and   ordering   the 


'  Pat.  Rolls,  10  Hen.  III.  m.  6. 

-  Close  Rolls,  150. 

'  Ih.,  151. 

*  Fcedeia,'  i.  182. 

VOL.    I. 


=  Close  Rolls,  205. 
«  //;.,  U(J. 
'  Ih.,  207. 


19i  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1154-1399.  [1230. 

bailiffs  to  send  their  ships,  properly  manned  and   well  found  with 

arms  and  provisions,  to  Portsmouth  before  St.  James's  Day,  July  25th. 

He  also  requested  the  barons  of  the  Cinque  Ports  to  give  him  double 

the  length  of  service  for  which  they  were  bound,  on  account  of  the 

duration  of   the   contemplated   voyage.^     But   he   did   not   sail,   in 

consequence,  as  is  alleged  by  the  chroniclers,  of  the  advice  tendered 

him   by   an    astrologer.     Nor,    owing    possibly   to   a   sufficiency   of 

transports   being   lacking,    did    he   sail   in    1228.     In   1229,    taking 

advantage  of  the  fact  that  Peter,  Count  of  Brittany,  was  in  rebellion 

against  Louis,  Henry  decided  to  assist  the  revolting  vassal."     Again 

transports  were  lacking,  and  the  young  king  in  his  haste  laid  the 

blame   at   the   door   of    Hubert   de   Burgh,    the   Justiciary,    whom 

he  publicly  stigmatised   at   Portsmouth   as  an    "  old   traitor,"    and 

accused   of   having  received  a  bribe   of   five  thousand  marks    from 

the  Queen  of  France.     The  king,  indeed,  would  have  killed  Hubert 

on  the  spot,  had  he  not  been  restrained  by  the  Earl  of   Chester. 

Later   he    recognised   the   injustice   he   had    done    to    his    gallant 

servant.^ 

Not,  therefore,  until  the  end  of  April,  1230,  was  all  ready.     There 

were  then  at  Portsmouth  even  more  transports  than  were  wanted, 

and  on  May  1st,  about  one  hundred  and  eighty  masters  obtained 

permission  for   their   ships,  being   unnecessary,  to  return   to   their 

ports.^    This  was  immediately  after  the  embarkation  of  Henry,  which 

took  place  on  April  30th. ^    The  king  landed  at  St.  Malo  on  May  3rd, 

and  there  licensed  two  hundred  other  masters  to  go  back  to  England." 

But  in  spite  of  his  immense  army  and  superfluous  resources,  he  did 

nothing  save  waste  his  substance  in  folly  and  extravagance ;  and  in 

the  autumn,  when  the  French,  having  completed  their  preparations, 

were  ready  and  wilhng  to  meet  him,  he  contemptibly  retired.     On 

August  16th,  ships  from  all  parts  were  ordered  to  proceed  at  once  to 

the  king  at  St.  Malo  and  St.  Gildas,  to  convey  the  army  back  to 

England ; '  and  by  the  end  of  October,  Henry  himself  was  again  at 

Portsmouth."     He   continued    the    campaign   in   a   spasmodic    and 

'  CloseRoDs,  ii.  211. 
-  Matt.  Paris,  229. 

^  lb.,  249,  250,  repeats  this  storj"  from  Uoger  of  AVenclnver. 
^  Pat.  Rolls,  13  Hen.  III.  m.  3.  " 
=  lb.,  14  Hen.  III.  2,  m.  2. 
«  lb.,  14  Hen.  III. 
'  lb.,  14  Hen.  III.  i.  ni.  2,  .'!. 

*  Rog.  of  Weml.  365,  360,  367  ;  '  Annals  of  Waverley,'  192 ;  Hemingford,  572 ; 
Wilkes's  Cliron.  (ii.  41)  says  on  Nov.  2n(l. 


12:50.]  PIRACIES  IN    THE  NARROW  SEAS.  195 

unsystematic  manner  for  several  years.  In  April,  1234,  the  barons 
and  knights  were  ordered  to  Portsmouth,  fully  equipped  for  war,  to 
proceed  on  service  to  Brittany  ;'  in  May,  the  barons  of  Hastings  v/ere 
called  on  for  ten,  and  those  of  Hythe  and  Romney  for  five,  shipa 
each,  properly  manned,  to  cany  troops  to  the  same  province."  On 
the  other  hand,  on  July  1.5th,  in  the  same  year,  the  Cinque  Ports 
were  ordered  to  restore  all  French  ships  that  had  been  an-ested.^  A 
five  years'  truce  was  at  length  concluded  between  the  two  nations  on 
February  3rd,  I'iSG."' 

In  the  meantime,  what  must  have  been  a  very  splendid  naval 
pageant  crossed  the  North  Sea.  The  king's  youngest  sister,  Isabel, 
had  been  betrothed  to  the  Emperor  Friedrich  II.,  and  on  March  2^th, 
1235,  ten  ships  were  ordered  to  be  provided  by  the  ports  of  Norfolk, 
and  several  other  vessels  l\v  the  Cinque  Ports,  for  the  princevs's 
passage  to  the  continent.^  With  them  were  probably  joined  "  six 
good  galleys,"  which,  earlier  in  the  year,  had  been  ordered  to  be 
sent  to  England  by  the  .Justiciary  of  Ireland."  Henry  escorted  his 
sister  to  Sandwich,  where,  with  a  magnificent  retinue,  she  embarked 
on  May  11th,  landing  at  Antwerp  after  a  voyage  of  three  days  and 
three  nights.' 

Innnediately  after  the  conclusion  of  the  truce  with  France,  the 
peace  of  the  Narrow  Seas  seems  to  have  been  very  ill  kept.  In 
Jime,  1236,  satisfaction  was  ordered  to  be  made  to  the  merchants  of 
Flanders  and  Hainault  for  a  ship  of  theirs  which  had  been  plundered 
oft"  Portsmouth  by  no  less  a  personage  that  Sir  Philip  d'Albini,  who,. 
a  few  years  earlier,  had  gained  so  much  renown  in  the  battle  of  the 
South  Foreland ;  and  for  othar  ships  which  had  been  pillaged  by 
Englishmen  returning  from  Brittany. **  And  at  about  the  same  time 
a  regular  war  was  unofficially  carried  on  by  the  Cinque  Ports  with 
the  inhabitants  of  Bayonne,  until,  in  June,  1237,  Henry  intewened, 
and  peremptorily  ordered  the  truculent  barons  to  leave  the  Bayonnais 
in  peace. ^  It  was  as  if  an  admiral,  ex-second  in  command  of  the 
Channel  Squadron,  should  betake  himself  to  piracy  in  the  Solent ; 
and  as  if  the  actual  commander-in-chief  at  the  Nore  should  wage 
private  hostilities  with  Hamburg  ;    and  the  facts  are  sufficient  to 

'  •  Fadera,'  i.  211,  212.  «  Tat.  RolLs  lit  Hen.  HI. 

-  Pat.  Rolls,  18  Hen.  IH.  ni.  14.  '  Matt.  I'aris,  284. 

^  76.,  m.  8.  «  Pat.  Rolls,  20  Hen.  HI.  ni.  fi. 

••  *  Pffideia,'  i.  221.  »  '  Fadera,'  i.  232. 

Pat.  Rolls,  19  Hen.  IH.  ni.  14  ;  'Fctdera,'  i.  225. 


196  MILITARY  IIISTOIlY,    1154-13'JO.  [1242. 

show  how  weak  and  incoiupetent  a  King  Henry  III.  was,  and  how 
disorganised  was  the  state  of  the  nation. 

With  the  exception  of  a  piratical  quarrel  hetween  the  Bretons 
and  the  Channel  Islanders  in  1241,'  there  were  no  naval  events 
of  much  importance  until  1242,  when,  Henry  having  decided  to 
assist  his  step-father,  the  Count  de  la  Marche,  against  the  King 
of  France,  and  the  king's  brother,  Richard,  Earl  of  Cornwall,  one 
of  the  best  warriors  of  his  age,  having  returned  to  England 
from  a  crusade,  begun  two  years  earlier,  an  expedition  to  Poitou 
was  undertaken. 

In  January  the  barons  of  the  Cinque  Ports  were  ordered  to  assist 
the  Sheriff  of  Kent  in  impressing  ships  for  the  king's  service  ;^  and 
they  were  subsequently  empowered  to  arrest  foreign  vessels  for  the 
.same  purpose.  On  February  20th,  the  bailiffs  of  the  ports  were 
instructed  to  arrest  all  ships  capable  of  carrying  fifteen  or  more 
horses ;  ^  and  persons  were  sent  to  each  port  with  the  object  of 
securing  a  force  of  two  hundred  of  the  best  vessels,  each  capable  of 
carrying  at  least  twentj'  horses,  all  of  which  were  to  be  at  Ports- 
mouth by  Palm  Sunday,  ready  to  transport  the  king's  army."  The 
royal  galleys  from  Ireland,  Winchelsea,  and  other  places  were  also 
ordered  thither  ;  and  on  March  21st,  twenty  of  the  best  ships  were 
directed  to  be  reserved  for  the  use  of  the  king  and  of  his  suite,  and 
to  be  stored  and  victualled  accordingly.^  The  Cinque  Ports  furnished 
their  proper  quota.  Henry  went  down  to  Portsmouth  on  April  21st.'' 
He  embarked  with  thirty  casks  filled  with  money,"  and  weighed  on 
May  15th,  accompanied  by  the  queen,  Eichard,  Earl  of  Cornwall, 
seven  other  earls,  and  three  hundred  knights  ;  but  the  wind  dropped, 
and  the  squadron  did  not  get  to  sea  until  the  IGth.  It  made  Point 
Saint  Mathieu,  Finistere,  on  or  about  the  18th,  and  proceeded  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Gironde,  where  the  king  landed,  and  went  to  Pons 
in  Saintonge.^  The  French  had  ordered  twenty-four  well-armed 
galleys  to  La  Kochelle  to  resist  the  invasion,"  but  the  English 
expedition  was  not  interfered  with  at  sea. 

The  campaign,  like  the  previous  one,  was  futile  and  contemptible, 

'  Rotuli  de  Liberate,  25  Hen.  III.,  in.  (!. 

^  Pat.  Hells,  26  Hen.  III.,  ni.  11. 

3  Close  Hulls,  20  Hen.  III.  m.  ',» ;  Pat.  Hulls,  i.  m.  9.  '  lb.,  m.  7. 

=  Pat.  Rolls,  i.  m.  8.  "  Matt.  Paris,  395. 

'  Close  Hulls,  26  Hen.  III.  ni.  7. 

«  HeiMin'.'fora,  574 ;  Matt.  Paris,  395  ;  Wilke.s's  Chron.  45 ;  '  Annals  of  Waverley,"  203. 

'  Matt.  Paris,  .'iOI. 


1-t-'.]  FBENCH  MERCHANTS  AHHESTED.  197 

iiiid  it  ended  in  another  tive  }-ears'  truce.'  Henry  wasted  alike  his 
money  and  his  opportunities,  and,  having  spent  the  winter,  chiefly 
in  dissipation,  at  Bordeaux,  did  not  return  to  England  until  the 
autunni  of  IH'A,  landing  at  Portsmouth  on  September  '2oth. 

AVhile  he  was  away,  he  repeatedly  appealed  to  England  for 
supplies  and  assistance.  On  June  8th,  l-l-i-2.  he  desired  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  Sir  William  de  C'antilupe  to  send 
him  stores  and  two  hundred  knights  and  one  hundred  horse  soldiers, 
and  to  concert  with  the  Cinque  Ports  for  the  harassing  of  the 
enemy.  Another  requisition  for  ships,  addressed  to  the  bai'ons  of 
the  Cinque  Ports,  stipulated  that  one-fifth  of  the  captures  should  be 
resei-ved  to  the  Crown."  In  the  autumn  of  the  same  year,  the  King 
of  France,  having  decreed  the  arrest  of  all  English  merchants  and 
their  goods  found  within  his  dominions,  retaliatory  measures  were 
adopted,  and  on  September  '20th,  orders  w'ere  sent  to  London, 
Bristol,  Northampton,  and  other  towns  for  the  arrest  of  French 
merchants  there. ^  It  is  clear  from  the  comments  of  Matthew  Paris 
that  such  proceedings  were  unusual  in  France,  even  in  time  of  war, 
and  that  persons  of  purely  peaceful  pursuits  were  not  ordinarily 
prevented,  owing  to  the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  from  remaining  and 
trading  in  the  foreign  comitry  in  which  they  were  provisionally 
domiciled  ;  although  the  charter  of  Henry,  granted  in  12-25,  expressly 
provided  for  the  attachment  of  alien  merchants  when  war  had  been 
declared  against  their  state,  and  for  their  detention  until  the  king 
should  infonn  himself  how  English  merchants  were  being  treated 
by  the  enemy.  "  If,"  it  declared,  "  our  merchants  be  well  treated 
there,  theirs  shall  likewise  be  so  treated  with  us."  ■* 

But  for  a  storm,  there  would  have  been  a  naval  battle  in  the 
Channel  in  12-12.  A  large  reinforcement  was  on  its  way  to  Gascony 
from  England  ;  and  the  French  adventurers  and  privateers,  hearing 
of  it,  put  to  sea  with  a  considerable  force  to  intercept  it.  The  two 
flotillas,  apparently  after  they  had  sighted  one  another,  were 
dispersed  by  a  gale.  The  French  got  safely  into  port,  but  the 
Enghsh  and  Irish  were  driven  "  to  remote  and  unknown  coasts," 
possibly  to  Spain  or  Portugal."'^  The  sufferings  of  those  on  board 
were  so  severe  that  many  died,  and  many  others  never  recovered 
their  health.     Henry  again  issued  retaliatory  orders,  particularly  to 

'  'F.cdera,'  i.  l.'.")l  (.Vinil  Ttli,  lli-i:'.).        ■"  'Statutes  of  the  Kealm'  (eil.  1810),  i.  24. 
■'  lb.,  i.  24<>.  ■'■  Matt.  Paris,  3!)7. 

3  Close  Rolls  -"  JIi'ii-  III-  -,  '"•  -i- 


198  MILITAEY  HISTOUY,   115i-13;i0.  tl243. 

the  Cinque  Ports,  the  men  of  which,  according  to  Matthew  Paris, 
slew  and  phmdered  hke  pirates,  sparing  neither  friends  nor 
neighbours,  kith  nor  kin. 

Convoy  seems  to  have  been  practised.  On  August  '27th,  1242,  a 
reinforcement  was  sent  to  the  king  in  tweutj'  ships  ;  and  all  persons 
having  vessels  in  the  Cinque  Ports  were  requested  to  send  them  on 
the  same  occasion,  if  they  wished  them  to  go  over  for  the  vintage.^ 
Privateers  were  also  fitted  out,  for  on  February  13th,  1243,  licences 
were  granted  to  several  persons  to  annoy  the  enemy  by  sea  and  land, 
provided  that  the  king  received  one-half  of  their  gains ;  and  general 
orders  were  issued  that  the  vessels  of  these  persons  should  not  he 
molested. - 

Yet  the  affairs  of  England  did  not  prosper.  The  AVardens  of 
the  Cinque  Ports,  applying  for  assistance  to  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  as  Gustos  of  the  Eeahu,  represented  that  they  had  been 
thrice  repulsed  by  the  enemy,  especially  by  the  people  of  Calais, 
and  that  all  the  ships  in  England  were  incapable  of  resisting  the 
fleet  which  the  French  had  prepared.  The  country,  they  declared, 
was  in  danger.  The  Count  of  Brittany,  with  all  the  vessels  of 
Brittany  and  Poitou,  lay  in  wait  to  intercept  communication 
between  England  and  king.  The  Normans,  and  the  seamen  of 
Wissant  and  Calais,  scarcely  permitted  the  English  fishermen  to  ply 
their  calling  in  the  Channel.  And,  since  it  was  unsafe  to  send  ships 
to  the  king,  his  majesty,  at  Bordeaux,  was  practically  in  prison.^ 
These  considerations  seem  to  have  determined  the  conclusion  of  the 
truce,  which  was  made  on  April  7th. 

When  the  war  had  just  begun,  Sir  William  de  Marish,  an 
outlawed  knight,  who  had  established  himself  in  Lundy  Island,  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Bristol  Channel,  and  had  become  a  formidable 
pirate,  was  captured  by  stratagem ;  and  being  conveyed,  with 
sixteen  of  his  associates,  in  chains  to  London,  was  there  executed.* 
In  June,  1242,  the  Sheriff  of  Devon  was  directed  to  convey  to 
Ilfracombe  a  galle}^  which  De  Marish  had  partially  completed  at 
Lundy,  and  to  cairse  her  to  be  there  made  ready  for  the  king's 
service. ° 

'  Close  Rolls,  26  Hen.  III.  2,  iii.  G. 

'  Pat.  Rolls,  27  Hen.  III.  in.  17 ;  ih.,  m.  1(1. 

'  Matt.  Paris,  .SOO,  406. 

*  lb.,   395;    Close   Rull.s    21    Ilea.    III.    ni.    2;    Pat.    liolls,    26    Hen.    III.    and 
19  Hen.  III. 

*  Rotuli  de  Lilicrate,  20  Hen.  111.,  m.  5. 


12u3.]  EEBELLION  IN   GAHCONY.  19t> 

Immediately  after  Henr,y's  return,  two  sliips  were  dispatched  to 
Wissant,  to  receive  on  board  Sanchia,  daughter  of  Eaymond,  Count 
of  Provence,  and  sister  of  the  queens  of  England,  France,  Naples, 
and  Navarre,  together  with  her  mother,  Beatrix,  daughter  of 
Thomas,  Count  of  Savoy,  and  to  convey  the  two  ladies  to  England, 
for  the  marriage  of  Sanchia  to  Eichard,  Earl  of  Cornwall,  later  King 
of  the  Romans.' 

For  several  years  nothing  of  moment  occurred  in  connection 
with  naval  affairs ;  but  in  1253,  the  outbreak  of  a  rebellion  in 
Gascony  demanded  Henry's  presence  in  that  province.  An  expedi- 
tionary force  was  assembled  at  Portsmouth  by  the  middle  of  June, 
and  a  thousand  ships  are  said  to  have  been  collected,  but,  owing  to 
mismanagement  and  unfavourable  weather,  the  king  could  not 
embark  until  August  Gth.  Escorted  by  three  hundred  large  ships, 
and  numerous  smaller  vessels,  he  crossed  the  Channel  and  Bay  of 
Biscay,  and  landed  at  Bordeaux  about  the  ITath.-  Alfonso,  King  of 
Castille  and  Leon,  supported  the  insm-rection,  and,  it  was  believed, 
cherished  the  intention  of  invading  England  and  Ireland.^  Heavy 
reinforcements  were  ordered  to  the  continent ;  but  on  April  1st, 
12.54,  peace  was  concluded  between  Henry  and  Alfonso,  the  latter 
agreeing  to  renounce  his  claim  to  Gascony  on  condition  that  Prince 
Edward,  Henry's  son  and  heir,  should  marry  Alfonso's  sister, 
the  Princess  Eleanor,  and  that  Edward  himself  should  receive 
knighthood  at  the  hands  of  Alfonso,  and  serve  under  him  against 
the  infidels.* 

Henry  returned  to  England  in  December,  1254,  and  landed  at 
Dover.* 

In  the  course  of  1254,  what  Nicolas  calls  a  remarkable  circum- 
stance happened.  The  facts  are  related  by  Matthew  Paris  and 
Matthew  of  "Westminster,  the  latter  of  whom  says  : — 

"About  this  sciisou  were  certain  ships  driven  by  force  of  wind  and  weather  into 
certain  havens  on  the  nortli  coasts  of  England,  towards  Berwicli,  wliicli  sliips  were  of 
a  very  strange  form  and  fashion,  but  mighty  and  strong.  The  men  that  were  aboard 
the  same  ships  were  of  some  far  country,  for  their  language  was  unknown,  and  not 
understandable  to  any  man  that  could  be  brought  to  talk  with  them.     The  freight  and 


'  Close  liolls,  27  Hen.  lll.m.  1. 

^  Matt.  Paris,  582  ;  Heniinf.;t'ord,  oTT. 

'  'Fa'dera,'  i.  205,  2!l0 ;  Close  Kolls,  m.  Vi. 

'  76.,  i.  297,  2!IH. 

^  '  Annals  of  Waverley,'  210  ;  Matt.  Paris,  U05. 


200  MILITAIiY  BISTORT,   1154-1309.  [1260. 

ballast  of  the  ships  were  armour  and  weajious,  as  haubergeons,  helmets,  spears,  bows, 
arrows,  cross-bows  and  darts,  with  great  store  of  victuals.  There  lay  also,  without  the 
havens,  on  tlie  coasts,  divers  other  ships  of  like  form,  mould  and  fashion.  Those  tliat 
were  driven  into  the  havens  were  stayed  for  a  time  by  the  bailiffs  of  the  ports.  But 
finally,  when  it  could  not  be  known  what  they  were,  nor  from  whence  thej-  came,  they 
were  licensed  to  depart,  without  loss  or  harm  iu  body  or  goods."' 

Matthew  Paris's  account  does  not  vary  much  from  the  above. 
That  chronicler  calls  the  vessels  "  ships  of  the  barbarians."  Southey^ 
supposes  the  vessels  to  have  been  Norwegian,  but  no  northern 
Englishman  of  that  day  would  have  considered  Norwegians  in  the 
light  of  barbarians,  nor  is  it  conceivable  that,  in  a  large  northern 
port,  there  was  no  one  who  understood  so  much  as  a  word  of  the 
Norwegian  language,  commercial  relations  with  the  Scandinavian 
countries  being  then  well  established.  Probably  the  strangers  maj' 
have  come  from  the  eastern  shores  of  the  Baltic.  But  the  whole 
question  remains  mysterious  and  interesting. 

The  last  years  of  Henry  III.  were  embittered  by  civil  disputes. 
The  Mad  Parliament  of  12.58,  by  compelling  the  acceptation  of  the 
Provisions  of  Oxford,  practically  substituted  for  the  royal  power  a 
baronial  oligarchy,  with  Simon  de  Montfort,  Earl  of  Leicester,  a 
Frenchmen,  at  its  head.  When  in  January,  1259,  Richard,  King 
of  the  Eomans,  manifested  an  intention  of  coming  to  England,  his 
well-known  loyalty  to  his  brother  Henry  suggested  to  the  barons 
that  he  contemplated  intervention,"  and  they  assembled  a  large 
fleet  to  obstruct  him ;  but  Eichard  at  length  took  oath  not  to 
interfere.^  In  the  same  year  Henry  crossed  the  Channel,  and 
proceeded  with  his  queen  on  a  friendly  visit  to  Paris,  returning 
in  April  or  May,  1260.*  During  that  visit,  he  surrendered  his 
claims  to  Normandy  and  Anjou,  and  from  that  time  forward 
omitted  his  title  of  Duke  of  Normandy  and  Anjou  from  his  grants 
and  letters  patent. 

In  1261,  the  king,  by  a  coup  d'etat,  recovered  some  of  the  power 
of  which  his  barons  had  deprived  him  ;  and,  the  fleet  of  the  Cinque 
Ports  having  been  fitted  out  on  behalf  of  the  barons  for  the 
maintenance  of  their  authority  as  against  that  of  the  Crown,  Henry 
went  in  person  to  Dover,  and,  on  May  2nd,  took  into  his  own  hands 
the  custody  of  the  castle  there,  the  custody  of  the  Cinque  Ports, 

'  Southey,  i.  194. 

'^  '  Foedera,'  377,  378. 

=  Matt.  Paris,  661,  662. 

'  Pat.  Rolls,  44  Hen.  III. ;  '  Ftcdera,'  i.  392  ;  Hemingford,  578. 


Ii2(;i.]  ASCENDENCY   OF  DE  MOSTFORT.  201 

and   the  chaiuberlainship  of    Saiulwicli.'     In   VhVl,  he   once   more 
visited  France. - 

Some  time  in  1263,  Kobert  de  Neville,  to  whom  had  l)een 
entrusted  the  chief  command  in  the  north,  wrote  to  the  Chancellor 
that  it  was  reported  that  the  Kin(,'s  of  Denmark  and  Norwaj',  with  a 
large  fleet,  had  landed  in  the  Scottish  islands,  and  that  danger  might 
be  apprehended.^  This  appears  to  have  been  an  echo  of  a  descent 
made  by  Haco,  of  Norway,  in  1200  and  the  two  following  years,  and 
ending  in  his  defeat  by  the  Scots.  He  is  said  to  have  died  of 
chagrin  at  Kirkwall  in  1263. 

Henry  again  visited  France  in  1264,  Louis  having  offered  to 
arbitrate  between  the  king  and  his  rebellious  barons ;  *  but  De 
Montfort  was  for  the  moment  triumphant,  and  until  the  battle  of 
Evesham,  on  August  4th,  12()y,  when  the  great  rebel  fell,  Henry 
scarcely  deserved  to  be  called  a  sovereign.  In  the  interval,  the 
maritime  populations,  and  especially  the  people  of  the  Cinque  Ports, 
lapsed  into  the  position  of  pirates.  To  such  an  extent  was  their 
audacity  carried  that,  when  the  Pope  sent  a  Cardinal  Legate  to 
mediate  between  the  Crown  and  the  barons,  they  prevented  him 
from  landing,  for  which  offence  they  were  excommunicated  and  put 
under  an  interdict.'^  The  lawless  proceedings  of  the  Cinque  Ports 
enhanced  the  price  of  all  foreign  goods,  so  that  the  price  of  wines 
rose  from  40s.  to  10  marks,  that  of  wax  from  40s.  to  8  marks,  and 
that  of  pepper  from  CkI.  to  3s.  There  was,  besides,  great  scarcity 
of  salt,  iron,  steel,  cloths,  and  other  goods.  Nor  was  the  situation 
improved  by  Henry  de  Montfort's"  seizure  of  all  the  wools  whicli 
reached  England  from  Flanders  and  elsewhere,  and  his  selling  them 
for  his  own  profit.' 

Henry,  who  had  been  captured  at  Lewes,  was  a  prisoner  ;  but 
he  was  not  without  powerful  friends,  among  whom  w^ere  the  Pope 
and  the  queen,  Eleanor  of  Provence.  The  latter  borrowed  money, 
raised  an  army  of  mercenaries,   and   collected  a  fleet  at  Danuue. 

'  These  ports,  whirh  liad  lieen  lield  ).y  Huijli  lo  r.igdt,  were  given  to  Itobeit 
Walerand;  ?at,  KoUs,  45  Hen.  III. 

^  Tat.  Rolls,  -IG  Hen.  111.  ;  '  lArdera,'  i.  41.':!. 

■'  '  Frt'dera,'  i.  429. 

■*  Close  KoUs,  48  Hen.  III. 

'^  Contin.  of  Matt.  Fans,  j).  (171. 

"  He  liail  been  apiiointed  Kce|ier  of  tlie  Cinque  Ports  by  bis  lather,  Simon  de 
Montfort. 

'  '  Waverley  Annals,'  589. 

«  Close  Rolls,  48  Hen.  III.;  Wikes  (Ciale),  OH. 


202  MILITARY  EISTOBY,    1154-1399.  [lliTO. 

De  Montfort,  ahvaj's  professing  to  act  in  the  name  of  the  king, 
stigmatised  the  queen's  forces  as  ahens,  increased  the  daily  pay  of 
his  own  soldiers  from  3d.  to  4(f./  assembled  a  fleet  off  Sandwich 
"  for  the  defence  of  the  kingdom,"  and  obtained  a  loan  to  fit  out 
ships  and  pay  seamen.^  And  all  this  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the 
queen  was  coming  to  rescue  the  king  from  duress.  Sir  Thomas 
de  Multon  was  appointed  "  Captain  and  Keeper  of  the  Sea  and 
Sea-coast " ;  and,  that  the  attention  of  the  Cinque  Ports,  which  had  a 
quarrel  pending  with  Yarmouth,  might  not  be  distracted,  De  Mont- 
fort promised  them  that,  as  soon  as  the  disturbances  of  the  realm 
were  settled,  the  king  would  cause  compensation  to  be  made  to 
them  for  the  injuries  which  the  burgesses  of  Yamiouth  had 
caused  them.^ 

Unhappily,  Eleanor's  wifely  devotion  produced  no  results.  Her 
flotilla  was  detained  by  contrary  winds  until,  her  funds  being 
exhausted,  she  could  no  longer  pay  her  troops,  who  thereupon 
quitted  her.*  But,  in  a  short  time,  the  defection  of  some  of 
De  Montfort's  supporters,  and  the  escape  from  imprisonment  of 
Prince  Edward,  put  the  royalist  party  in  England  into  better 
heart,  and,  by  the  victory  of  Evesham,  the  authority  of  Henry 
was  restored.  Yet  it  was  thenceforth  wielded  chiefly  through 
the  intervention  of  Prince  Edward,  until  the  latter,  taking 
advantage  of  the  cessation  of  the  French  war,  departed  in  1270 
on  a  Crusade.^ 

He  appears  to  have  sailed  from  Portsmouth,  with  thirteen  ® 
ships,  early  in  August,  and  he  reached  Aiguesmortes,  near  Mont- 
pellier,  about  September  29th.  There  he  may  have  learnt  of  the 
death,  at  Tunis  on  August  25th,  of  his  ally.  Saint  Louis,  for  on 
October  3rd  he  left  Aiguesmortes  for  that  place,  touching  on  the 
way  in  Sardinia,  and  meeting  the  new  King  of  France,  Philip  III., 
about  October  14th.''  The  combined  expedition  went  to  Sicily,  and 
wintered  there.  A  storm  off  Trepani  did  nuich  damage  to  the 
French,  Spanish,  and  Sicilian  squadrons,  but  none  to  the  English.* 
In  the  following  spring.  Prince  Edward  sailed  for  the  Holy  Land, 

'  Close  liolls,  48  Hen.  III.  in.  4.  ^  lb.,  48  Hen.  III.  m.  4d. 

■'  Pat.  liolls,  48  Hen.  III.  '  Wikes  (Gale),  6.3. 

■'  A  truce  for  five  j'ears  had  lieen   com-luded  with  France  in  Septemlier,  1269. — 
'  Fcedera,'  i.  482. 

"  Heniint;ford,  589.  ''  Heniingford  and  Matt.  Paris. 

"   '  Gesta  Plul.  III.'  (DiK-lie.-ne)  v.  522  ;  Matt,  of  West.  400. 


127(i.]  ISATONNE  AND    THE   CINQUE  PORTS.  203 

and  niter  callini,',  like  his  great-uncle,  at  Cyprus,  landed  at  Acre 
with  a  thousand  soldiers  about  April  '20th,  TiTl.'  He  was  on  his 
return  in  November,  1272,  when  his  father's  death  summoned  him 
to  the  throne  of  England. 

Edward  travelled  very  leisurely,  visiting  the  Pope  and  the 
King  of  France,  and  also  spending  some  time  in  his  continental 
dominions.  On  July  4th,  1273,  the  Cinque  Ports  were  ordered  to 
provide  ships  and  galleys  for  the  king's  passage  across  the  Channel." 
Yet  he  still  delayed,  and  did  not  land  at  Dover,  apparently  from 
Bordeaux,  imtil  August  2nd,  1274.^ 

The  pact  between  Edward  and  Alfonso,  King  of  Castille  and 
Leon,  has  been  already  noticed.  Soon  after  Edward's  returii  to 
England,  Alfonso  requested  the  assistance  of  his  royal  brother-in- 
law  against  the  Saracens ;  and  on  May  4th,  1275,  Edward  replied, 
saying  that  he  had  not  decided  whether  he  should  again  go  to  the 
Holy  Land,  but  that  if  any  of  his  subjects  would  assist  Alfonso, 
it  would  be  very  pleasing  to  him ;  and  he  went  on  to  signify  his 
pleasure  that  the  King  of  Castille  should  have  the  aid  "  of  the  ships 
of  our  people,  and  of  oiir  sea  of  Bayonne."  *  In  pursuance  of  the 
promise  implied  in  this  letter,  he  directed  the  authorities  of  Bayonne 
to  build  and  fit  out  twelve  ships  and  twenty-four  galleys  for  the 
purpose.  Taken  in  connection  with  this  correspondence,  it  is  a 
curious  fact  that  the  Bayonnais  of  the  period,  though  subjects  of 
Edward,  were  contini;allj'  embroiled  with  his  other  subjects  of  the 
Cinque  Ports,  and  that  a  piratical  war  existed  between  Bayonne 
and  the  south  coast  of  England.  In  May,  1277,  however,  two 
citizens  of  Bayonne  were  sent  to  England  to  conclude  a  peace, 
which  Edward  ratified,  giving  the  Bayonnais  £100  to  observe  the 
conditions.^ 

It  would,  therefore,  appear  that  the  king  did  not  effectively 
preserve  the  peace  of  his  seas.  Another  piece  of  evidence,  pointing 
in  the  same  direction,  is  to  be  found  in  a  notice  of  the  depreda- 
tions committed  by  a  piratical  fleet,  belonging  to  Zeeland,  upon 
some  vessels  of  the  merchants  of  London.  In  September, 
1275,  the  Constable  of  Dover  Castle  was  ordered  to  investigate 
the  affair,  and  to  consult  thereon  with  the  barons  of  the  Cinque 
Ports.' 

'  '  Waverley  Annals,'  227  ;  Ilemingfoid,  000.  *  lb.,  i.  522. 

2  '  Fcpilera,"  i.  501.  '^  lb.,  i.  542 

»  lb.,  i.  514.  «  i6.,  i.  52i». 


204  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1154-1399.  [1293. 

In  October,  1277,  the  king  conducted  an  expedition  against  the 
Welsh,  and  was  greatly  assisted  in  obtaining  possession  of  Anglesey 
by  the  co-operation  of  the  Cinque  Ports'  fleet. ^  In  1'279,  he  paid  a 
brief  visit  to  France,  to  confirm  a  treat}'  made  between  his  father 
and  Saint  Louis."  In  1282,  another  expedition  against  Wales  be- 
came necessary,  and  the  Cinque  Ports'  fleet  again  co-operated.^  In 
the  course  of  the  campaign,  which  terminated  in  the  death  of 
Llewellyn  and  the  extinction  of  Welsh  independence,  a  bridge 
of  barges,  boats,  small  ships,  and  planks  was  thrown  by  the 
English  across  the  Menai  Strait,  to  facilitate  the  attack  upon  the 
castle  of  Snowdon.  But  the  success  of  the  assailants  was  not 
uniform.  On  November  6th,  the  Welsh  inflicted  a  severe  defeat 
upon  their  enemies,  following  them  to,  and  sinking,  their  boats, 
and  drowning  many  knights  and  squires,  and  two  hundred 
soldiers.'' 

On  October  14th,  1286,  Edward  once  more  visited  France^  on  a 
peaceful  mission,  chiefly  in  order  to  mediate  between  France  and 
Castille.  He  did  not  return  to  England  until  1289,  when  he  landed 
at  Dover  on  August  12th. ^ 

During  the  three  or  four  years  that  followed,  no  naval  trans- 
actions of  importance  took  place  ;  but  an  event  having  far-reaching 
consequences  occurred  in  1293. 

In  that  year,  two  of  the  crew  of  an  English  vessel  landed  for 
water  at  a  port  in  Normandy,'  and,  encountering  some  Norman 
sailors,  fell  into  a  quarrel  with  them.  In  the  fight  which  ensued 
one  of  the  Enghshmen  was  killed.  The  other,  hotly  pursued, 
fled  to  his  ship,  which  put  to  sea,  and  was  followed  by  many 
Nonuan  vessels.  It  does  not  appear  that  this  particular  English 
ship  was  caught,  but  the  pursuing  force,  a  little  later,  met  with 
six  English  vessels,  and  attacked  and  captm-ed  two  of  them, 
hanging  the  crews,  together  with  some  dogs,  at  the  yard-arms,' 
and  subsequently  ravaging  the  Channel,  and  committing  gross 
outrage. 

The  seamen  of  England  retaliated  at  once,  and  without  waiting 
for  orders.     The  four  ships  which  had  escaped  were  joined  by  many 

'  Heminsford,  i.  5  :  Trivet,  147,  118.  For  this  service  adilitiunal  jirivilefjes  were 
■xraiited  to  the  ports. 

•■'  '  Fcedera,'  i.  568-570,  571-575.  "  'Fccdera,'  i.  665,  711 ;  Trivet,  265. 

^  lb.,  i.  601.  '  Walsingham  says  in  Gascony. 

^  Knighton, '2461.  '  Knighton,  2495  ;  Hemingford. 
^  '  Fiedera,'  i.  065. 


I'J'jy.]  PITCHED   BATTLE   IN   THE   CHANNEL.  205 

luore  liom  the  Ciiujue  Ports,  and  sailed  in  search  of  the  enemy  ; 
but,  faihnfT  to  find  him  at  sea,  entered  the  Seine,'  and  there  fell 
upon  him  at  anchor,  defeating;;  him,  and  taking  six  of  his  ships. 
Other  reprisals  followed,  and  there  was  much  loss  of  life  and 
material,  but  no  decisive  result,  until,  if  we  may  believe  Knyghton, 
the  opposing  parties  agreed  to  collect  their  strength  for  a  pitched 
battle,  and  fight  out  the  question  in  mid-Channel,  at  a  spot  indi- 
cated by  an  anchored  hulk.  The  English  enlisted  Irish  and 
Dutch  support,  and  mustered  about  sixty  vessels,  under  Sir  Kobert 
Tiptoft ; "  the  Normans  obtained  help  from  the  French,  Flaniands, 
and  Genoese,  and  assembled  upwards  of  two  hundred  and  forty 
vessels,  imder  Charles,  Count  of  Valois. 

The  battle  appears  to  have  taken  place  on  April  14tli,  12'.);!,  in 
very  bad  weather,  accompanied  by  hail  and  snow ;  and  it  resulted  in 
a  decisive  victory  for  the  English,  who  captured  about  two  hundred 
and  forty  sail,  and,  as  Peter  of  Langtoft  says,  "  alle  the  portes  were 
riche."  Nicholas  Trivet's  account,^  while  agreeing  that  the  whole 
fleet  was  taken,  ascx'ibes  the  action  to  a  day  in  May,  and  declares 
that  it  was,  so  far  as  the  Normans  were  concerned,  an  unexpected 
encounter. 

This  loud  clash  of  arms  in  mid-Channel  drew  the  attention  of 
Philip  IV.  of  France  to  the  quarrel  which,  up  to  that  time,  had  been 
of  an  unofficial  character,  although  Charles  of  Valois,  who  was  the 
king's  brother,  had  already  connected  himself  with  it.  Philip 
peremptorily  demanded  redress,  entered  Gascony,  and  summoned 
Edward,  as  his  vassal,  to  appear  before  the  Eoyal  Court  of  Paris. 
After  much  negotiation,  it  was  agreed  that  Philip,  to  save  his 
honour,  should  occupy  Gascony  for  forty  days,  and  then  withdraw ; 
but  as,  after  the  expiration  of  the  term,  he  still  occupied  the 
province,  Edward  formally  disclaimed  feudal  dependence  on  France, 
and  prepared  to  recover  his  inheritance  by  foi'ce. 

In  1294,  large  English  fleets  were  assembled  in  the  Narrow  Seas, 
one  in  the  North  Sea,  being  under  Sir  John  de  Botetort,*  one  in  the 

'  It  was  clearly  tlie  Seine,  altliougli  Knif^hton  and  Heniingford  say  fUe  Swyn. 

-  Sir  Kiibert  Tiiitoft,  or  Tibetot,  son  of  Henry  de  Tijitoft,  was  wade  Governor  of 
Porchester  Castle  in  12G5,  and  on  the  accession  of  Edward  I.  was  made  Governor  of 
Nottingham  Castle.  His  only  naval  command  appears  to  have  been  in  1293.  He 
died  in  1298. 

'  Trivet,  274. 

*  Sir  John  de  Botetort,  Lord  Botetort,  and  Lord  of  Mendlesham,  was  Governor  of 
Briavel  Castle,  Gloucester,  in  1291,  and  in  1293  a  justice  of  gaol  delivery.     He  served 


206  MILITARY  EI8T0EY,    1154-1399.  [1294. 

Channel,  being  under  Sir  William  de  Leybourne/  and  one,  in  the 
Irish  Sea,  being  under  a  knight  named  Ormond.-  On  June  26th, 
the  barons  of  England  were  ordered  to  be  at  Portsmouth  by 
September  1st,  to  accompany  the  king  to  Gascony ;  and  in  July 
Edward  himself  was  at  Portsmouth.^  Meanwhile,  wood  was  hewn 
for  the  equipment  of  above  two  hundred  ships  to  carry  horses ;  the 
keepers  of  all  the  ports  were  directed  to  suffer  no  man,  ship,  boat  or 
vessel  to  quit  the  kingdom  ;*  and  John  Baliol,  King  of  Scots,  who 
had  done  homage  to  Edward  in  1292,  was  enjoined  not  to  allow 
any  ships  or  men  to  leave  his  country  for  abroad.^ 

The  army  destined  for  Gascony  consisted  of  twenty  thousand 
foot  soldiers,  with  five  hundred  men-at-arms.  It  sailed  from 
Portmouth  on  August  1st,  but,  off  the  Cornish  coast,  was  dispersed 
by  bad  weather  and  driven  into  Plymouth,"  whence  it  did  not  sail 
again  until  the  beginning  of  October.  Entering  the  Gironde,  the 
fleet  appeared  about  the  28th  of  the  month  in  the  Dordogne  before 
Castillon,  which  place  surrendered  at  once.  Thence  the  expedition 
proceeded  up  the  Garonne  to  St.  Macaire,  which  submitted  on  the 
31st.  On  the  following  day  the  ships  anchored  off  Bourg.  On 
November  8th  they  were  off  Blaye,  whence  they  sailed  to  Bordeaux, 
where  they  remained  for  two  days.  Failing  to  reduce  it,  they  again 
mounted  the  Garonne  to  Lieux,  where  the  horses  were  landed  after 
having  been  seventeen  weeks  and  some  days  embarked.' 

The  main  expedition  was  followed  by  the  Earls  of  Lancaster  and 
Lincoln  with  reinforcements,  probably  conveyed  in  vessels  which 
the  Cinque  Ports  had  been  ordered  to  send  to  Portsmouth  by 
September  8th ;  ^  but  this  division  did  not  sail  until  the  spring  of 
1295.     In  the  interval,  in  October,  1294,  certain  goods  belonging  to 


in  Gas(;i>iiy  in  1295,  and  against  Scotland  I'mni  129.S  to  1301,  and  again  in  1309. 
Soon  al'tei'wards  lie  was  Governor  of  Framlingham  t'astle.  He  held  naval  commands 
in  1294,  1297,  and  1315,  and  died  in  1324. 

'  Sir  William  de  Leybonrne,  Lord  Leybourne,  eldest  son  i.'f  Sir  Tioger  de 
Leybonrne,  succeeded  his  father  in  1272.  After  serving  in  Wales,  lie  was  made 
Constable  of  Pevensey  Castle  in  1293.  In  1299  he  was  summoned  to  Parliament  as 
a  Baron.     He  held  naval  command  in  1294  and  1297,  and  died  in  1309. 

-  Trivet,  279. 

^  Gascon  Kolls,  22  Edw.  I.  m.  9. 

*  Jh.,  22  Edw.  I.  m.  2. 

"  '■Fa-dera,'  i.  HOI.    Baliol  was  then  su].iposed  to  be  attached  to  the  English  interest. 

"  '  Plumeneye,'  Knyghton. 

'  Knighton,  col.  2498. 

"  Ih.,  2507 ;  '  Ffcdera,"  i.  809. 


120.-).]        TREACBERY   OF  SIR    THOMAS  DK    TURBERVILLK.        207 

French  subjects  were  directed  to  be  seized  and  sold  and  the  proceeds 
paid  into  the  Exchequer.' 

Sir  Henr\'  de  Turberville  has  been  mentioned  as  haYin<,'  played  a 
gallant  part  in  the  defeat  of  the  French  at  the  Battle  of  the  Soutli 
Foreland  in  1217.  A  relative  of  his  took  a  less  honourable  share 
in  the  naval  history  of  the  reign  of  Edward  I.  This  knight.  Sir 
Thomas  de  Turberville,  had  been  made  prisoner  by  I'hilip  IV.  ;  and, 
eager  to  advance  himself,  no  matter  at  what  cost,  turned  traitor. 
He  suggested  in  1295  that  Philip  should  fit  out  a  large  fleet  and 
crowd  the  vessels  with  troops ;  and  that,  in  the  meantime,  he 
himself  should  go  to  England,  report  that  he  had  made  his  escape, 
and  endeavour  to  obtain  from  his  sovereign  a  command  at  sea,  or 
the  custody  of  the  ports,  or  both.  He  would  then,  on  seeing  the 
approach  of  the  French,  deliver  up  his  trust,  the  agreed  signal  that 
his  plot  had  been  successful  being  his  own  banner  hoisted  above  that 
of  the  king.  Philip  accepted  the  offer,  promised  Turberville  large 
rewards,  and  kept  two  of  the  traitor's  sons  as  hostages. 

Turberville  reached  England,  but,  though  kindly  received,  failed 
to  obtain  the  wished-for  command.  Philip,  on  his  part,  collected 
more  than  three  hundred  ships  from  Marseilles,  Genoa  and  other 
places,  and  sent  them  to  cruise  off  the  English  coasts,  in  waiting  for 
the  expected  signal.-  Not  seeing  it  the  commandei's  grew  impatient, 
and  dispatched  five  of  their  best  galleys  to  reconnoitre  more  closely. 
One  of  these  landed  at  Hythe.  To. induce  the  intruders  to  advance 
inland,  the  king's  forces  retired  before  them,  and  then,  suddenly 
turning,  fell  upon  them  and  killed  them  all  to  the  number  of  two 
hundred  and  forty^  afterwards  taking  and  biirning  the  galle}'.  The 
other  four  galleys  rejoined  their  main  body,  which  was  far  too 
formidable  to  be  attacked  by  such  ships  as  were  at  the  disposal  of 
the  English  commanders  on  the  spot.^  Turberville's  treachery  was 
still  unsuspected  in  England ;  but  the  assemblage  of  Philip's  large 
fleet  could  not  but  be  known ;  and,  with  a  view  to  resisting 
invasion,  letters  were  dispatched  on  August  28th  and  80th  to  the 
Bishop  of  London  and  other  prelates  and  priors  instructing  them 
to  take  the  necessary  measures  in  case  the  enemy  landed;''  and 
on    September  28th  the    sheriffs   were  informed    that    danger   was 

'  'Focdera,' j.  811.  -  Kuiglitoii,  250.'!. 

'  76.,  2503 ;  but  Trivet,  i.  284,  says  tliat  the  galley  was  ilriven  into  Hytlie  liy 
accident. 

<  '  Fwdera,'  i.  820. 


208  MILITAUY  HISTORY,    115i-1309.  [1295. 

apprehended  from  the  machinations  of  certain  foreign  ecclesiastics 
residing  near  the  sea-board,  and  recommending  their  immediate 
removal  inland/ 

But,  before  this,  a  descent  had  actually  been  made.  On 
August  1st  the  French  fleet  had  appeared  off.  Dover,  and  had 
suddenly  landed  about  fifteen  thousand  men,  who  had  seized  the 
town  and  burnt  great  part  of  it.  The  people  had  fled,  but  re- 
covering their  courage,  and  being  reinforced,  had  attacked  the 
invaders  so  vigorously  as  to  kill  five  thousand  of  them  and  to  put 
the  rest  to  flight.  Some  had  escaped  to  the  ships,  others  had 
taken  refuge  in  the  fields,  where  they  had  been  afterwards  found 
and  massacred.  Thirty  seamen  had  maintained  themselves  in  the 
cloisters  of  the  abbey  until  night,  when  they  had  got  away  in  two 
boats,  only,  however,  to  be  followed  in  the  morning  by  two  large 
craft  and  sunk.  In  the  whole  affray  but  fourteen  Englishmen  had 
lost  their  lives. 

The  repulse  at  Dover  and  the  non-appearance  of  Turberville's 
signal  disheartened  the  French,  who  returned  to  their  ports  and 
dispersed ; "  yet  Turberville's  treason  was  still  undiscovered  and 
might  have  gone  unpunished  but  for  the  suspicions  of  a  clerk,  who 
delivered  to  Edward  a  letter  which  led  to  the  conspiracy  being  laid 
bare,  and  to  the  culprit's  execution.^ 

The  retirement  of  the  French  opened  the  Channel  to  the  opera- 
tions of  English  cruisers.  The  ships  of  the  Cinque  Ports  captured 
fifteen  Spanish  vessels  full  of  merchandise,  bound  for  Damme,  and 
brought  them  into  Sandwich ;  and  some  Yarmouth  ships  landed  a 
force  at  Cherbourg,  fired  the  town,  robbed  an  abbey,  and  carried  off 
an  old  priest.* 

Instances  of  commissions  having  been  granted  to  privateers  as 
early  as  124.3  have  been  already  cited.  An  undoubted  example  of 
the  issue  of  regular  Letters  of  Marque  and  Eeprisals  occurred  in 
1295.  One,  Bernard  d'Ongressill,  a  merchant  of  Bayonne — then 
part  of  Edward's  dominions — was  the  owner  of  a  vessel — the 
St.  Miirij — belonging  to  that  port,  which,  while  on  a- passage  from 
Barbary  to  England  laden  with  almonds,  raisins  and  figs,  had  been 
driven  by  stress  of  weather  into  Lagos,  on  the  south  coast  of 
Portugal.  At  anchor  there,  she  had  been  boarded  by  some  armed 
Portuguese,  who  had  robbed  D'Ongressill  and  the  crew  and  carried 

'  '  Frwlera,'  i.  820.  '  Cott.  MSS.  Caligula,  A.  18 ;  Peter  of  Langtol't. 

-  Knighton,  cul.  2503.  *  Trivet,  284. 


llilli;.]  WAI!    WITH    r.ALlOl.,    KISG    nF   .s'.or.S  i209 

ship  and  cargo  into  Lisbon,  wliere  the  Kini,'  of  Portugal  had 
received  one-tenth  of  the  spoil,  leaving  the  i"est  to  be  divided  among 
his  piratical  subjects.  D'Ongressill  declared  that  in  consetiucnco  of 
these  proceedings  he  had  lost  £700;  and  he  prayed  Sir  John  of 
Brittany,  then  Lieutenant  of  Gascony,  to  grant  him  "  letters  of 
naarque,"  or,  to  translate  the  Latin  form  used,  "  licence  of  marking 
the  men  and  subjects  of  the  kingdom  of  Portugal  "  (liceiitia 
inarcandi  Jtoiiilncs  et  siibdiios  de  regno  PortiKjallia-),  and  specially 
those  of  Lisbon,  until  he  should  obtain  compensation.  Sir  .lohn  ac- 
cordingly in  June,  1295,  granted  to  D'Ongressill,  his  heirs,  successors 
and  descendants,  authority  for  five  years  "to  mark,  retain  and 
appropriate"  the  people  of  Portugal,  and  especially  those  of  Lisbon, 
and  their  goods,  wheresoever  they  might  be  found,  until  be  should 
have  obtained  satisfaction.  The  licence  was  confirmed  by  the  king 
on  October  3rd,  with  the  proviso  that  it  should  lapse  upon  restitu- 
tion being  made,  and  that  if  D'Ongressill  took  more  than  he  had  lost 
he  should  answer  for  the  surplus.' 

France  sought  assistance  from  Norway ;  and  on  October  22nd, 
1295,  it  was  agreed  that  Eric  of  Norway  should  aid  Philip  of  France 
against  the  King  of  England,  and  all  his  supporters  and  confederates 
with  two  hundred  galleys  and  one  hundred  large  ships,  well 
furnished  with  arms  and  munitions  of  war  for  four  months  in  each 
year  of  the  conflict,  together  with  fifty  thousand  picked  and  well- 
armed  soldiers,  of  whom,  for  each  ship  and  galley,  four  were  to  be 
commanders,  Pliilip  undertaking  to  pay  in  return  £80,000,  which 
Slim  should  be  ready  by  May  1st,  129(3.- 

John  Baliol,  King  of  Scots,  also  allied  himself  with  France,  ;iuil 
denounced  the  liomage  which  he  had  previously  paid  to  the  King  of 
England.  Early  in  1296  Edward  marched  against  him,  and  in 
March  directed  a  fleet  of  thirty-three''  sail  to  co-operate  with  him  in 
the  reduction  of  Berwick.  On  the  30th  of  the  month,  perceiving 
that  the  king's  army  was  in  motion,  the  commander  of  the  fleet 
took  his  ships  into  the  harbour  on  the  flood  tide  to  assist  in  the 
assault.  The  leading  vessel  grounded  and  was  innnediately  sur- 
rounded by  the  Scots,  who,  though  the  crew  made  a  brilliant 
defence,  boarded  and  captured  her  with  a  loss,  to  both  sides,  of 
twenty-eight  men.     A  second  ship  which  grounded  was  burnt ;  but 

'   '  Fri'dera.' 

^  .lal's  '  AvcIh'.)!.  Xav.-ii.  2!lil. 

^  Heiniiigl'urd.     ISiit  Wal-iiigliani,  OO,  says  twciity-r.i'ir. 

VOL.    I.  P 


210  MILITARY  HISTORY,    1154-l.lfiO.  [1207. 

her  crew  got  away  in  their  boat.  A  third  ship,  carr3'ing  the  Prior  of 
Durham's  household,  maintained  an  unequal  fight  for  about  eleven 
hours,  and  then,  having  taken  the  ground,  was  burnt,  some  of  her 
crew  escaping  in  their  boat  and  the  rest  leaping  into  the  water,  and 
being  picked  up  by  the  boats  of  the  other  vessels.  The  remaining 
ships  retired.  The  naval  attempt  seeius  to  have  been  made  pre- 
maturely in  consequence  of  some  misapprehension  of  the  movements 
of  the  army  ;  but  when  Edward  witnessed  the  smoke  of  his  burning 
shijjs  he  ordered  the  trumpets  to  sound  the  attack,  and  the  place 
was  quickly  carried  with  great  slaughter.^  Dunbar  and  Edinburgh 
were  subsequently  taken ;  and  on  July  10th,  1296,  Baliol  sub- 
mitted at  Montrose,  and  surrendered  his  kingdom  to  Edward. 
While  the  king  was  thus  engaged  in  Scotland  it  was  rumoured 
that  a  thousand  Flai^iands  and  others  were  preparing  an  attack  on 
Yarmouth ;  but  it  would  appear  that  the  measures  taken  by  Sir 
.John  de  Botetort  and  the  bailiffs  sufficed  to  ward  off  the  threatened 
■descent.^ 

Walsingham  recounts  an  act  of  great  gallantry  performed  in 
'Gascony  in  1296  by  Sir  Simon  de  Montacute.^  Bourg,  on  the 
'Garomie,  was  in  the  possession  of  the  English,  but  was  closely 
invested  by  the  French ;  and  its  garrison  sent  to  Blaye  for  assist- 
ance. But  the  river  was  so  full  of  hostile  galleys  that  the  crew  of 
the  vessel  dispatched  from  Blaye  with  provisions  refused  to  proceed. 
Montacute  thereupon  undertook  the  business,  and,  forcing  a  way 
through  the  middle  of  the  French  fleet,  reached  Bourg  in  safety,  the 
result  being  that  the  French  raised  the  siege  of  that  place.*  The 
exploit  was  as  bold  a  one  as  that  which  led  to  the  raising  of  the 
siege  of  Londonderry  in  1689. 

In  1297  Edward  endeavoured  to  strengthen  his  position  abroad 
by  concluding  alliances  with  the  Emperor,  the  Count  of  Flanders, 
and  several  of  the  Netherlands  and  German-  princes.  A  convention, 
made  at  Bruges  on  March  8th,  1297,  with  Guy,  Count  of  Flanders, 


'  Hemingfiird,  i.  HO. 

^  I'at.  Kolls,  2:'>  EiUv.  Lpasaim  ;  24  K.Uv.  I.  iii.  10;  25  Eilw.  1.  L',  m.  14  ;  Mem.  in 
'I'reas.'s  RemenibraiicerV  OH'. 

'  Sir  Simon  de  Montacute,  Lurd  Montacute,  served  with  the  army  as  early  as  1281, 
and  commanded  the  third  division  at  the  siege  of  Carlaverocli.  In  1300  he  was 
summoned  as  a  Baron  to  rarliament,  and  in  1308  was  made  Constable  of  Beaumaris 
Castle.  He  seems  tn  have  held  high  naval  conunand  oidy  in  1310  and  131;!,  and  he 
died  in  131(;. 

*   VValsinyham,  30. 


l:ii1T.]  CO-OPEnATION    WITH  FLANDERI^.  211 

by  Edward's  envoys,  the  Bishop  of  Chester,  Sir  Jolm  Berwick,  aiul 
"  WiUiaiu  de  Leybouriie,  Admiral  of  the  Sea  of  the  said  King  of 
England,"  for  establishing  perpetual  peace  and  concord  between  the 
masters  and  mariners  of  England,  Bayonne  and  Flanders,  and  for 
the  greater  security  of  themselves,  the  merchants,  and  others  of 
those  countries,  is  of  considerable  interest.  It  was  agreed  that  all 
ships  of  England  and  Bayonne,  and  others  of  the  dominion  of 
England,  going  to  Flanders,  should  carry  "  the  signal  of  the  arms  of 
the  King  of  England  "  ;  and  that  the  ships  of  the  dominions  of  the 
Comit  of  Flanders,  going  by  sea,  should  carry  "the  signal  of  the 
said  Count,"  and  also  letters  patent,  sealed  with  the  common  seal  of 
the  city  to  which  each  ship  belonged,  certifying  that  it  did  belong  to 
that  town,  and  was  subject  to  the  count ;  so  that  the  enemies  of 
England  and  Flanders  might  not  profit  by  merely  hoisting  the 
count's  signal.  Injuries  committed  by  one  party  to  the  convention 
against  the  other  were  to  l)e  punished  by  the  simple  rule  of  lex 
talionis  ;  and  injiu-ies  not  capable  of  being  so  dealt  with  were  to  be 
redressed  according  to  the  law  of  the  place  where  they  were  com- 
mitted ;  but  the  general  peace  was  not  to  be  disturbed  on  account  of 
any  murder,  robbery  or  other  offence,  nor  of  any  delay  in  making 
redress.'  A  copy  of  the  convention  was  delivered  to  John  Savage  at 
Gillingham,  in  order  that  it  might  be  proclaimed  throughout  the 
navy.  The  agreement  was  preliminary  to  the  conclusion  of  the 
treaty  of  alliance  against  France.'-' 

Edward  was  delayed  by  disputes  with  the  clergy  and  with  the 
merchants  concerning  the  taxes — disputes  which  eventually  induced 
him  to  renounce  the  right  of  taxation  without  the  consent  of 
Parliament — and  did  not  sail  to  co-operate  with  his  new  ally  until 
August  '2'2nd,  1297.  On  that  day  he  embarked  at  Winchelsea  in  his 
cog,  the  Edward,  and  on  board  ship  received  the  Great  Seal  from 
his  Chancellor,  Sir  John  de  Langton,  and  delivered  it  to  Sir  John  dc 
Benstede.^  A  large  fleet  accompanied  him,  and  an  army  stated  to 
consist  of  fifteen  hundred  cavalry,  and  fifty  thousand  foot  soldiers,  of 
whom  thirty  thousand  were  Welsh.  He  landed  at  Sluis  on  the 
27th,''  but  was  further  impeded  by  a  quarrel  which  almost  im- 
mediately broke  out  between  those  ancient  rivals  the  seamen  of  the 

'  '  Fiudera,'  i.  801. 

-  lb.,  i.  862. 

■''  Hardy's  'Catal.  of  the  t'liancclldrs,"  14  ;  '  I'V.lcra,'  i.  HTH. 

<  Wikes,  304. 


212  MILITARY  HISTORY,   llo4-130'J.  [1299. 

Cinque  Ports  and  of  Yarmouth  The  people  of  the  Cinque  Ports 
appear  to  have  begim  the  conflict  by  boarding  the  Yanuouth  vessels, 
burning  more  than  twenty  of  them,  and  killing  the  crews.  The 
king's  commands  were  not  listened  to ;  and  only  three  of  the 
Yarmouth  ships  succeeded  in  putting  to  sea  and  escaping  from  the 
fury  of  their  assailants/  The  French  had  a  project  for  unexpectedly 
falling  upon  the  English  ships  at  Sluis  and  Damme  and  burning 
them  at  their  anchors ;  and  they  would  probably  have  succeeded  had 
they  chosen  the  moment  of  this  disgraceful  outbreak ;  but  the 
carrying  out  of  the  plan  was  postponed  until  the  English  had  heard 
of  the  intention  ;  and  then  they  sailed. 

In  English  history  few  foreign  alliances  have  brought  much  good 
to  the  country,  and  the  alliance  with  Flanders  was  no  exception  to 
the  general  rule.  Edward  was  the  catspaw  of  his  nominal  friends  ; 
his  affairs  abroad  did  not  prosper ;  and  there  is  little  doubt  that  his 
interests  were  betrayed.  In  1299  he  found  it  advisable  to  conclude 
a  two  years'  truce  with  France,  upon  the  understanding  that 
property  captured  by  either  party  before  the  commencement  of  the 
war  should  be  I'estored  ;  and  orders  to  that  effect  were  issued  on 
September  18th.'- 

But  long  before  this  Edward  had  been  called  home  by  the 
pressure  of  events  in  the  north,  where  William  Wallace  had  headed 
a  revolt,  and  defeated  the  English  near  Stirling.  The  king,  .after 
having  requisitioned  from  the  Cinque  Ports  a  number  of  ships  to 
facihtate  his  return,  landed  at  Sandwich  on  March  14th,  1298,  and 
at  once  proceeded  to  join  his  army  in  Scotland. 

On  December  3rd  following,  directions  were  issued  to  the  Cinque 
Ports  that  the  whole  of  their  service,  viz.,  fifty-seven  ships,  would 
be  needed  at  Skinburness,  near  Carlisle,  by  June  6th,  1299  ;^  and 
similar  directions  were  sent  to  forty-seven  other  English  and  six 
Irish  ports,  each  of  which  was  to  provide  from  one  to  three  ships.* 

'  Wikes,  .jOi;  Knii^hton,  251'J ;  AValsinghaiii,  -M,  lias  it  that  the  seamen  of 
Portsmouth  ami  Yarmouth  were  tlie  culjirits. 

-  '  Fcedera,'  i.  913. 

»  Ih.,  i.  901,  928;  Kuighton,  2.M0. 

*  The  ports  were  required  to  furnish  ships  as  follows: — One  ship  apiece:  Harwich, 
Orford,  8wynhumber  (Swine),  Dnnwich,  Skottemutli  with  Brunnerauth,  Tliornham 
witli  Holm,  Hecham  with  Flychene,  Hull,  St.  Botolph,  Whitby,  Kavenseye,  Hedon, 
Grimsby,  Northfleet,  Gillingham,  Sheford,  Weymouth,  Exmoutli,  Clyue  (y  CUine), 
Poole,  Lynn  (V  Lyme),  Teignmuuth,  Plymouth,  Looe,  Bridgewater,  Fowey,  Sliorehaiu 
witli  Briglielmston  and  Portsnioutli,  Hereford,  Waterford,  Dublin,  Youghall,  Puss, 
Droglieda.     Tiro  shipa  apie:e :  I]i-!wich,  Go-<f'rd  witli  ISaldsey,  Blakency,  Waintleet 


1300.]  I'l'.ACE    WITH    FHANCE.  213 

But  when  the  specified  time  arrived,  some  of  the  service  of  tlie 
Cinque  Ports  was  dispensed  with  ;  for  only  thirty  of  their  vessels 
actually  proceeded  to  Scotland,  wliere  the  war  dragged  on  until 
1304,  and  broke  out  again  under  Kobert  Bruce  in  130G.  For  the 
prosecution  of  it,  the  bailiffs  of  the  ports  were  told  in  May,  1300, 
to  induce  the  inhabitants  to  send  ships  to  the  king.  More  vessels 
were  called  out  on  November  10th  ;^  and  when  the  rebellion  was 
renewed  in  130(3,  "  Gervase  Alard,-  Captain  and  Admiral  of  the 
king's  fleet  of  the  ships  of  the  Cinque  Ports,  and  also  of  all  other 
ports  from  Dover  to  Cornwall,  and  of  the  whole  county  of  Corn- 
wall," was  ordered  to  proceed  with  his  fleet  to  Skinburness  or  Kirk- 
cudbright ;  and  corresponding  orders  were  dispatched  to  Edward 
Charles,^  "  Captain  and  Admiral  of  the  king's  fleets  from  the 
Thames  to  Berwick-on-Tweed."  ^  But,  although  the  navy  co- 
operated during  the  whole  of  the  war,  it  appears  to  have  had  little 
to  do  beyond  the  convej^ance  hither  and  thitlier  of  troops  and 
stores. 

Kenewals  of  the  truce  with  France  enabled  Edward  to  con- 
centrate almost  his  whole  strength  upon  Scotland.  The  truces  led 
up,  in  1300,  to  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of  marriage,  wherein  it  was 
arranged  that  Edward  should  espouse  Margaret,  Philip's  sister,  and 
that  Edward,  Prince  of  Wales,  should  espouse  Isabella,  Philip's 
daughter.  Later  a  regular  peace  was  signed,  and,  in  1304,  good 
relations  were  so  far  established  that  Edward  undertook  to  assist 
Philip  for  four  months  with  twenty  ships  in  a  French  attack  upon 
Flanders.^ 

Edward   was  on  his  way  to  press  the   campaign    in    Scotland, 


witli  Saltfleet,  Xcwcastle,  Scarbin-ough,  Lonilon,  Aldringhani,  Hampton  (Suutliampton), 
Dartmouth,  Bristol,  Cork.  Thnv  ships :  Lynn. — '  Fu>dera,'  i.  !t28.  The  list  s'ves  .some 
clue  to  the  relative  im]iortance  of  the  ports  at  that  day. 

\  Pat.  Rolls,  •>'.)  &  :»  Edw.  1. 

^  Gervase  Alard  came  of  a  seafaring  family  of  Winchelsea.  He  held  high  naval 
command  iu  IJIOO,  130^,  and  130().  .Justin  Alard,  probahly  a  ueai-  relative,  was  one  of 
the  captains  of  the  fleet  of  the  Tinque  Ports  iu  l.'iOO,  and  Tliomas  Alard  was  liailift'  of 
Winciielsea  in  1.30i.  The  family  is  the  most  conspicuous  naval  one  of  the  fourteenth 
century.— Pat.  Kolls,  31  &  3-t  Edw.  I.  etc. ;  Wardrobe  Accts.,  29  Edw.  I. 

'  Edward  Cliarles  was  probaljly  the  Sir  Edward  Charles  wdio,  born  in  1272,  served 
in  Flanders  and  Scotland,  and  died  about  1330.  If  so,  he  was  son  of  Sir  William 
Charles.  He  does  not  appear  to  have  held  high  naval  command  except  in  130(1. — Pat. 
Kolls,  34  Edw.  [.  m.  21. 

*  '  Ficlera,'  i.  iiilO. 

^  Ih.,  i.  0(il,  il(!2. 


214  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1154-1309.  [1309. 

when  on  July  7th,  1307,  he  died  at  Burgh-on-the-Sands,  near 
Carhsle.     He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Edward  II. 

As  soon  as  possible  after  his  accession,  Edward  II.  went  to 
France  to  marry  the  Princess  Isabella,  to  whom,  as  has  been  seen, 
he  was  affianced  by  treaty.  Orders  as  to  his  passage  were  issued  to 
the  warden  of  the  Cinque  Ports  in  November,  1307  ;  ^  the  Sheriff  of 
Kent  was  required  to  provide  brows  and  clayes  for  the  necessary 
vessels,  and  the  Lord  Mayor  and  Sheriffs  of  London  were  directed 
to  furnish  means  of  transport  for  the  king's  pavilions  and  tents." 
Edward  went  down  to  Dover  about  January  15th,  1308,  and  after 
providing  those  who  were  about  to  cross  with  him  to  Boulogne  with 
letters  of  protection,  entrusting  the  regency  during  his  absence  to 
Piers  Gaveston,  Earl  of  Cornwall,  and  settling  other  matters,  sailed 
on  the  2'2nd.^  He  was  married  at  Boulogne  on  the  28th,  and 
returned  to  Dover  on  February  7th.* 

His  father  on  his  death-bed  had  enjoined  him  to  vigorously 
prosecute  the  war  with  Scotland,  but  the  young  king  waged  it  only 
with  indecision  and  feebleness.  In  July,  1308,  ships  were  dispatched 
from  Hartlepool  and  other  ports  to  the  relief  of  Aberdeen,  under  the 
command  of  William  le  Betour,^  and  in  October  ten  good  ships  were 
ordered  to  be  sent  by  the  ports  of  Norfolk  and  Suffolk,  and  ten  more 
by  the  ports  between  Yarmouth  and  Berwick,  to  assist  in  the  defence 
against  the  Scots  of  the  town  last  named.  With  each  ship  were  to 
be  fifty  strong  and  well-armed  men."  At  the  same  time,  as  also  in 
the  following  year,  the  keeper  of  the  port  of  Dover  was  forbidden  to 
allow  any  baron,  knight,  or  other  notable  person  to  quit  the  realm 
during  the  continuance  of  the  Scots  war  without  the  king's  licence.' 

On  October  26th,  1309,  the  Mayor  of  Yarmouth  was  directed  to 
provide  two  ships,  with  forty  men  in  each,  for  the  defence  of  Perth," 
and  on  June  18th,  1310,  two  persons  were  deputed  to  choose  one 
hundred  and  forty  of  the  stoutest  and  strongest  mariners  that 
could  be  found  in  the  port  of  London,  and  in  other  places  as 
far  as  Feversham,  and  to  have  them  before  the  council  at  W^est- 
minster  by  the  end  of  that  month,  armed  and  ready  to  j)roceed 
on  the  king's  service  to  Scotland.^     On  the  same  day.  Sir  John  de 

'  'Fu'dera,'  ii.  14,  15.  "  Scots  Kolls,  i.  o8. 

-  lo.,  ii.  IT.  '  '  Fccdera,'  ii.  58,  95. 

=■  IK,  il.  22,  27,  29.  *  Scots  Rolls,  i.  78. 

*  Hemingford,  i.  241 ;  '  Fccdera,'  ii.  •".1.  •   Ih.,  i.  84. 

°  Scots  ]{olls,  i.  55. 


1310.]  THE    WAR    WITH   SCOTLAND.  2^5, 

Caiinton '  was  appointed  "  cajitain  and  oovernor""  of  tlic  fleet 
destined  for  Perth,  and  letters  were  dispatched  to  the  ports  to  the 
effect  that,  Rohert  Bruce  havin<f  broken  truce  and  renewed  the  war, 
Edward  intended  to  go  in  person  to  Berwick-on-Tweed,  and  required 
the  aid  of  the  navy.  Every  port  was  therefore  to  provide  one  or 
mpre  ships,  armed,  manned,  and  stored,  and  to  send  them  l)y 
August  1.5th  to  Dublin,  whence  they  would  be  conducted  to  Scotland 
by  Sir  Eichard  de  Burgh,  Earl  of  Ulster,  to  serve  with  the  rest  of 
the  English  navy  which  was  being  dispatched  thither.  The  force 
thus  raised  consisted  of  fifty  ships,  of  which  Yarmouth  supplied  six, 
Lynn  four,  other  large  ports  two,  and  the  smaller  ports  one  apiece." 
Ultimately  the  arrangements  were  altered  by  an  order  of  August  '2nd. 
The  ships  originally  ordered  to  make  rendezvous  at  Dublin  were 
assembled  at  the  Isle  of  Man,  and  the  others  went  direct  to  Scot- 
land, under  the  orders  of  Sir  Simon  de  Montacute,  "Admiral  of 
Our  Navy."^  Some  of  these  ships,  on  their  way  north,  were 
attacked  by  pirates  from  Holland  and  Hainault,  whereupon  the 
Count  of  Elanders  was,  on  November  9th,  earnestly  requested  to 
repress  the  marauders,  who  professed  to  be  under  his  protection." 

The  campaign  of  1310  was  of  so  feeble  a  nature  that  Kobert 
Bruce  was  encouraged  to  carry  the  war  into  his  enemy's  territory. 
As  early  as  the  autunm  of  the  year,  intelligence  seems  to  have  been 
received  in  England  of  liobert's  intention  to  seize  Man,  to  winter 
there,  and  to  use  the  island  as  a  base  from  which  to  make  attacks. 
upon  the  Enghsh  coast,  and  the  sheriffs  of  the  counties  nearest  to 
the  threatened  point  were  directed  to  assist  the  steward  of  the 
Bishop  of  Durham  in  equipping  vessels  to  repel  the  descent.^ 

More  ships  were  called  out  in  1311,  and  ordered  to  make 
rendezvous  at  Wolreckford,  near  Knockfergus,  to  proceed  to  Scot- 
land under  Sir  John  of  Argyle,"  "  .\dmiral  and  Captain  of  the  king's 

'  Sir  .luhu  lie  Cauutnu  seems  to  have  lieen  a  Leicestersliire  iientli'iiiaii.  In  l.'il.'i  he 
ohiained  a  pardon  for  having  been  eoiicerned  in  the  death  of  Tiers  (iavestnn.  His 
only  high  command  at  sea  was  that  of  1^10. — Scots  Rolls,  i.  82. 

-  '  Fredera,"  ii.  109.     Similar  orders  were  sent  to  the  Cinque  Ports. 

•■'  Scots  Rolls,  i.  it2;  'lAudera,'  ii.  114. 

<  '  Fcedera,'  ii.  118. 

"  ]h.,  ii.  122 ;  Scots  Rolls,  i.  IIG. 

'■  Sir  John  of  Argyle,  a  Scotsman  who  sided  against  his  country  during  its  struggle 
for  independence,  served  abroad  umlcr  Edward  I.  in  12'J7.  lie  held  high  naval 
commands  in  1311,  1314,  and  l.'Uf),  ,ind  died  in  i:!l<;  whilst  on  a  pilgrimage  to 
Canterbury,  leaving  one  son,  Sir  Alan,  and  iirohalily  another,  Sir  Alex.ander.— Scots 
Rolls,  i.  Oil,  121 ;  '  Fcfdera,'  ii.  13!). 


216  MILITARY  ElSTOnr,   nU-\ZVJ.  [loK;!. 

fleet  on  the  Coast  of  Argyle,  and  in  other  parts  of  Scotland."  The 
army  ashore  did  niiserabl}',  for  Bruce  ravaged  the  Enghsh  border 
counties  ;  but  the  fleet  seems  to  have  done  better,  unless,  indeed, 
Edward  merely  desired  to  make  sure  of  its  assistance  in  the  domestic 
conflict  which  was  fast  becoming  inevitable,  for  on  October  12th, 
in  a  letter  to  Sir  John  of  Argyle,'  the  king  complimented  and 
thanked  that  oflicer,  and  also  addressed  "his  beloved  sailors  and 
mariners  of  England  and  Ireland,"  thanking  all  and  each  of 
them,  and  commanding  them  to  continue  their  services  during 
the  winter.^ 

In  131'2,  the  barons,  disgusted  with  the  favour  shown  to 
Gaveston,  took  arms  under  Thomas  of  Lancaster,  and  pursued  the 
king  to  the  north.  He  fled  from  Newcastle  to  Tynemouth,  and 
embarking  thence  in  a  small  vessel  with  Gaveston,  reached  Scar- 
borough.- There  Gaveston,  after  a  siege,  was  taken,  and  he  was 
subsequently  beheaded  on  Blacklow  Hill.  Civil  war  lasted  until 
13'2'2,  when  Lancaster,  in  his  turn,  was  taken  and  executed. 

During  all  these  years  the  war  with  Scotland  continued,  although 
the  Scots  won  most  of  the  advantage,  and  nearly  all  the  honour  of 
the  strife.  In  1813,  Edward  was  in  France  from  May  23rd  to 
July  16th,  in  order  to  conduct  in  person  negotiations  concerning 
Gascony.^  He  was  again  in  France,  for  the  performance  of  a 
pilgrimage,  from  the  12th  to  the  20th  of  December.^  In  that  year, 
apparently  because  the  attempts  first  made  in  1310  to  obtain  redress 
for  outrages  committed  by  Flanders  pirates  had  failed,  an  embargo 
was  laid  upon  all  Flamand  shipping  in  the  port  of  London,  and  in 
July  a  considerable  fleet  was  called  out  and  placed  under  the  orders 
of  Sir  William  de  Montacute.^ 

In  1314,  when  vessels  were  required  to  carry  further  reinforce- 
ments to  Scotland,  the  king's  two  valets,  John  Sturmy "  and  Peter 

'  Scots  KolLs  i.  107. 

-  Walsingliaiii,  7.j  ;  Trokelowe's  '  Aiuni  EiUv.  II.,'  15. 

"  'Fcedcra,'  ii.  2lL',  MIT,  322. 

■*  lb.,  ii.  23>S. 

''  lb.,  ii.  210,  219,  223.  He  was  eldest  sun  ol'  Siiuun,  first  Lord  Montacute.  Fur 
his  services  in  tlie  Scots  Wars  lie  was  made  a  K.B.     He  died  in  Gascony  in  1320. 

°  Sir  John  Sturmy  was  one  of  the  king's  valets  \\\\  to  131-4,  held  land  in  "Norfolk 
and  Essex,  and  in  1315  and  1318  was  keeper  of  the  town  and  castle  of  Oxford.  He 
held  high  naval  commands  in  1314,  1315,  1324,  1325,  and  1320 ;  and,  after  serving; 
Edward  HI.  in  a  civil  capacity,  died  about  1343 — Scots  Kolls,  151,  155;  '  Fa>dera,'  ii. 
277;  Pat.  Kolls,  IH  Edw.  H.  1,  ni.  36;  Gascon  Kolls,  18  Edw.  IT.  m.  20,  28; 
Walsingham,  100;  Close  Kolls,  11)  Edw.  II.  m.  5,  7,  8;  Pat.  Rolls,  10  Edw.  II.  1, 
Ml.  10,  12;    Ttcdcra,"  ii.  037. 


lUL]  THE    WAR    WITH  HVOTLASD.  217 

Bard,'  were  on  March  l'2th  appointed  jointly  and  severally  admirals 
and  captains  of  the  Heet  for  Bcotland,  and  on  the  same  day  all  civil 
authorities  were  enjoined  to  assist  John  Stunny,  master  of  the  king's 
ship  Christoplier  of  Westminster,  and  the  masters  of  the  king's  other 
ships,  Isabel,  Blessed  Man/,  St.  Michael,  and  Leonard  of  Westminster, 
in  selecting  mariners  and  other  fighting-men.'-  Six  days  later, 
similar  injunctions  were  issued  with  reference  to  twenty-one  more 
of  the  king's  ships,  one  cog,  and  one  harge ;  and  additional  vessels 
were  called  out  and  directed  to  make  rendezvous  at  Wliitsuntide  at 
Aberconway,  previous  to  service  in  Scotland.^  As  Sir  John  of  Argyh- 
was  again  appointed  captain  and  admiral  on  March  '25th,  it  may 
be  supposed  that  Sturmy  and  Bard  were  then  superseded,  although 
the  former  of  these  was  often  employed  afterwards  in  a  similar  higli 
command.  His  squadron  went  to  Ireland  to  embark  four  thousand 
foot  soldiers,  and  also,  apparently,  to  pick  up  there  certain  vessels 
belonging  to  the  Earl  of  Ulster's  command.*  The  fleet  of  the 
Cinque  Poi'ts,  on  the  other  hand,  was  ordered  on  April  1st  to  go 
eastward  and  northward  to  Berwick,  and  to  make  rendezvous 
there  on  June  '24th ;°  but  before  it  arrived  at  its  destination 
Bruce's  victory  at  Bannockburn  had  been  won,  and  had  put  an 
entirely  new  complexion  upon  the  campaign.  The  forces  already 
in  employment  were  then  judged  to  be  insufficient,  and  on 
July  '25th  yet  another  demand  for  ships,  this  time  to  the  number 
of  thirty,  was  made,  the  vessels  being  ordered  to  assemble  at 
Kingston-upon-HuU.^ 

Sir  John  of  Argyle  was  in  1315  re-appointed  "  captain  "  of  the 
king's  fleet  for  Scotland  and  the  isles  of  Argyle,  and  William  de 
Creye,'  and  Thomas  de  Hewys,  "  admirals  of  the  fleet  of  the  king's 
ships  in  Scotland,"  were  instructed  to  obey  him  as  their  superior 
officer  ;*  so  that  here  we  have  a  fine  example  of  the  confusion  which, 
as  estimated  Ijy  modern  standards,  existed  at  the  beginning  of  the 


'  I'cter  Baiil,  m-  auutlier  of  his  imiue,  again  held  high  ccpiauiaml  at  soa  in  locj^i 
and  1338.— Scot.s  Kolls,  i.  loo. 

-  Scots  IJolls,  i.  IIG.  ■'   //<.,  i.  IIT.  *  //'.,  i.  I'J'-'. 

"  '  Fucdera,'  ii.  240. 

"  Scuts  Hnlis,  i.  12!l. 

'  Sir  Wilhaiii  de  Cre.vc  did  iiuUtai-y  service  as  early  as  12S'2,  and  was  moiiilH'r  nt' 
Parliament  fur  Kent  in  130H  and  1313.  lie  seems  never  to  have  held  high  command 
at  sea  except  on  two  occasions  in  131,"),  and  for  these  services  he  was  granted  the 
wardship  of  a  niinur. 

"  Scots  liolls,  i.  i:;'.i. 


218  MILITAllY  HISTORY,    1154-1309.  [1314. 

fourteenth  century  with  regard  to  the  relative  rank  of  admirals  and 
captains.  In  this  case  the  "captain"  was  the  senior  officer.  At 
the  same  time  John,  Lord  Botetort,  was  given  conuuand  of  the  fleet 
on  the  eastern  side  of  the  island,  from  the  Thames  northward.^  One 
of  the  measures  adopted  at  about  the  same  date  against  Scotland 
was  the  prohibition,  under  the  heaviest  penalties,  of  the  sending  to 
that  part  of  the  island  of  provisions,  arms,  iron,  steel,  or  any  other 
commodities." 

Bruce  probably  drew  most  of  such  supplies  as  Scotland  could  not 
provide  from  the  continent,  for  the  king  learnt,  early  in  the  year, 
that  thirteen  large  Scots  cogs  were  at  Sluis,  loading  with  arms  and 
stores,  and  thereupon  ordered  Botetort,  who  had,  it  would  appear, 
just  received  into  one  of  his  ships,  the  Christopher  of  Yarmouth,  one 
hundred  foot  soldiers  and  sailors  levied  in  Norfolk,  to  proceed  to  sea 
with  the  men  of  Yarmouth,  and  to  seize  the  cogs,  if  they  had  quitted 
Flanders.  But  there  is  no  record  that  the  mission  was  successfully 
carried  out. 

Bruce,  in  fact,  was  pressing  Edward  closely.  In  the  spring  he 
landed  a  large  army  at  Larne,  near  Belfast,  under  command  of  his 
brother  Edward,  who  caused  a  very  formidable  rising  of  the  native 
Irish,  took  Dundalk,  received  the  submission  of  the  O'Neil,  defeated 
the  O'Connors  and  the  Earl  of  Ulster,  laid  siege  to  Carrickfergus, 
and  crushed  Lord  Justice  Mortimer.  All  this  obliged  the  king  of 
England  to  countermand  orders  which  had  been  given  to  the  Earl 
of  Ulster  to  proceed  to  Scotland,  and  forced  him  to  send  troops  aird 
vessels,  which  he  could  not  easily  And,  to  Ireland  as  well  as  to 
Scotland. 

On  May  29th,  William  de  Creye  was  appointed  "  captain  and 
admiral  of  the  king's  fleet  of  the  Cinque  Ports  on  the  western  coast 
of  England,  and  on  the  coasts  of  Ireland  and  Wales,"  and  Sir  John 
of  Argyle  was  made  "captain  of  the  mariners  of  the  fleet  of  the 
Cinque  Ports."''  In  June,  when  sufficient  ships  for  the  northern 
expedition  had  been  obtained,  the  sheriffs  of  certain  counties  were 
empowered  to  release  the  vessels  which  they  had  been  ordered  to 
arrest,  and  whicli  were  not  needed.  Early  in  July,  John  de  Athy 
was  made  captain  and  leader  of  eleven  Bristol  ships  destined  for 
Scotland,  and  a  passage  in  his  patent  indicates  that,  shortly  before, 
William  de  Creye  had  been  appointed  "  admiral-in-chief  "  ''  of  the  fleet 

'  Scots  Kolls,  i.  13!J.  ^  Scots  IJolls,  i.  144. 

^  Ih.,  i.  140.  "*  ('(ij.ifii/f'iii  tti/inh-:(lluiii  :  Scots  l!o]Is,  i.  14l!. 


l.Uo.]  PIRACY   OFF  MARGATE.  219 

on  the  western  coasts.  Previous  to  leaving  port,  the  vessels  appear 
to  have  been  systematically  surveyed,  lor  in  July  three  surveyors 
were  told  off  to  look  to  the  shipping  preparing  in  the  ports  on  the 
east  coast,  and  two  more  to  look  to  those  in  the  ports  on  the  west.' 
A  proclamation,  ordered  on  August  12th,  rescinded  the  prohibition 
of  the  export  of  provisions,  and  conmianded  merchants  to  send 
stores  to  the  north  for  the  army  under  the  Earl  of  Lancaster,  but 
directed  that  secimty  should  be  given  that  none  of  these  stores 
should  reach  the  king's  enemies.- 

In  the  midst  of  Edward's  anxieties,  the  King  of  France  applied 
to  him  for  assistance  against  the  Count  of  Flanders.  The  King  of 
England,  in  his  reply,  explained  his  difficulties,  and  courteously 
regretted  that  he  could  not  spare  ships,  but  added  that  he  had 
ordered  his  admirals.  Sir  Humphrey  de  Littlebury^  and  Sir  John 
Sturmy,  in  particular,  and  his  other  admirals  in  general,  to  lose  no 
opportunity  of  doing  damage  to  the  enemies  of  the  French  king,  and 
to  co-operate  with  his  commanders  at  sea.*  But  Louis  of  France, 
though  so  anxious  for  English  help,  does  not  seem  to  have 
adequately  protected  Enghsh  interest ;  for  in  November,  181-5, 
Edward  again  wrote  to  his  royal  kinsman  to  complain  that  off 
Margate  twenty-two  ships  of  Calais  had  attacked  four  ships  laden 
with  wool  and  other  goods,  and  bound  from  London  to  Antwerp, 
and  had  killed  some  and  wounded  others  of  their  crews,  taking  one 
ship  worth  2000  marks,  and  refusing  to  give  her  up.'*  At  about  the 
same  time,  the  Constable  of  Dover  Castle  seized  several  Spanish 
ships  laden  with  arms  and  provisions  for  Flanders,  and  as  Louis, 
on  hearing  of  the  affair,  wrote  begging  that  the  ships  should 
be  retained  and  their  crews  enslaved,"  it  is  probable  that  if  only 
in  order  to  procure  the  granting  of  his  own  wishes  in  the  one 
case,  the  French  king  made  suitable  recompense  with  reference 
to  the  other.  It  will  be  seen  that  questions  connected  with  the 
transmission  of  contraband  of  war  cropped  up  again  in  the 
following  year. 

Discipline  must  have  been  lax  in  the  navy  in  those  days  of 
foreign  war  and  civil  upheaval.  In  November,  1815,  some  piratical 
vessels  having  appeared  off  the  coast  near  Berwick,  Sir  John  Sturmy 
and  William  Gettour,  as  "  captains  and  admirals  "  of  six  ships,  were 

'  Scots  Kolls,  i.  141),  1-17.  '  'Fu-aera,'  ii.  227. 

^  Jh.,  i.  14!).  '•  Ih.,  ii.  •-'7!l,  2W). 

»  '  frjedeia,' ii.  277.  "  7i.,  ii.  2K1. 


220  MILITARY  l/ISTOnr,    11.-.4-1399.  [lai'i- 

sent  after  them,  with  directions  to  prevent  Berwick  from  being 
attacked.^  They  chose  to  do  nothing  of  the  kind,  and  in  March, 
loK),  they  were  severely  reprimanded,  it  appearing  that,  instead 
of  proceeding  on  the  duty  assigned  to  them,  they  had  anchored 
at  Kirkley,  and  other  ports,  and  had  suffered  their  people, 
without  punishment,  to  plunder  and  harass  the  inhabitants  of 
those  places.  They  were  curtly  reminded  of  their  duty,  and  com- 
manded to  go  to  Berwick,  which  needed  assistance,  without  further 
delay.- 

Early  in  the  year,  France  had  to  complain  that  the  keepers  of 
the  ports  had  allowed  goods  and  provisions  to  be  conveyed  between 
Flanders  and  England.  Edward,  replying  on  March  19th,  doubted 
the  accuracy  of  the  statement,  seeing  that  he  knew  that  Flamands 
had  lately  attacked  and  captured  English  ships,  and  killed  their 
crews  ;  but  he  promised  to  make  inquiry.*  As  on  a  previous  occasion, 
France  did  not  come  into  court  with  clean  hands.  A  large  Genoese 
ship,  bound  for  England  under  the  protection  of  Edward,  had,  at 
about  the  same  time,  been  seized,  while  lying  in  the  Downs,  by  one 
Berenger  Bauck,  of  Calais,  who  had  wounded  and  otherwise  ill- 
treated  the  merchants  and  seamen  on  board,  and,  although  claims 
for  compensation  were  repeatedly  made,  no  satisfaction  was  ever 
obtained.* 

Two  examples  of  the  enforcement  of  reprisals  against  nominally 
friendly  powers  occurred  in  1316.  In  one  case  the  offending  power 
was  Castille.  On  May  18th,  the  seneschal  of  Gascony  was  directed 
to  seize  Castillian  goods  and  merchandise  to  the  value  of  165  marks, 
and  to  hold  the  same  imtil  that  sum,  being  compensation  for 
losses  incurred  by  English  subjects  in  the  preceding  reign,  should 
be  paid.^  In  the  second  case,  the  offenders  were  Enghshmen. 
A  subject  of  Haco,  King  of  Norway,  seized  at  Selag  a  ship 
belonging  to  one  Bedeford,  of  Kingston-upon-Hull,  and,  upon 
representations  being  made,  Haco  courteously  answered  that  three 
years  previously  his  ship,  called  the  BaiiAic,  with  cargo  worth 
,i'300,  had  been  seized  by  the  said  Bedeford  and  his  accomplices 
of  Lynn,  and  that  as  no  satisfaction  had  been  vouchsafed,  reprisals 
had  been  permitted.^ 

■  Scots  Rolls,  i.  1.51.  ■*  '  Fccaera,'  ii.  292,  350,  455. 

-  Ih.,  i.  154.  ■'  Ih.,  ii.  290. 

»  '  Fa'ilera,'  ii.  288. 

"  Ih.,  ii.  29-'! ;  Corre.'iiionik'nce  ])riiiteil  l>\  Kiitick  (1757),  5,  94,  95. 


1317.]  THE  lUISH   liEUELLION   CRUHIIEI).  221 

In  the  early  winter,  Sir  Kobert  de  Leybourne  ^  took  command  of 
a  fleet  against  the  Scots ;  a  large  army  for  Ireland  was  placed  mider 
Roger,  Lord  Mortimer  of  Wigmore ;  Sir  Nicholas  Kyriel  -  was 
appointed  admiral  of  the  fleet,  drawn  from  the  Cinque  Ports  and 
other  ports  to  the  westward,  that  was  destined  to  convey  the 
expedition,  and  Bristol  and  the  adjacent  ports  were  directed  to  send 
twenty  large  ships  to  Haverfordwest,  apparently  for  employment 
under  Kyriel,  by  February  "ind  following. 

In  1317,  Edward  sent  to  Genoa  to  hire  or  purchase  five  fighting 
galleys,  fully  manned  and  equipped.^  The  fleets  in  the  Narrow 
Seas  wei'e  under  John  de  Perbroun,  of  Yarmouth,''  who  commanded 
in  the  north ;  Sir  Robert  de  Lej'bourne,  who  commanded  in  the 
west ;  and  John  de  Athy,'  who  commanded  in  the  Irish  Sea  and 
on  the  west  coast  of  Scotland.  In  November,  the  authorities  of 
the  Cinque  Ports  were  forbidden  to  allow  any  noble  or  other 
eminent  person  to  quit  the  realm  without  the  king's  licence.'' 

In  1318,  the  Irish  rebellion  was  crushed,  on  October  .5th,  at 
Dundalk,  where  Edward  Bruce  fell ;  Init  the  comitry  was  left  in 
a  state  of  ruin,  and  the  moral,  even  of  the  English  settlers,  had 
suffei'ed  so  severely  that  a  few  years  afterwards  William  and 
Edward  de  Burgh,  scions  of  a  great  Nomian  house,  and  sons  of  an 
English  viceroy,  so  far  forgot  themselves  as  to  deliberately  renounce 
their  allegiance,  divide  Connaught  jjetween  them,  and  adopt  the 
Irish  language,  apparel,  and  laws. 

In    Scotland,   Robert    Bruce   was    more    successful.      He    took 

'  Sir  Hubert  de  Leybourne  was  prubably  a  near  relative  of  William,  Luiil 
Ijeybourne.  He  served  in  Scotland  in  1.308,  and  was  member  of  Parliament  for 
Cumberland  and  Westmoreland  in  succession.  In  1322  he  was  Sherift'  of  Chester. 
He  held  high  naval  command  in  1310,  1317,  1322,  and  1326,  and  died  early  in  the 
reisn  of  Edward  III.— Scots  Bolls,  i.  1G6  ;  Pat.  Rolls,  15  Edw.  II.  m.  la  ;  '  F.rdera,  ii. 
487  ;  Pat.  Polls,  20  Edw.  II.  m.  20. 

-  Sir  Nicholas  Kyriel,  (Jr  Criol,  younger  sun  of  a  knight  nt'  the  same  nauie,  was 
born  in  1283,  and  served  with  the  army  in  1319.  His  only  years  of  high  command  at 
sea  were  131G,  1325,  and  1320. — '  Fccdera,'  ii.  .305;  Walsingham,  100;  '  Fcrdera,"  ii. 
637  ;  Pat.  Rolls,  lil  Edw.  II.  1,  m.  10,  11 ;  20  Edw.  II.  ni.  15. 

■'  '  Fffidera,'  ii.  313. 

'  John  de  Perbroun,  of  Yarmouth,  was  member  of  Parliament  for  that  jilace  in 
1322  and  1324.  He  held  high  command  at  sea  in  1317,  1322,  1323,  1327,  and  1333.— 
Pat.  Rolls,  15  Edw.  II.  m.  13  ;  16  Edw.  II.  m.  11,  etc. 

^  .John  de  Athy,  a]iparently  an  Irishman,  had  custudy  of  the  cnunty  and  castle  of 
Limericlv  in  130it.  He  held  high  C(jmmau<l  at  sea  in  1315,  1317,  1319,  and  1335,  but 
in  1337  was  reprimanded  for  cowardice  and  neglect  of  ■  duty. — Scots  Rolls,  i.  146  ;  Pat. 
Rolls,  10  Edw.  II.  m.  22  ;  Abb.  Orig.  Rolls,  248.\,  etc. 

"  '  Fccdera,'  ii.  .347. 


222  MTLITAEY  HISTOBY,   1154-1300.  [ISIO. 

Berwick,  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  the  Eiighsh  garrison,  seconded 
by  a  fleet  under  Wilham  Gettour ;  ^  and,  although  in  August 
Edward  raised  a  large  army  and  called  out  more  ships,  he  effected 
little  or  nothing  against  the  enemy. 

In  the  winter  of  the  year  there  occurred  a  tragedy  which  is 
singularly  illustrative  of  the  modes  of  thought  of  the  time.  A 
ship  bound  from  Flanders  to  Scotland  was  driven  by  heavy  weather 
into  the  mouth  of  the  Thames,  and  lay  for  shelter  in  the  Hope,  off 
Cliffe,  the  inhabitants  of  which  place  summoned  the  strangers  to 
surrender,  and,  upon  their  refusing,  massacred  everj'one  of  them. 
For  the  service,  Edward  rewarded  them  with  the  whole  cargo, 
worth  .i'28  10s.,  taking  the  ship  and  her  rigging,  valued  at  ten 
marks,  for  himself." 

For  the  prosecution  of  the  Scots  war,  greater  sacrifices  than  ever 
were  required  in  1319.  A  fresh  naval  subsidy  was  raised,  and  the 
ports  had  to  provide  ships  with  double  crews,  and  to  maintain  them 
for  three  or  four  months  at  their  own  expense,  the  king  providing 
wages  only  after  the  expiration  of  that  period.^  A  squadron  was 
directed  to  cruise  in  the  Channel  under  Simon  de  Dryl^y,"*  William 
de  Thewell,  and  Eobert  Ashman,^  who  appear  from  the  patent  to 
have  been  invested  with  several  as  well  as  joint  commands ;  and 
as  these  oflicers  were  commissioned  to  repress  "  the  malice  and 
rebelHon  of  our  Scots  enemies  and  rebels,"  it  may  perhaps  be 
assumed  that  Bruce's  vessels  had  ceased  to  confine  their  operations 
to  their  own  waters.  On  the  west,  the  command  was  in  the  hands 
of  John  de  Athy.'^  Later  in  the  year,  Simon  de  Dry  by  was  made 
"  admiral  and  captain  of  the  king's  fleet  in  Scotland."  '  We  learn, 
incidentally,  that  Ashman's  vessel  was  the  Michael  of  Great 
Yarmouth,  and  that  South  Yarmouth  jjrovided  two  ships  called  the 
Bennct  and  the  Garland.^ 

In  1320,  the  conclusion   of  a  two  years'  truce"  with  Scotland 

1  Scots  Eolls,  i.  181,  184. 

2  Abbrev.  Orig.  Rolls,  12  Edw.  II.,  243. 
'  Scots  EoUb,  i.  102. 

■■  Simon  de  Dryby  seems  to  have  been  a  Lincolnshire  or  Norfolk  gentleman.  His 
only  high  command  at  sea  was  held  in  1310.  He  died  about  1323. — Scots  Eoll, 
i.  194. 

''  Robert  Ashman  was  Bailiff  of  Great  Yarmouth  in  132«.  That  of  1310  seems  to 
have  been  his  only  high  naval  command. — Scots  Rolls,  i.  104. 

"  Pat.  Rolls,  12  Edw.  II.  m.  20. 

'  Scots  Rolls,  i.  202.  «  lb.,  i.  105. 

'  '  Foedera,'  ii.  412. 


l.)J2.]  tiETTLUMENT   OF  A    PiilVArE   FEUD.  223 

peiinitted  some  relaxation  of  a  strain  wliich  must  liave  been  very 
severely  felt,  and  allowed  Edward  to  pay  a  visit  to  Philip  V.  of 
France.  The  king  i-emained  abi'oad  only  about  a  month,  and 
disembarked  at  Dover  on  July  2'2nd.' 

At  about  this  time  Edward  entrusted  the  custody  of  the  Cinque 
Ports  to  the  younger  Hugh  le  Despencer,  who  seems  to  have  abused 
his  position  by  committing  various  piratical  acts,  among  which  may 
be  included  the  capture,  in  132'2,  of  two  dromons  with  cargo  worth 
40,000  marks.'-  Accepting  this  as  an  unexaggerated  estimate  of  the 
treasure,  and  making  allowance  for  the  then  high  purchasing  power 
of  money,  the  capture  may  be  regarded  as  almost  as  rich  a  one  as 
was  made  at  sea  by  any  English  force,  even  in  the  days  of  the 
Spanish  galleons. 

A  kind  of  private  war,  which  had  for  some  time  existed  between 
the  mariners  of  England  and  those  of  Brittany,  was  provisionally 
ended  in  August  by  an  agreement  providing  for  a  truce  to  last  until 
November,  1822,  and  for  the  appointment,  in  the  meantime,  of  two 
arbitrators  on  each  side,  with  power  to  compel  submission  to  their 
decision.^  The  truce  was  subsequently  prolonged  for  two  years.'* 
This  step  towards  the  settlement  of  a  dangerous  series  of  disputes 
may  have  suggested  to  Edward  the  desirability  of  making  an  end 
to  the  long-standing  dissensions  between  the  barons  of  the  Cinque 
Ports  and  the  seamen  of  Poole,  Weymouth,  Lyme,  and  South- 
ampton, which  had  led  to  many  murders,  robberies,  and  burnings 
of  ships.  The  king  ordered  the  issue  of  a  proclamation  forbidding, 
under  heavy  penalties,  any  man  to  injure  the  people  of  the  said 
towns  or  their  property ;  and  directed  the  warden  to  send  six  of 
the  barons  to  lodge  the  complaint  of  the  Cinque  Ports  against 
the  seamen  before  himself  in  council,  and  then  to  submit  to  such 
decision  as  might  be  given. 

When  the  truce  with  Scotland  expired  in  13'22,  the  Scots 
entered  Northumberland  in  order  to  join  the  English  rebels  under 
Thomas,  Earl  of  Lancaster ;  and  after  the  Earl  had  been  defeated 
at  Boroughbridge,  orders  were  issued  to  the  Warden  of  the  Cinque 
Ports  that  no  one  of  whom  he  had  not  full  knowledge  should  be 
permitted  to  quit  the  kingdom,  and  that  any  rebels  venturing 
within   his   jurisdiction  should  be  arrested.^'      Not   improbably  the 

'  'Ftcdera,"  ii.  421,  428.  *  '  Fccdera,"  ii.  498. 

''  Walsiiigham,  U2 ;  Knighton,  1'i'i\K  '•  Ih.,  ii.  47«. 

'  '  Fn'ilera,  ii.  45G. 


224  MILITARY  mSTORY,    llo4-1300.  [1324. 

semi-piratical  Flamauds  were  in  league  with  the  insurgents,  for 
in  April  a  large  fleet  belonging  to  them  was  reported  to  be  off 
the  coast,  and  to  have  committed  outrages,  and  the  Cinque  Ports, 
Great  Yarmouth,  and  other  places  were  directed  to  fit  out  ships 
to  resist  them,  in  case  they  should  seek  to  take  advantage  of  the 
king's  approaching  journey  to  Scotland.'  In  132'2,  and  again  in 
1323,  Robert  Battayle  -  was  appointed  captain  and  admiral  of 
the  fleet  of  the  Cinque  Ports,  and  John  de  Perbroun,  captain  and 
admiral  of  the  northern  fleet,  and,  in  the  earlier  year,  Sir  Koljert 
de  Leybourne  held  the  command  on  the  west  coast  of  Scotland, 
and  in  the  Irish  Sea.  John  de  Athy,  who  had  been  admiral  on 
the  coast  of  Ireland,  seems  to  have  held  command  of  a  special 
squadron  for  the  defence  of  Carrickfergus.^  The  king's  ships 
employed  in  1222  against  Scotland  were  the  Rose,  Eleanor,  Godale, 
Magdalene,  two  of  the  name  of  Blithe,  Katherine,  Squynkyn,  James, 
Nicholas,  and  John,  the  last  being  a  cog.*  In  1323,  the  Scots  war 
was  for  a  time  terminated  by  the  conclusion  of  a  thirteen  years' 
truce. ^  At  the  m.oment  of  its  conclusion,  an  English  naval  force 
was  being  assembled  off  Dalkey  Island,  near  Dublin,  to  convey 
troops  to  Skinburness,  and  then  to  serve  against  Scotland.'' 

That  trade  existed  between  England  and  Venice  is  shown  by  an 
occurrence  of  this  year.  The  crews  of  two  Venetian  galleys,  which 
Viad  come  to  Southampton  with  merchandise,  had  an  affray  with  the 
servants  and  tenants  of  Sir  John  de  Lisle.  Several  people  were 
killed  on  each  side,  and  the  Venetians  carried  off  some  property 
which  did  not  belong  to  them.  The  aft'air  was  settled  jjy  the 
Venetian  merchants  paying  Sir  John  a  sum  of  money,  and  by 
the  king  formally  pardoning  them.' 

In  1324,  the  piracies  of  the  subjects  of  the  Count  of  Zeeland  led 
to  the  seizure  of  all  ships  belonging  to  the  Count  that  happened  to 
1)6  in  ports  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  bailifl's  of  the  Bishop  of 
Norwich.      The  cargoes  of  these   ships  were  not    to  be  distrained 

'  'Fcedera,"  ii.  484,  48.5. 

-  Kobert  Battayle  was  Maynr  of  Winclielsea  in  lM3o.  He  IieUl  high  naval 
command  only  in  1322  and  1323. — Pat.  Kolls,  1.5  Edw.  II.  m.  13,  an  1  Ifi  lidw.  U. 
lii.  18. 

■'  '  Fitdera,'  ii.  485. 

'  WardroV)e  Accts.,  17  Edw.  II. 

'  '  Foedera,'  ii.  521.     It  was  signe<l  on  May  30th. 

"  lb.,  ii.  51G. 

'   Jh.,  ii.  514,  540. 


1324.]  FBESH    WAR    WITH  FRANCE.  225 

upon,    but    ships    and   cargoes   were    to    be   kept   pending   further 
orders/ 

In  France,  Charles  IV.  had  succeeded  his  brother  Phihp,  and, 
choosing  to  consider  his  dignity  sHghted  because  Edward  had  not 
attended  his  coronation  to  do  homage  for  Guienne,  had  entered 
that  duchy  with  an  army  in  1223.  It  therefore  became  necessary 
for  Edward  to  send  a  large  force  to  Gascony.  A  squadron  for 
the  purpose  was  raised  in  May,  1324,  from  Southampton,  Ports- 
mouth, Yarmouth,  Poole,  and  nine  other  ports,  and  ordered  to 
make  rendezvous  at  Portsmouth  by  the  22nd  of  the  month  ;  and 
the  port  sheriffs  elsewhere  were  commanded  to  hold  ready  for  the 
king's  service,  at  three  days'  notice,  all  such  of  their  ships  as  could 
carry  forty  tuns  of  wine  or  more.  They  were  also  forbidden  to 
allow  any  vessels  to  go  abroad,  and  to  detain  such  as  might  return 
from  sea  ;  and  warnings  were  issued  to  sailors  concerning  the  risks 
of  capture.^  As  on  a  previous  occasion,  the  ships  were  surveyed,  the 
surveyor  in  this  case  being  a  priest.*  The  admirals  of  the  year  were, 
for  the  Gascony  fleet.  Sir  John  de  Cromwell ;  *  for  the  western  fleet, 
Sir  Robert  Beudyn.^and,  in  his  absence,  Stephen  Alard  ;*  and  for  the 
northern  fleet.  Sir  John  Sturmy. 

"War  was  proclaimed  by  Edward  on  July  22ud,  and  in  September 
all  Frenchmen  in  England  were  arrested,  and  their  goods  seized.' 
In  October,  a  French  invasion  was  apprehended  in  Norfolk,  and 
special  instructions  were  sent  to  the  inhabitants  of  Lynn  and 
Norwich  to  aid  Sir  Eobert  de  Montalt  and  Sir  Thomas  Bardolf,. 
the  keepers  of  the  coast  in  that  county.'  London  was  also  ordered 
to  prepare  all  its  ships  that  could  be  used  for  war,  to  doubly  man 

'  '  Foedera,'  ii.  544. 

2  Ih.,  ii.  552. 

3  Pat.  Eolls,  17  Edw.  11. 

■*  Sir  John  de  Cromwell,  Lord  Cromwell,  was  at  the  siege  of  Carlaverock  in  1300. 
Edward  II.  made  him  a  baron,  and  Constable  of  the  Tower.  He  afterwards  headed  an 
embassy  to  France.  He  was  again  Constable  of  the  Tower  under  Edward  HI.  His 
death  occurred  about  1333. — '  Foedera,'  ii.  562. 

"  Sir  Robert  Beudyn,  a  Devonshire  man,  was  sheriff  of  his  county  in  13111,  and 
member  of  Parliament  for  it  in  1320,  1322,  and  1324.  In  1327  he  was  member  fur 
Cornwall.  He  held  high  command  at  sea  only  in  1324. — Gascon  Rolls,  18  Edw.  II. 
m.  22 ;  Close  Rolls,  19  Edw.  II.  m.  16  ;  Issue  Rolls,  18  Edw.  II. 

''  Stephen  Alard  belonged  to  the  Winchelsea  family  of  seamen,  and  was  in  1307 
collector  of  c\istoms  at  Rye  and  Winchelsea.  In  1326  he  obtained  lands  at  Cheding- 
stone.  The  high  naval  command  of  1324  appears  to  have  been  his  only  one. — Pat. 
Rolls,  18  Edw.  II.  1,  m.  22. 

'  '  Foedera,'  ii.  570. 

*  lb.,  ii.  573. 

VOL.    I.  Q 


226  MILITARY  BISTORT,   1154-1399.  [1325. 

them,  and  to  seud  them  to  Winchelsea.^  But  the  Pope  intervened, 
and,  early  in  1325,  the  arrested  Frenchmen  were  released ;  and  in 
March,  Queen  Isabella  was  allowed  to  proceed  to  France,  in  order 
that  she  might  induce  her  brother  to  agree  to  terms.  Before 
noticing  the  results  of  her  mission,  it  will  be  well  to  return  to  the 
year  1324,  in  order  to  chronicle  an  affair  which  throws  much  light 
upon  the  then  existing  customs  respecting  letters  of  marqiie  and 
reprisal3. 

Two  galleys  of  Majorca  had  been  captured  hy  some  English 
adventurers  or  pirates,  and  Sancho,  King  of  Majorca,  had  sent  an 
envoy  to  England  to  obtain  reparation.  Not  succeeding,  Sancho 
dispatched  Peter  Jacobi  to  Edward  with  letters  repeating  the 
demand.  Edward  rephed  on  September  18th,  declaring  that  he  had 
already  signified  his  readiness  to  do  full  justice  according  to  the 
laws  of  his  realm,  and  that  he  was  investigating  the  matter,  but 
that  the  inquiry  was  not  completed.  James,  King  of  Aragon, 
wrote  to  him  on  the  same  subject,  and  informed  him  that  the 
practice  in  Aragon  was  that  if  any  subjects  were  accused  of  robberies 
at  sea,  a  certificate  of  the  fact  would,  at  the  suit  of  the  aggrieved 
parties,  be  received  in  the  coiu't  of  Aragon,  and  that,  if  the  robbery 
were  proved,  the  value  of  the  stolen  property  would  be  considered  to 
be  sufficiently  established  by  the  oath  of  the  losers  ;  and  that  in  such 
a  case  he  would  require  compensation  from  the  lords  of  the  robbers, 
and,  if  these  did  not  comply,  that  he  should  grant  letters  of  reprisals 
.to  his  subjects,  so  that  the  injm-ed  parties  might  obtain  recompense. 
But  Edward  replied  that  the  system  of  Aragon  did  not  prevail  in 
England,  nor  between  that  country  and  the  neighbouring  states, 
where  letters  of  reprisals  were  only  granted  when  justice,  having 
been  regularly  demanded,  could  not  be  obtained ;  and  he  added 
that  he  could  not  legally  do  anything  against  the  laws  and  customs 
of  his  realm,  to  the  prejudice  of  his  subjects,  nor  could  any  other 
prince  do  so.  To  Sancho  he  also  wrote  that  Jacobi  might  remain 
in  England  until  the  inquiry  was  finished." 

In  May,  1325,  a  disgraceful  peace  was  made  with  France,  it 
being  agreed  that  Charles  should  hold  Guienne  until  Edward 
appeared  in  person  at  Beauvais  to  do  homage  for  it,  and  that  the 
ownership  of  the  Agenois,  part  of  Guienne,  should  be  determined 
by  the  French  peers.^     There  is  little  doubt  that  the  queen  betrayed 

'  Gascon  Rolls,  18  Edw.  11.  m.  25,  29.  =  '  Fccdcra,'  ii.  568,  590,  608. 

'  Ih.,  ii.  601,  602. 


132G.]  TREASON  OF  QUEEN  ISABELLA.  227 

her  husband  over  this  business ;  but  at  first  Edward  seems  not  to 
have  suspected  her,  and  he  made  peaceful  preparations  for  going 
to  Fraiice.  The  Cinque  Ports  were  ordered  to  have  ships  at  Dover 
ready  for  his  passage  on  August  15th,^  but  when,  on  August  24th, 
the  king  went  down  to  the  Abbey  of  Langdon,  near  Dover,  he  fell 
ill.  He  then  proposed,  probably  at  the  queen's  instigation,  that 
his  son  Prince  Edward  should  go  in  his  stead  to  do  homage  for 
Aquitaine.  This  was  agreed  to,  on  condition  that  Guienne  and 
Poitou  should  be  handed  over  to  Charles,  and,  Edward  weakly 
consenting,  the  prince  sailed  on  September  12th.- 

Isabella,  with  her  son  at  her  side,  .scarcelj'  took  pains  to  conceal 
her  policy  any  longer.  Edward  became  at  length  suspicious,  and  on 
September  30th,  ordered  the  keepers  of  the  ports  of  Kent  and 
Sussex  to  be  particularly  vigilant,  and  to  arrest  persons  whose 
character  or  business  was  doubtful.^  Sir  John  Sturmy,  admiral  of 
the  fleet  to  the  northward,  was  directed  to  keep  his  ships  in  readiness 
in  their  ports ;  but,  for  some  unknown  reasons,  he  represented  that 
there  was  no  real  danger,  and  was  allowed  to  release  some  of  the 
vessels.*  Sir  Nicholas  Kyriel  commanded  in  the  west,'^  and  Sir 
John  Felton  also  had  a  command  afloat ;  and,  towards  the  end  of 
the  year,  the  three  admirals  appear  to  have  been  invested  with 
authority  to  cruise  against  French  commerce,  and  to  have  taken 
one  hundred  and  twenty  ships  of  Normandy."  A  little  later,  Isabella 
threw  off  all  disguise.  Troops  were  raised  in  England  in  her  name ; 
Edward  withdrew  his  ambassadors  from  France,  and  formally 
banished  his  queen  and  his  son,  and  the  troops  of  Charles  again 
entered  Guienne. 

Kenewed  orders  were  issued  in  January,  1326,  for  the  examination 
of  suspicious  persons  and  documents  at  the  ports  ;  '  neither  men, 
nor  arms,  money,  or  provisions  were  permitted  to  go  out  of  the 
realm  by  way  of  Dover  without  the  king's  hcence,  merchants  on 
their  necessary  business  being  alone  excepted,*  and  various  other 
precautions  were  taken.  The  Pope  tried  to  mediate,  but  in  vain. 
Sir  Ealph  Bassett,  Constable  of  Dover,  received  instructions  to 
welcome  the  Papal  emissaries  with  all  care  for  their  protection, 
and  all  regard  to  their  dignity ;  and  was  specially  enjoined  not  to 

'  '  Fanlera,'  ii.  604,  605,  GOG.  ^  Tat.  Kolls,  lil  E.hv.  11.  m.  10. 

-  lb.,  ii.  607,  608,  609.  "  Walsingliam,  100. 

•     "  Ih.,  ii,  610.  '  '  Fcedera,'  ii.  617. 

'  Ih.,  ii.  614.  «  Ih.,  ii.  618,  Cl'J. 

Q  2 


228  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1154-1399.  [1326. 

approach  them  with  too  many  ships,  lest  they  should  be  frightened.^ 
Edward,  in  fact,  was  ready  enough  to  treat ;  but  France  and  the 
queen,  fully  alive  to  the  superiority  of  their  position,  wanted  absolute 
surrender. 

In  July,  the  king,  in  consequence  of  continued  French  aggres- 
sions, authorised  attacks  upon  all  Charles's  subjects,  except  the 
Flamands  and  Bretons ;  but  added  that,  if  the  King  of  France 
would  release  the  English  merchants  and  ships  which  he  had 
arrested,  he,  in  like  manner,  would  release  French  merchants  and 
their  goods."  In  August,  great  efforts  were  made  to  raise  ships,  and 
all  vessels  of  fifty  tons  and  upwards  in  ports  north  and  west  of  the 
Thames  were  ordered  to  Portsmouth,  to  serve  under  Kyriel,  on  pain 
of  seizure,  and  the  imprisonment  of  their  officers,  while  the  smaller 
craft  were  to  remain  in  their  ports,  and  not  to  go  fishing  or  on 
other  business.^  Meanwhile,  all  French  subjects  in  England,  except 
Flamands,  were  arrested. 

Charles  of  France,  deterred  by  the  strong  representations  of 
the  Pope,  at  length  obliged  his  sister.  Queen  Isabella,  to  quit  his 
dominions ;  and,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  Count  of  Artois,  she  went 
with  her  son  to  Hainault,  where  she  secured  the  support  of  Count 
William,  and  agreed  that  Prince  Edward  should  marry  his  daughter 
Philippa.  A  considerable  force  was  assembled  on  her  behalf,  and 
shipping  for  its  transport  was  collected  at  Dordrecht,  with  a  view 
to  a  landing  at  Orwell,  in  Suffolk.* 

Edward,  informed  of  the  intended  expedition,  ordered  to  Orwell 
all  vessels  of  thirty  tons  or  more  belonging  to  ports  northward  of 
the  Thames,^  and  entrusted  the  northern  or  North  Sea  command, 
first  to  Sir  Robert  de  Leybourne,"*  and  then  to  Sir -John  Sturmy.' 
Twelve  ships,  each  having  on  board  forty  well-armed  men,  were 
summoned  from  London  and  the  Kentish  ports  to  cruise  off  the 
Foreland  ;  twelve  more,  from  the  ports  in  the  north,  were  stationed 
off  Shields ;  and  yet  twelve  more,  from  Harwich  and  Ipswich, 
served  off  Orfordness."^  In  September,  Bayonne  was  ordered  to 
co-operate  in  the  general  defence  against  France ; '  but  by  that  time 
it  was  too  late. 

Queen    Isabella,    Prince    Edward,    and   Sir   John   of  Hainault, 

1  '  Fcrdera,'  ii.  628.  °  P.it.  EoUs,  20  Edw.  II  m.  15. 

"  lb.,  ii.  635,  659.  "  /*.,  20  Edw.  II.  m.  20. 

^  lb.,  ii.  637.  "  Close  Rolls,  20  Edw.  II.  m.  7,  18. 

*  Buchon's  FroisBart,  i.  10-13.  "  '  Focdera,'  ii.  640. 

'  '  Fadera,"  ii.  639.       • 


1.12(1.]  QUEEN   ISABELLA'S  INVASION.  229 

brother  of  the  reigning  Count,  embarked  at  Dordrecht  about 
September  22nd,  with  upwards  of  two  thousand  seven  hundred 
men-at-arms.  After  anchoring  for  a  night  off  the  dykes  of  Holland, 
the  fleet  coasted  along  Zeeland,  but  was  driven  out  of  its  course  by 
a  gale  of  wind,  and  for  two  days  was  ignorant  of  its  whereabouts. 
At  length  the  English  coast  was  sighted,  and  on  September  26th  a 
landing  was  effected  on  a  sandy  beach,  probably  near  Aldborough, 
or  between  that  j)lace  and  Southwold.  Some  of  the  chroniclers* 
say  that  the  queen  landed  at  Harwich ;  but  this  is  i:nlikely,  firstly, 
because  it  is  stated  that  upon  their  arrival  the  troops  did  not  know 
in  what  part  of  England  they  were — an  assertion  that  cannot  be 
reconciled  with  the  contiguity  of  one  of  the  largest  ports  in  the 
kingdom  to  the  place  of  disembarkation ;  and,  secondly,  because 
there  is  every  reason  to  suppose  that  the  English  ships,  ordered 
to  be  at  the  mouth  of  the  Orwell  on  September  21st,  must 
have  been  there  by  the  26th,  and  because  the  queen  met  with  no 
resistance. 

Three  days  were  enaployed  in  landing  the  horses  and  arms. 
The  expeditionary  force  then  marched  to  Bury  St.  Edmunds.^ 
Isabella's  appeal  to  the  country  was  entirely  successful,  and  she 
was  joined  by  all  classes  of  the  population.  The  king's  appeal,^  on 
the  other  hand,  issued  on  the  27th,  and  drawing  special  attention 
to  the  presence  with  the  invaders  of  Roger  Mortimer,  the  queen's 
paramour,  produced  no  effect ;  and,  on  October  20th,  Prince  Edward 
assumed  the  government  of  the  country  as  Guardian  of  the  Realm.'' 
The  king,  deserted  by  all  except  the  younger  Le  Despencer  and 
Robert  Baldock,  the  Chancellor,  fled  to  the  west,  where,  en- 
deavouring to  escape  to  Lundy  Island,  or  to  Ireland,  he  was  taken 
by  Sir  Henry  Beaumont.^  On  January  20th,  1827,  he  was  com- 
pelled to  abdicate,  and  on  January  25th  the  Prince  ascended  the 
throne  as  Edward  III.  In  the  interim,  Isabella  had  rewarded 
thirty-five  sailors  of  Bayonne  with  i'lO  for  their  services  in  conveying 
her  to  England ;  and  the  Constable  of  Dover  had  been  ordered  to 
provide  twenty  passage  vessels,  to  convey  some  of  the  Hainault 
troops  back  to  Flanders." 

'   ^.jr.  Robert  of  Avi!sli\uy,  aiKMyalsiii-;!!:!!!!. 

■^  Froissart,  i.  13,  14. 

^  '  Foedera,'  ii.  64.S. 

*  Moor,  58;  Walsinsliani,  105. 

''  Buchon's  Froissart,  i.  IG. 

"  '  Fccdera,'  ii.  647. 


230  MILITABY  HISTORY,   1154-1399.  [1327. 

In  the  introduction  to  that  period  of  his  naval  history  which 
deals  with  the  reign  of  the  young  prince,  who  thus,  at  the  age 
of  little  more  than  fourteen,  was  called  to  the  throne,  Nicolas' 
says : — 

"  The  name  of  Edward  the  Third  is  more  identified  with  the 
naval  glory  of  England  than  that  of  any  other  of  her  sovereigns,  for 
though  the  sagacious  Alfred  and  the  chivalrous  Eichard  commanded 
fleets  and  defeated  the  enemy  at  sea,  Edward  gained  in  his  own 
person  two  signal  victories,  fighting  on  one  occasion  until  his  ship 
actually  sank  under  him,  and  was  rewarded  by  his  subjects  with 
the  proudest  title  e»er  conferred  upon  a  British  monarch,  '  King  of 
the  Sea.'  But  while  the  history  of  one  part  of  Edward's  reign  is 
the  brightest  in  our  early  annals,  his  exploits  were  followed  by 
events  which  teach  a  lesson  to  this  country  of  the  highest  value,  and 
which  was,  perhaps,  never  more  important  than  at  this  time,"  when 
a  great  nation  is  her  avowed  rival  on  the  ocean,  with  a  long  series  of 
disasters  to  avenge. 

"  Like  the  Nile,  Camperdown,  and  Trafalgar,  the  battles  of 
Sluis  and  L'Espagnols  sur  Mer  led  the  English  to  imagine  that 
they  were  always  to  command  the  sea,  and,  notwithstanding  the 
repeated  warnings  of  the  Commons  in  Parliament,  "the  navy  was  so 
entirely  neglected,  that  France  and  Spain  obtained,  and  for  manj^ 
years  preserved,  the  maritime  superiority.  Defeats,  if  not  disgrace, 
almost  a  total  destruction  of  commerce,  and,  far  worse,  constant 
invasions  of  our  shores,  attended  by  rapine,  bloodshed,  and  all 
other  atrocities,  were  the  consequences  of  this  fatal  error,  which 
established,  however,  the  momentous  truth,  that  the  honour,  safety, 
greatness,  and  prosperity  of  England  depend  upon  her  navy." 

The  words  of  Nicolas  are  as  true  now  as  they  were  in  1847,  when 
he  published  them,  except  that  to-day,  instead  of  one  great  rival, 
England  has  several  formidable  competitors.  It  is  the  duty  of 
Englishmen  to  see  to  it  that  the  sequel  of  their  nineteenth-century 
naval  glories  shall  not  be  as  disastrous  as  that  of  their  fourteenth- 
century  ones. 

Until  1330,  the  real  power  was  not  in  Edward's  hands,  but  in 
those  of  Mortmier,  the  queen,  and  Henry  of  Lancaster.  In  May, 
1327,  each  of  the  northern  ports  was  directed  to  supply  one  or  two 
ships  for  service  against  the  Scots,  who,  under  Eobert  Bruce,  were 
preparing  an  invasion  on  a  large  scale.  These  ships  were  placed 
'  Nicolas,  ii.  1.  ^  I.e.  in  1847. 


1332.]  EDWARD   BALIOVS  ADVENTURE.  231 

under  the  orders  of  John  de  rerbroun,  admiral  of  the  north,  and 
their  appointed  rendezvous  was  Yarmouth  on  May  18th.'  Waresius 
de  ValoifTnes  was  made  admiral  of  the  other,  or  western  fleet,  which 
included  the  squadron  of  the  Cinqiie  Ports  ;  and  he  was  charged  to 
proceed  with  it  to  Skinburness.'-^  The  campaign  ended  on  March  1st, 
1328,  in  an  inglorious  peace,  whereby  the  independence  of  Scotland 
was  recognised,  and  Joanna,  a  daughter  of  Edward  II.,  was  promised 
in  marriage  to  Robert's  son  David. 

Philip  VI.,  who  succeeded  to  the  French  crown  in  1328,  lost 
little  time  in  smnmoning  Edward  to  do  homage  for  his  Duchy  of 
Guienne  ;  and  on  May  26th,  1329,  the  young  King  of  England 
embarked  at  Dover  for  Wissant,  in  a  Winchelsea  ship,  attended  by 
his  Chancellor  and  a  lai-ge  suite.  The  homage  was  performed  at 
Amiens  on  June  6th,  and  Edward  retmiied  to  Dover  on  the  11th 
of  the  month. ^  In  the  following  year  he  again  visited  France,  to 
perform  a  vow  made  to  Our  Lady  of  Boulogne,  leaving  Dover  on 
April  4th,  and  returning  thither  on  April  20th. ^ 

The  king  was  meditating  a  journey  to  Ireland  in  1332,  when 
Edward,  son  of  John  Baliol,  in  vindication  of  his  claim  to  the 
throne  of  Scotland,  landed  in  Fife.shire,  with  a  number  of  English 
nobles,  who  had  been  dispossessed  of  property  in  Scotland.  The 
expedition,  consisting  of  three  thoiisand  men,  disembarked  at  King- 
horn,  where,  it  is  said,  ships  had  never  touched  before,^  and  the 
ships  were  then  sent  into  the  mouth  of  the  Tay.  Baliol's  success 
was  at  first  rapid ;  and  since,  immediately  after  his  coronation  at 
Scone,  he  offered  homage  to  Edward,  the  latter  deemed  it  prudent 
to  assist  him  with  an  army. 

In  the  meantime,  Baliol  was  besieged  in  Perth  by  a  Scots  army. 
Tinder  the  Earl  of  Dunbar  and  Sir  Archibald  Douglas,  who,  not 
knowing  how  to  deal  with  the  English  fleet  which  was  lying  in  the 
river,  and  which  was  a  powerful  factor  in  the  defence  of  the  place, 
sent  to  Berwick  for  a  celebrated  Scots  sailor  named  John  Crabbe, 
described  in  the  so-called  Lanercost  Chronicle  as  pirata  crudelis  et 
solenmis.  Crabbe,  who  then  hated  the  English,  although,  in  return 
for  the  ingratitude  and  ill-treatment  experienced  from  his  country- 

1  Tat.  Rolls,  1  Edw.  III.  pt.  ii.  m.  23;  Scots  Rolls,  i.  200,  211  ;  t'arltuii  Ri.le  Roll, 
'  I.P.K.'  205. 

2  Scots  Rolls,  i.  210. 

'  '  Fcrdera,'  ii.  TfiC  ;  Buclion's  Froissart,  i.  42,  4;!. 

*  lb.,  ii.  815,  818;  'Hist.  Edw.  III.'  (Hearue),  ii.  'Ml. 

"  Knighton,  col.  2560. 


232  MILITARY  HISTORY,    115i-1399.  [1333. 

men,  he  subsequently  entered  the  EngHsh  service/  arrived  in  the 
Tay  on  August  24th,  with  twelve  well-found  Scots  ships  of  Flanders 
build,  and  instantly  fell  upon  the  English  vessels,  which  were 
not  prepared  for  the  attack.  The  enemy  boarded  and  carried 
Lord  Beaumont's  barge,  and  slaughtered  the  whole  of  her  crew ; 
but  the  remaining  EngHsh  ships  were  all  so  well  defended  that, 
after  a  hot  fight,  the  Scots  were  completely  defeated,  Crabbe 
himself  escaping  with  great  difficulty,  and  regaining  Berwick 
overland.  The  Scots  vessels  and  their  prize  were  burnt  by  the 
victors.^ 

In  April,  1833,  John  Perbroun  was  again  appointed  admiral,  and 
Henry  Randolph,  of  Great  Yarmouth,  was  associated  with  him  in 
command  of  a  fleet,  or  of  fleets,  for  the  operations  against  Scotland.^ 
The  western  fleet  *  was  entrusted  to  Sir  William  Chnton.^  Ships 
were  raised  in  the  ports  in  the  usual  manner,  all  vessels  of  fifty  tons 
and  upwards  being  arrested." 

The  northern  fleet,  or  part  of  it,  co-operated  in  the  siege  of 
Berwick,  where,  on  shore,  Edward  commanded  in  person.  Little 
or  nothing  is  known  of  the  part  which  the  Enghsh  ships  played ; 
but  some  deeds  of  gallantry  afloat  by  the  Scots  have  been  recorded. 
One  William  Seton,  while  bravely  attacking  the  English  ships,  was 
drowned  in  sight  of  his  father,  who  was  on  the  walls  of  the  town  ; ' 
and  Sir  Wilham  Diket,  arriving  with  supplies,  boarded  some  English 
vessels,  killed  sixteen  men  in  a  barge  belonging  to  Hull,  and  then 
entered  the  town.^  But  after  Edward's  victory  at  Halidon  Hill,  the 
place  surrendered. 

These  events  did  not  end  the  war,  but  they  materially  relieved 
England.  In  August,  ships  which  had  been  under  arrest  in  the 
Enghsh  ports  were  permitted  to  sail  upon  their  own  business,  so  that 
the  interference  with  commerce  was  diminished.^    In  1334,  however, 

'  Hemingford,  ii.  270.  «  Kuightoii,  cols.  2560,  2.561. 

^  Scots  Rolls,  i.  226.  ■•  lb.,'\.  254. 

''  Sir  William  Clinton,  first  Earl  of  Huntinf;clon,  was  a  younf;er  son  of  John,  Lord 
l!!inton,  and  in  1330  was  made  Governor  of  Dover  Castle  and  Warden  of  the  Cinque 
Ports,  and  was  summoned  to  Parliament  as  a  baron.  After  his  service  as  admiral,  in 
1333,  he  was  jiresent  at  the  battle  of  Halidon  Hill.  In  1337,  lie  was  created  Earl  of 
Huntingdon.  He  was  a  private  captain,  as  would  be  now  said,  at  the  battle  of  Sluis, 
and,  after  further  service  as  admiral,  in  1341,  died  in  1354. 

«  Scots  Rolls,  i.  248. 

'  Fordun,  ii.  310. 

*  Chrou.  in  Harl.  MS.  4f!!lO,  printed  by  Kitson. 

"  Scots  Hulls,  i.  258,  25!l. 


1834.]  THE   SCOTS    WAIi.  233 

further  vessels  were  ordered  to  Scotland  in  September,  and  some 
were  dispatched  in  search  of  Scots  cruisers,  which  were  en- 
deavouring to  intercept  sea-borne  supplies  destined  for  the  English 
army/  Nor  did  the  Scots  confine  themselves  to  the  defensive. 
A  force  of  them  landed  in  Suffolk,  and  two  officers  were  spe- 
cially appointed  to  levy  troops  to  drive  them  off.-  In  the  same 
month  there  was  a  general  arrest  of  ships  of  forty  tons  and  up- 
wards ;  but  the  foreign  vessels  then  arrested  were  soon  afterwards 
released.^ 

The  admirals  appointed  at  the  beginning  of  1335  were  Sir  John 
Norwich,  for  the  North  Sea,  and  Sir  Eoger  Hegham,  for  the 
western  fleet ; ''  but  in  April,  Sir  John  Norwich  appears  to  have 
been  superseded  by  Sir  John  Howard,'^  senior,  and  Sir  Kobert 
Holland  ^  was  made  admiral  of  the  fleet  on  the  coast  of  Wales,  and 
westward  as  far  as  Carlingford.  The  best  ships  in  the  northern 
ports  were  impressed  in  February  ;  aiad  in  the  same  month  the  two 
largest  ships  of  war  at  Bristol  were  ordered  to  proceed  to  Dmnbarton  , 
against  a  large,  armed  vessel,  full  of  stores,  which  was  reported 
to  have  arrived  there  from  abroad  ;  and  Sir  Eoger  Hegham,  for 
whom  twelve  ships  were  levied  from  the  Cinque  Ports,  Bristol, 
Falmouth,  Southampton,  and  Plymouth,  was  directed  to  send  four 
of  them  to  cruise  to  the  westward,  and  to  station  the  remaining 
eight  where  they  would  be  most  hkely  to  intercept  supphes  destined 
for  the  Scots.' 

In  April  men-at-arms  were  requisitioned  for  Ireland  ;  and  the 
Irish  ports  were  instructed  to  provide  vessels  for  their  conveyance  to 
Scotland,  and  to  send  them  to  Carlingford.  To  the  command  of  this 
flotilla  Sir  John  de  Athy  was  appointed." 

It  is  unfortunate  that  we  do  not  know  what  success  attended 
the  Bristol  ships  in  their  expedition  to  Dumbarton.  We  are  left 
similarly  in  the  dark  as  to  the  results  of  another  minor  expedition 


'  Scots  KoUs,  i.  277-2711.  -  lb.,  i.  2'Jil. 

»  Jb.,  i.  305-309,  311.  *  Pat.  Holls,  8  Edw.  HI.  pt.  ii.  m.  4. 

•'■  Scots  Rolls,  i.  335.  Sir  John  Howaitl,  son  of  Sir  John  Howard  by  Joan  Cornwall, 
was  tlie  ancestor  of  one  of  the  most  distinguished  of  British  naval  and  noble  families. 
He  served  as  admiral  in  1335  .and  1347.  He  married  Alice,  daughter  of  Sir  Kobert 
Boys.     His  great-great-grandson  was  the  first  Duke  of  Norfolk  of  tlie  present  creation. 

°  Scots  IJolls,  i.  3;56.  Sir  Robert  Holland,  or  Holand,  son  of  Robert,  first  Baron 
Holland,  was  summoned  to  Rarlianient,  as  second  Baron,  in  1342.     He  died  in  1373. 

'  lb.,  J.  317,  320,  322. 

«  Jb.,  i.  337,  3.38. 


234  MILITARY  BISTORT,   1154-1399.  [1335. 

of  the  same  year.  The  Scots,  who  had  captured  a  cog  belonging  to 
Lord  Beaumont,  purposed  to  send  her  abroad  with  several  persons 
of  distinction  and  much  treasure  on  board,  to  raise  soldiers  for 
their  cause ;  and,  consequently,  on  May  8th,  orders  were  dispatched 
to  Eavensrode  and  Hull  to  arrest  three  vessels  there  for  the  pursuit 
of  the  cog.^ 

On  June  1st,  Thomas  de  Maydeston  was  made  captain  and 
superior  officer  of  six  vessels  of  the  Cinque  Ports,  two  of  Bristol, 
and  one  of  Southampton,  destined  for  particular  service ; "  and  as 
this  officer  was  not  designated  as  admiral,  his  position  may  have 
been  similar  to  that  of  the  modern  commodore.  An  analogous 
command  over  six  ships,  which  were  arrested  in  the  ports  between 
Liverpool  and  Skinburness,  was  given  to  Simon  de  Beltoft ;  ^  and 
John  de  Watewang,^  the  king's  clerk,  was  made  lieutenant,  or 
assistant,  to  Sir  John  Howard,  to  provide  men,  ships,  arms,  stores, 
and  provisions  at  Newcastle,  Berwick,  and  other  places,  as  needed 
by  the  fleet.  Here  we  have  an  early  suggestion  of  the  later  captains 
of  the  Impress  Service  and  the  Eesident  Commissioners ;  and  the 
appointment  is  the  more  interesting  seeing  that  it  was  conferred 
upon  a  member  of  the  family  which  supplied  the  gallant  officer. 
Captain  Sir  John  Wetwang,  who,  more  than  three  hundred  years 
afterwards,  was  Prince  Eupert's  Captain  of  the  Fleet  in  the 
Sovereign  of  the  Seas,  and  Admiral  Sir  John  Allin's  flag-captain  in 
the  Royal  Jarnes. 

Careful  watch  was  ordered  to  be  kept  upon  certain  Scots  ships  of 
war,  which  lay  in  Calais  ready  for  sea ;  but  it  does  not  appear 
whether  they  ever  left  port.* 

Fordun  *  relates,  that  on  July  1st,  133.5,  an  English  fleet  of  one 
hundred  and  eighty  ships  entered  the  Forth,  and  committed  much 
damage  on  the  coast ;  but  his  accounts  are  so  intimately  intermixed 
with  superstitious  fictions  that  they  cannot  be  altogether  trusted. 
He  asserts,  however,  that  one  of  the  best  of  the  English  ships, 
commanded  by  the  admiral,  was  wrecked  upon  the  Wolf  Eock. 

On  July  6th,  Sir  John  Cobham  and  Peter  Bard  were  simul- 
taneously appointed  captains  and  admirals  of  the  ships  of  the  Cinque 
and  other  western  ports,'  the  former,  as  he  had  the  power  to  appoint 

'  Scots  I! oils,  i.  311.  °  '  Foedera,"  ii.  911 ;  Scots  Rolls,  i.  357. 

2  Jb.,  i.  351.  '  '  Scotichronicon,'  ii.  318. 

"  lb.,  i.  355.  '  Scots  Eolls,  i.  358,  359,  368. 
*  Or  Wetwang.     lb.,  i.  351. 


1336.]  THE  DOMINION   OF  THE  SEAS.  235 

deputies,  being  possibly  the  senior  officer ;  and  enormous  prepara- 
tions were  made  to  resist  an  anticipated  invasion  by  the  Scots  and 
their  continental  sympathisers.'  All  ships  of  forty  tons  and  upwards 
were  arrested ;  Bayonne  was  applied  to  for  vessels ;  and  a  great 
council  of  national  defence  was  summoned  to  meet  in  London." 
In  August,  Sir  John  Cobham  was  censured  for  remissness  and 
apathy,  and  bidden  to  lose  no  time  in  collecting  the  fleet  under  his 
commands  and  in  putting  to  sea  against  the  enemy  ;  ^  and  to  ensure 
the  proper  fitting  out  of  the  ships  in  the  Thames,  Henry  de  Kendall 
was  appointed  to  survey  them,  and  to  make  a  verbal  report  con- 
cerning them  to  the  king;^  while  the  Lord  Mayor  and  Sheriffs  of 
London  were  enjoined  to  dispatch  to  sea  all  their  ships,  well  manned 
and  armed.'*  But  in  September  the  fear  of  invasion  died  away,  and 
the  ships  under  arrest  were  released." 

In  1336,  Edward  resumed  the  offensive  on  shore.  In  February, 
all  vessels  of  forty  tons  and  upwards  were  again  impressed,'  and 
Sir  Thomas  Ughtred  was  appointed  captain  and  admiral  of  the 
North  Sea  fleet,  with  authority  to  impress  seamen.^  In  April,  Sir 
John  Norwich  seems  to  have  superseded  him ;  and  Sir  Geoffrej' 
Sa}^  became  admiral  to  the  westward.'  These  two  admirals  were 
stringently  enjoined,  in  case  they  met  at  sea,  to  compel  their  crews 
to  behave  amicably,  so  that  no  dissensions  might  arise ;  and  they 
were  warned  that,  if  any  qiiarrel  took  place,  they,  and  all  concerned, 
would  be  considered  as  supporters  of  the  enemy."  This  indicates 
that  the  ancient  hatred  between  the  seamen  of  the  east  coast  and 
those  of  the  Cinque  and  western  ports  was  still  rife.  Further  orders 
on  the  same  subject  were  transmitted  to  the  admirals,  and  also  to 
the  bailiffs  of  Yarmouth,  on  August  5th.'' 

On  August  16th,  the  king  issued  a  noteworthy  mandate  to  the 
two  admirals,  declaring  that  twenty-six  of  the  enemy's  galleys 
were  in  the  ports  of  Brittany  and  Normandy,  waiting  for  an 
opportunity  to  act  against  England,  and  that  they  were  to  be  pro- 
ceeded against.  It  is  noteworthy  because  it  contains  the  following 
explicit    claim    to    the    dominion    of   the    seas :    "  We,    considering 

'  Scots  Eulls,  i.  359,  369. 

2  lb.,  i.  .363,  366,  368  ;  Gascon  Rolls,  82,  83  ;  '  Foc.lera,'  ii.  915. 

"  lb.,  i.  374.  «  Scots  Rolls,  i.  401. 

*  Jb.,  i.  377.  "  2b.,  i.  415-417. 

°  '  Fcedera,'  ii.  920.  ">  lb.,  i.  432. 

"  Scots  Rolls,  i.  379.  "    'Fa-<lera,'ii.  943. 

'  lb.,  i.  409. 


236  MILITARY  HISTORY,    1154-1399.  [1336. 

that  our  progenitors,  Kings  of  England,  were  Lords  of  the 
Enghsh  Sea  on  every  side,  and  also  defenders  against  invasions 
of  enemies  before  these  times,  should  be  much  grieved  if  our 
royal  honour  in  such  defence  should  perish  or  be  in  aught 
diminished  in  our  time  (which  God  forbid),  and  are  desirous  (the 
Lord  helping)  to  obviate  such  perils,  and  to  provide  for  the  defence 
and  safety  of  our  realm  and  people,  and  to  avert  the  malice  of 
our  foes." ' 

Ships  were  summoned  from  Ireland  to  assist  the  admirals ; 
vessels  which  had  been  released  were  re-arrested ;  and  the  Downs 
was  given  as  the  rendezvous  for  the  whole  force. ^  Yet  the  enemy 
managed  to  win  several  successes.  At  the  end  of  August,  a 
squadron  of  galleys  appeared  off  the  Isle  of  Wight,  attacked  some 
of  the  king's  ships  at  anchor  there,  and  after  killing  some,  and 
throwing  overboard  others,  of  the  crew,  carried  the  vessels  and  their 
cargoes  to  Normandy.  Upon  this,  all  the  ships  at  Southampton 
and  Great  Yarmouth  were  ordered  out.^  In  September,  so  i;nsafe 
was  the  Channel  that  Sir  Geoffrey  Say  was  warned  to  afford  special 
protection,  against  a  force  lying  at  Calais,  to  some  English  ambas- 
sadors who  were  about  to  cross  from  Wissant ;  and  the  barons  of 
Dover  were  desired  to  co-operate  with  him.*  English  vessels  were 
attacked  even  in  English  harbours,  and  carried  off ;  and  so  serious 
was  the  evil  that  a  special  commission,  consisting  of  Sir  WiUiam 
Chnton,  AVarden  of  the  Cinque  Ports,  Sir  Ealph  Bassett,  of 
Drayton,  Sir  Eichard  Talbot,  and  Sir  Geoffrey  Say  was  appointed, 
to  send  to  sea  every  serviceable  ship,  seaman,  and  fighting-man 
that  could  be  laid  hands  on.° 

The  situation  would  have  been  still  worse  than  it  actually  was 
if  the  laws  of  neutrality  had  been  everywhere  as  laxly  observed  as 
they  commonly  were  in  those  days.  Happily,  Sicily  and  Genoa 
were,  for  a  time  at  least,  loyal  to  Edward.  When  the  enemy 
attempted  to  hire  galleys  there,  the  vessels  were  prevented  by  the 
authorities  from  putting  to  sea.  The  Genoese  even  burnt  the 
galleys  of  some  who  seemed  disinclined  to  obey  the  orders  which 
had  been  given.''  Edward  wrote  cordial  letters  of  thanks  to  both 
States,  and   took  the  opportunity  afforded  by  the  dispatch  of  the 

'  Scots  Rolls,  i.  442.  2  Ih.,  i.  446,  447.  "  Ih.,  i.  451. 

■*  lb.,  i.  451.  "  lb.,  i.  456. 

'^  'Focdera,'  ii.  940.  But   later   France   obtained   forty  galleys  from   Genoa   and 
Monaco. — .Jal,  ii.  333. 


1336.]  INSECURITY   OF   THE   CHANNEL.  237 

messages  to  hire  some  galleys  and  vissers,  manned  and  armed,  for 
his  own  service,  and  to  conciliate  the  Genoese  by  paying  them 
8000  marks  in  respect  of  one  of  the  dromons  which  had  been 
piratically  seized  by  Hugh  le  Despencer  in  1321.*  As  the  Scots 
were  regarded  by  Edward  as  rebels  without  belligerent  rights, 
the  letting  out  of  the  ships  by  Genoa  to  England,  while  a  friendly 
action,  was  also  a  perfectly  correct  one.  France,  Flanders,  Holland, 
Gelderland,  and  Norway  were  less  nice.  All  of  them  for  some 
time  covertly  helped  the  Scots  ;  ^  and  in  September,  1336,  Flanders 
went  further,  and  seized  all  the  English  merchants  and  property  in 
its  territories  ;  whereupon  Edward  retaliated  upon  Flamands  and 
their  property  in  England.^ 

To  reduce  the  danger  to  trading  ships,  two  regular  convoys  were 
organised  at  the  end  of  the  year  for  the  trade  to  and  from  Gascony. 
One  was  directed  to  make  rendezvous  at  Portsmouth,  for  the 
benefit  of  the  merchants  of  the  southern  and  western  ports ; 
and  the  other  at  Orwell,  for  the  benefit  of  the  merchants  of 
the  ports  north  of  the  Thames.*  In  November,  Sir  John  Eoos 
seems  to  have  succeeded  Sir  John  Norwich  as  admiral  in  the 
North  Sea;^  but  it  is  nowhere  implied  that  the  two  convoys, 
which  assembled  in  December,  were  accompanied  either  b}^  this 
officer  or  by  Sir  Geoffrey  Say,  both  of  whom  probably  remained  in 
home  waters. 

Bayonne  was  again  called  upon  for  ships ;  °  but  the  response, 
if  not  from  thence,  at  least  from  some  of  the  English  ports,  w"as 
so  unsatisfactory — and  the  enemy  still  committed  so  many  outrages 
at  sea,  notably  off'  the  Isle  of  Wight  and  in  the  Channel  Islands — 
that  on  December  11th,  Edward  appointed  a  new  commission  of 
national  defence,'  to  consist  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the 
Bishop  of  London,  the  Earls  of  Surrey  and  Lancaster,  and  Sir 
William  Clinton,  and,  in  his  mandate  to  these  officers,  once  more 
dwelt  upon  the  sorrow  which  it  would  cause  him  if,  in  his  time,  the 
lordship  of  the  sea,  and  of  the  passage  of  the  sea,  as  enjoyed  by  his 
progenitors,  should  be  in  aught  prejudiced. 

At  about  the  same  time,  Edward,  perhaps  in  consequence  of 
the   irritation  occasioned   him   by  the  succour  which   his  enemies 

'  '  Fopdcra,'  ii.  948,  1011.  ■  Scots  IJolk,  ii.  4G8. 

-  Ih.,  ii.  949,  950.  "  '  Fccdera,"  ii.  951. 

■'  lb.,  ii.  948,  952.  '  lb.,  ii.  953. 

*  Scots  Rolls,  i.  467,  468,  4T0. 


238  MILITARY  EISTORY,   115i-1399.  [1337. 

repeatedly  received  in  French  ports,  and  by  Philip's  aggressions  in 
Aquitaine,  began  to  style  himself  King  of  France.  The  earliest 
known  documents  in  which  he  used  the  title  are  dated  in  October, 
1337 ;  but,  as  Edward  claimed  as  the  son  of  Isabella,  and  as  the 
old  line  of  French  kings  had  died  out  as  early  as  1328,  it  is 
improbable  that  no  formal  assertion  of  the  claim  was  made  until 
nearly  ten  years  had  elapsed.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  quite  likely 
that,  but  for  Philip's  breaches  of  neutrality,  the  claim  would  have 
never  been  pressed,  and  the  "  hundred  years"  war  "  between  England 
and  France  would  have  been  avoided. 

At  the  beginning  of  1337,  a  fleet  was  ordered  to  assemble  at 
Portsmouth  by  March  15th,^  with  thirteen  weeks'  stores  and  pro- 
visions on  board,  for  service  on  the  west  coast  against  the  Scots ; 
and  all  other  vessels,  save  those  sailing  under  the  king's  special 
hcence,  were  arrested.  On  January  14th,  Sir  Robert  Ufford "  was 
associated  with  Sir  John  Eoos  in  the  command  in  the  North  Sea, 
and  Sir  William  Montacute  ^  was  appointed  admiral  on  the  west ; 
on  January  16th,  Nicholas  Ususmaris,^  a  Genoese,  was  made  vice- 
admiral  of  the  king's  ships  belonging  to  Aquitaine ;  ^  and  when,  on 
February  6th,  the  northern  fleet  was  given  rendezvous  at  Orwell, 
and  the  western  fleet  at  Plymouth,  twenty  ships  belonging  to  the 
latter  were  directed  to  be  detached,  apparently  under  Sir  John 
Norwich, *  for  Aquitaine,  where,  it  may  be  supposed,  they  Joined 
the  squadron  of  Ususmaris.  Yet  another  squadron  was  organised 
in  March,  April,  or  May,  at  Bayonne,  the  command  of  it  being, 
so  far  as  can  be  seen,  conferred  upon  Peter  de  Puyano  ; '  and  two 
ships  were  directed  to  be  dispatched  from  Lynn,  to  capture  or  destroy 
five  vessels  of  Flanders  alleged  to  be  loading  at  Sluis  with  arms  and 
provisions  for  Aberdeen. 

1  Scots  Bolls,  i.  477,  478. 

^  Sir  Robert  Ufford,  second  Lord  Ufford,  was  eldest  son  of  Itobert,  first  Lord 
Ufford;  but  although  he  succeeded  his  father  in  1316,  he  was  not  summoned  to 
Parliament  until  1332.  In  1337  he  was  made  joint  admiral  with  Lord  Eoos,  and  in 
the  same  year  was  created  Earl  of  Suffolk.  He  distinguished  himself  in  the  naval 
actions  of  1342  and  1350,  and  also  at  Poitiers.  He  was  again  admiral  in  1344,  and 
died  in  1369.  His  son  and  successor,  AVilham,  second  Earl,  served  as  admiral  for  a 
short  time  in  1376,  but  died  in  1392,  when  the  title  became  extinct. 

^  Sir  William  Montacute,  first  Earl  of  Salisbury,  K.B.,  eldest  son  of  William,  second 
Lord  Montacute,  was  born  about  1300.  In  1334,  he  was  Governor  of  the  Channel 
Islands;  in  1337,  admiral;  and  later  in  the  same  year,  he  was  created  Earl  of 
Salisbury.     He  died  in  1343. 

*  Or  Usdemer.  "  Scots  Rolls,  i.  482. 

»  'Foedera,'  ii.  957.  '  Tccdera,'  i.  1039. 


1337.]  BtEVCEET  IN  THE   CHANNEL.  239 

111  spite,  however,  of  the  large  EngHsh  naval  force  in  commission, 
some  French  galleys,  under  Nicolas  Behuchet,'  found  their  way 
across  the  Channel,  and,  approaching  under  cover  of  the  English 
flag,  landed  a  body  of  troops  near  Portsmouth,  and  captured, 
plimdered,  and  burnt  almost  the  whole  of  the  town,  excepting  a 
hospital  and  the  parish  church.  Presently,  according  to  some 
chi'oniclers,  the  inhabitants  rallied,  and  drove  off  the  enemy,  killing 
many  of  them ;  -  but  others  represent  the  French  as  having  with- 
drawn without  loss.  The  date  of  this  descent  remains  in  doubt, 
but  it  was  almost  certainly  in  1337.^  In  the  following  year,  the 
inhabitants,  on  account  of  their  misfortune,  were  exempted  from 
taxation.  The  depredators,  after  leaving  Portsmouth,  landed  in 
Guernsey,  ravaged  the  island,  and  burnt  St.  Peter  Port.*  These 
and  other  events  of  the  two  succeeding  years  show  how  far  Edward 
then  was  from  enjoying  that  dominion  of  the  seas  which  he  claimed, 
and  which  he  later,  for  a  time,  most  triumphantly  asserted.  For 
example,  the  position  of  affairs  in  the  North  Sea  was  such,  that 
when,  in  the  summer  of  1337,  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln  and  the  Earls 
of  Sahsbury  and  Huntingdon  were  about  to  return  from  an  embassy 
to  the  continent,  "certain  aliens  and  other  pirates"  made  bold  to 
collect  a  squadron  with  the  intention  of  seizing  the  mission  while 
on  its  way  home.  Edward  was  obliged  to  order  Sir  John  Eoos,  with 
forty  of  the  best  vessels  obtainable  from  Yarmouth,  St.  Nicholas, 
and  Kirkley,  to  Dordrecht,  to  convey  the  ambassadors,  who,  in  all 
probability,  would  otherwise  have  been  taken  and  held  to  ransom.* 

The  Scots  war  was,  nevertheless,  not  neglected,  nor  were  the 
aims  and  objects  of  France  lost  sight  of.  On  its  return  to  England, 
the  squadron  of  Sir  John  Eoos  took  two  Scots  ships,  homeward 
bound  from  Flanders,  with  men,  money,  and  stores,  destined  by 
the  King  of  France  for  the  succour  of  Scotland.  Among  those  on 
board  the  prizes  were  the  Bishop  of  Glasgow,  Sir  John  Stewart, 
David  de  la  Hay,  and  some  noble  ladies,  most  of  whom  were  kiUed 
by  the  captors,  though  whether  in  fair  fight  or  after  surrender  does 
not  appear.^     It   seems   probable,  however,  that  quarter   w'as   not 

'  French  historians  say  that  the  senior  oOicer  was  Hugues  Quieret. 
2  Knighton,  2570. 

*  Knighton  and  De  Nangis  say  in  1337 ;  Hemingford  says  in  1338.  See  '  Focdera,' 
ii.  1042,  1067. 

*  De  Nangis,  iii.  100. 
''   '  Fcedera,"  ii.  975. 

^  Knighton,  2570.     "Walsingham,  118.     Hemingford,  ii.  280. 


240  MILITARY  EISTOBY,    1154-1399.  [1337. 

generally  refused,  for  it  is  recorded  that  the  bishop,  after  being 
mortally  wounded,  died  ere  he  could  be  landed  at  Sandwich. 

In  June,  orders  were  sent  to  the  Bayonnese  to  the  effect  that, 
since  France  was  preparing  a  large  fleet  for  operations  against 
Enghsh  trade,  they  were  to  put  to  sea  with  as  many  ships  as 
possible,  and  join  the  vice-admiral,  Nicholas  Ususmaris.  The 
united  force  was  to  sweep  to  the  north-east,  carefully  examining 
all  the  French  ports  and  coasts,  and  taking  or  destroying  every 
hostile  craft  that  might  be  met  with ;  but  vessels  of  Germany, 
Zeeland,  Holland,  Brittany,  Spain,  Portugal,  Genoa,  and  other 
countries  in  friendship  with  the  king,  were  not  to  be  molested.  It 
is  strange  that,  although  the  services  of  this  united  fleet  were 
urgently  called  for  to  repress  a  very  imminent  danger,  permission 
was  given  that,  before  saihng,  the  ships  might  load  at  Bayonne 
with  wine  and  other  merchandise  for  England  ;  but  it  seems  to  have 
been  felt  that  compliance  with  the  king's  commands  was  not  to  be 
expected  unless  the  duty  was  made  as  easy  as  possible  to  all  con- 
cerned ;  and,  as  the  issue  in  this  and  other  cases  proved,  it  was,  in 
fact,  most  difficult  to  bring  about,  at  this  period,  anything  like 
satisfactory  co-operation  for  the  protection  of  threatened  points  and 
threatened  interests.^ 

Meanwhile,  beacons,  in  charge  of  four  or  six  soldiers,  were,  as 
on  previous  occasions,  established  along  the  coasts,  to  give  warning 
of  the  approach  of  hostile  vessels,  and,  if  necessary,  to  assist  in 
repelling  them;-  and  on  August  11th,  Sir  Walter  Manny ^  was 
appointed  Admiral  of  the  Northern,  and  Sir  Bartholomew  Burghersh, 
Admiral  of  the  Western  Fleet.* 

Sir  John  de  Athy  has  already  been  mentioned  as  having  been 
Admiral  of  the  Irish  Fleet  in  133.5.  In  the  summer  and  autumn  of 
1837,  he  was  employed,  with  other  officers,  to  arrest  and  arm  ships 
in  some  of  the  northern  ports.  But  he  appears  to  have  carried  out 
the   objects   of    his   commission   with   very   little   energy ;    for,    in 

'  '  Fccdera,'  ii.  977. 

-  lb.,  ii.  996. 

'  Sir  Walter  Manny,  K.G.,  one  of  the  bravest  ana  greatest  men  of  his  day,  was  a 
native  of  Valenciennes.  While  still  young,  he  served  in  the  Scots  wars,  and  he  was 
admiral  in  1337  and  1348.  He  also  fought  at  Sluis  and  L'Espagnols  sur  Mur,  as  well 
as  in  many  minor  naval  actions.  In  1347,  he  became  a  baron  by  writ  of  summons, 
and  in  1359  a  Knight  of  the  Garter.  His  wife,  Margaret,  was.  a  grand-daughter  of 
Edward  I.     He  died  on  January  13th,  1372. 

'  '  Fccdera,'  ii.  988 ;  Pat.  Bolls,  11  Edw.  III.  m.  38. 


1307.]  ACTION  AT   GADZANI).  241 

September,  and  again  in  November,  he  was  severely  reprimanded 
for  permitting  Scots,  Flemish,  and  French  vessels  to  pass  to 
Scotland  with  stores ; '  and  after  the  close  of  the  year  he  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  employed  at  sea. 

But,  at  about  the  same  time,  commendable  activity  was  dis- 
plaved  by  other  officers,  and  a  most  gi'atifying  success  was  obtained. 
Off  Sluis  there  then  lay  an  island,  now  an  inland  village,  called 
Gadzand."  This  had  been  for  some  time  past  held  by  a  company  of 
Flamand  freebooters,  who  had  inflicted  much  damage  upon  English 
trade,  and  whom  it  was  most  desirable  to  dislodge.  An  expedition 
against  the  place  was  organised  imder  Henry,  Earl  of  Derby,  and 
Sir  Walter  Manny,  who  embarked  at  London  with  five  hundred 
men-at-arms  and  two  thousand  archers,^  dropped  down  the  river, 
and,  having  arrived  off  Margate,  crossed  from  thence  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Scheldt.  The  expedition  made  Gadzand  on  November  10th, 
and,  wind  and  tide  being  favourable,  attacked  immediately,  "  in  the 
name  of  God  and  St.  George."  The  Flamands,  to  the  number 
of  five  thousand,  were  under  Guy  of  Flanders,  brother  of  Count 
Louis,  and  were  drawn  up  on  the  shore  and  on  the  dykes  above  it. 
The  English  squadron  sailed  directly  into  the  harbour,  clearing 
the  sands  with  flights  of  arrows,  and  then  throwing  ashore  all 
available  hands.  A  close  and  furious  fight  ensued;  and  although 
the  Flamands  behaved  most  stubbornly,  and  lost  a  thousand  men, 
they  were  at  last  defeated,  and  Guy  was  taken.  Gadzand  was 
stormed,  sacked,  and  burnt,  and  Sir  Walter  Manny,  returning, 
reached  Orwell  about  November  '20th,  to  the  great  satisfaction  of 
the  king.*  On  the  24th,  orders  were  sent  down  to  Manny  to  use 
his  discretion  as  to  putting  again  to  sea,  but,  in  any  event,  not  to 
remain  absent  from  Orwell  or  Sandwich  for  more  than  three 
weeks.' 

In  January,  1338,  two  of  the  king's  galleys,  respectively  com- 
manded by  John  de  Aurea  and  Nicholas  Glaucus,  convoyed  a  flotilla 
of  storeships  to  the  army  in  Scotland  ;  '^  and  Nicholas  Ususmaris, 
who   had    returned    from    his   cruise,    and   who    had    been    made 

1  Scots  Rolls,  i.  498,  513. 
-  Also  Kadzaiicl,  or  Cailsand. 
'  De  Kangis  says  they  had  sixteen  ships. 

*  Froissart,  i.  02,  G3.     Walsinghani  give<  a  somewhat  different  account  of  what 
seems  to  have  been  the  same  affair. 
'  '  Foedera,'  ii.  1005. 
"  Ih.,  ii.  1008.  .  The  galleys  and  crew.,  were  probably  hired  from  Genoa, 

VOL.    I.  R 


242  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1154-1399.  [1338. 

Constable  of  Bordeaux,  was  dispatched  ou  a  mission  to  Genoa,  to 
thank  the  authorities  of  that  place  for  some  oflfer  of  assistance,  and 
to  beg  them  to  arrest  any  vessels  that  might  be  fitting  out  there 
by  the  enemies  of  England.'  This  step  was,  no  doubt,  part  of  a 
new  general  policy  which  Edward  seems  to  have  adopted  at  about 
the  beginning  of  the  year.  His  design  was  to  consolidate  all  his 
foreign  alliances  as  much  as  possible  ;  to  assure  himseli  as  to  who 
wei-e  his  friends,  who  were  his  enemies,  and  who  might  be  counted 
upon  for  neutrahty ;  and  so  to  simplify  his  position  as  to  enable 
him  presently  to  hurl  almost  the  whole  of  his  power  against  France, 
and  to  make  good  his  claim  to  the  French  crown.  In  further 
pursuance  of  this  object,  he  resolved,  in  Febniary,  to  go  personalty 
to  Flanders,  to  endeavour  to  persuade  his  allies  there  to  afford  him 
substantial  support  in  the  coming  final  struggle.'^ 

Sir  Walter  Mannj',  and  the  Sheriffs  of  Kent,  Susses,  and  fifteen 
other  counties,  were  peremptorily  directed  to  arrest  ships,  and  to 
impress  men,  armour,  and  stores  for  the  contemplated  expedition. 
Manny's  squadron  was  ordered  to  make  rendezvous  at  Great 
Yarmouth,  and  the  squadron  of  Sir  Bartholomew  Burghersh  at 
Orwell,  by  the  fortnight  after  Easter.^  But  the  arrangements  were 
interfered  with,  owing  to  the  threatening  attitude  assumed  by 
France  with  respect  to  Aquitaine ;  and  early  in  March,  Burghersh 
was  instructed  to  send  seventy  large  ships  of  his  command  to 
Portsmouth,  to  carry  across  troops  for  the  defence  of  the  Diichy,* 
as  well,  it  may  be  assumed,  as  to  repress  the  activity  of  the  enem}^ 
in  the  Channel.  Jersey  and  Guernsey  had  been  raided ;  the  shores 
of  the  Isle  of  Wight  had  been  ravaged ;  and  numerous  merchantmen 
had  been  taken.  Indeed,  such  was  the  panic  caused  by  the  move- 
ments of  the  French,  that  persons  who  had  goods  and  chattels  near 
the  seaboard  were  enjoined  to  remove  them  at  least  four  leagues 
inland.^ 

It  is  not,  therefore,  astonishing  that  the  preparations  for  the 
Flanders  expedition  went  forward  much  more  slowly  than  had  been 
anticipated.  The  king's  anger  fell  upon  Manny  and  Burghersh 
who,  on  April  15th,  were  forcibly  reminded  that  thej-  were  not  doing 
all  that  had  been  expected  of  them,*  and  who  were  eventually  super- 
seded, in  consequence,  apparently,  of  their  supposed  supineness, 
though  not  until  after  the  fleets  had  sailed. 

1  'FcBdera,'  ii.  1011.  ■  '  Faxlera,'  ii.  1015.  ■■  Almainc  IJolls,  12  Edw.  III. 

'  Avesbury,  p.  28.  '  Ih.,  ii.  1020.  ''  '  Fccdeia,'  ii.  1027. 


1338.]  ED  WAS D   III.    GOES   TO    ANTWERP.  243 

Pending  the  delay,  a  treaty  with  Flanders  was  executed  in  June 
without  the  personal  intervention  of  Edward.  It  was  agreed  that 
the  Flamands  should  not  aid  the  Scots ;  that  they  should  remain 
neutral  in  the  dispute  between  Edward  and  "  Sir  Philip  de  Valois, 
styhng  himself  King  of  France";  and  that  there  should  be  free 
trade  between  England  and  Flanders,  on  the  Flamands  showing 
"their  sign  called  coket,  or  charterparties."  It  was  fiu'ther  agreed 
that  Edward  should  not  cross  Flanders  to  operate  against  the  terri- 
tories which  the  Flamands  held  of  France,  and  that,  if  he  or  his 
forces  entered  any  Flanders  harbour,  the  English  ships  should  not 
remain  for  more  than  one  tide,  unless  compelled  by  obvious  stress 
of  weather.^ 

King  Edward  sailed  from  Orwell  on  July  16th  ;  and  being  joiped 
at  sea  by  the  fleet  from  Great  Yarmouth,  with  troops  under  the 
Earl  of  Lancaster,  landed  at  Antweip  on  the  day  following.'' 
Manny  and  Burghersh  seem  to  have  been  then  still  in  command. 
But  on  July  28th,  Sir  Thomas  Drayton  was  appointed  "Vice- 
Admiral  "  of  the  Northern,  and  Peter  Bard  "  Vice-Admiral  "  of  the 
Western  Fleet ;  ^  and,  as  in  a  document  of  a  little  later  date,  each  of 
these  officers  is  styled  "  Admiral "  of  his  respective  fleet,  there  is 
small  doubt  that  their  commissions  were  not  supplementary  to,  but 
rather  supersessory  of,  those  of  Manny  and  Burghersh.  Just  before 
his  departure  for  the  continent,  Edward,  still  perhaps  cherishing 
some  hope  of  peaceably  obtaining  concessions  from  France,  dis- 
patched the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  the  Bishop  of  Durham 
to  treat  with  Philip ;  but  the  French  king  was  in  no  humour  to 
change  his  attitude  by  one  hair's  breadth.* 

The  date  of  one  or  two  naval  events  belonging  to  about  this 
period  cannot  now  be  fixed  with  exactness.  Indeed,  the  details  of 
the  events  are  involved  in  much  obscurity  ;  and  it  may  be  well, 
therefore,  to  simply  transcribe  the  accounts  as  given  by  that 
laborious  historian,  Sir  Harris  Nicolas.^ 

"Numerous  galleys,"  he  says,  "landed  at  Southampton''  on  a 
Sunday,  while  the  inhabitants  were  at  mass,  and  their  crews,  which 

■  '  Fcedera,'  ii.  1043. 

-  Knighton,  2572 ;  Froissart,  i.  <ji  ;  '  Fcedera,'  ii.  1050 ;  Hemingford,  ii.  282. 
"  Ga.scon  Rolls,  91. 
^  Knighton,  2573. 

'  Nicolas,  ii.  34,  after  Froissart,  Walsingham,  Knighton,  etc. 

''  French  historians  appear  to  identity  this  raid  with  tlie  attack  on  Portsmouth 
already  mentioned. 

B   2 


244  MILITABY  HISTORY,   1154-1399.  [1338. 

consisted  partly  of  Normans  and  partly  of  Genoese,  sacked  the  town, 
killed  many  of  the  inhabitants,  hung  some  of  them  in  their  own 
houses,  and  committed  other  atrocities.  They  then  set  the  town  on 
lire,  carried  their  booty  to  their  ships,  and,  as  soon  as  the  flood- 
tide  made,  disanchored  and  proceeded  to  Dieppe.  Except  the 
statement  of  Minot,  this  is  the  only  contemporary  accomit  of  that 
atfair ;  but  it  is  said  by  modern  writers  that,  before  the  enemy 
reached  their  ships,  they  were  attacked  by  a  small  force  under  Sir 
John  Arundell,  who  killed  no  less  than  three  hundred  of  them, 
including  a  son  of  the  King  of  Sicily.  To  some  extent  this  assertion 
agrees  with  INIinot,  who  says  the  injuries  committed  had  been  much 
overrated,  and  that  ample  revenge  was  taken  on  the  French." 

Nicolas  says  again :  "A  very  gallant  action  was  fought  in  this 
(1338)  or  early  in  the  following  year,  and  apparently  soon  after  the 
attack  upon  Southampton,  by  two  English  ships — one,  the  pride  of 
the  English  Navy,  called  the  Christopher,  and  the  other  the  Edward, 
which  were  returning  with  rich  cargoes  from  Flanders,  in  company 
with  three  smaller  vessels — against  a  French  squadron.  It  is  extra- 
ordinary that  so  honourable  a  conflict  should  not  be  mentioned 
by  any  native  chronicler  of  the  period  ;  and  all  that  is  known  of  the 
affair,  except  from  modern  writers,  are  the  statements  in  Froissart, 
in  the  continuation  of  De  Nangis,  and  the  rhyming  description  of 
Minot.  Froissart  merely  says,  under  the  year  1340,  that  the 
combined  French  and  Genoese  fleets,'  containing  forty  thousand 
soldiers,  did  great  damage  to  the  English,  especially  at  Dover, 
Sandwich,  Winchelsea,  Hastings,  and  Eye,  and  at  other  places  on 
the  sea-coast ;  that  no  vessel  could  leave  England  without  being 
plundered,  and  the  crew  taken  or  slain  ;  and  that  they  captured  the 
beautiful  large  ship  called  the  Christopher,  which  had  cost  the  king 
much  money,  on  her  passage  to  Flanders,  laden  with  wool,  and  that 
all  on  board  were  either  killed  or  drowned,  whereat  the  French 
talked  much,  being  greatly  rejoiced  with  their  conquest.  The 
continuation  of  De  Nangis  simply  states,  that  '  two  notable  ships 
of  the  King  of  England,  whereof  one  was  called  the  Christopher, 
and  the  other  the  Edward,  with  some  common  ships  heavily  laden, 
were  captured  at  sea  by  the  French,  but  not  without  much  blood- 
shed, for  upwards  of  a  thousand  English  were  there  slain,  and  the 
battle  lasted   for  nearly  a  whole  day.'     There   is  nothing  in  this 

'  Tliis  force,  according  to  some  French  writers,  was  tlie  fiect  under  Hugues  Quieret, 
Nicolas  Behucliet,  :niil  Barbwioire,  wliicli  had  sacked  Portsmoutli. 


1338.]  QUIERET,   BERUCHET,   AND   BOCANEGRA.  245 

account  to  show  the  force  or  loss  of  the  French,  nor  the  time  or 
place  of  the  event.  Minot  gives  more  details,  but  verse  is  not  a 
satisfactory  vehicle  for  nautical,  nor  indeed  for  any  other  facts. 
He  says  that,  after  the  French  galleys  quitted  Southampton,  they 
proceeded  towards  Zeeland  and  Flanders,  and  discovered  the 
Christopher  at  '  Armouth ' ;  that  their  fleet  consisted  of  more  than 
forty-eight  galleys,  two  carracks,  many  galliots,  and  a  number  of 
small  boats ;  that,  though  King  Edward  v.^as  not  there  at  the 
moment,  he  soon  heard  of  the  arrival  of  the  French,  and  went  with 
his  soldiers  to  his  ships,  and  found  the  galley-men  were  superior 
by  more  than  a  hundred  to  one ;  that  a  conflict  ensued,  in  which 
the  English  slew  sixty  French  for  every  ten  of  their  own  men ; 
that  the  English  fought  both  day  and  night,  but  were  overcome 
at  last  by  the  superior  numbers  of  the  enemy.  And  he  adds,  that 
never  before  did  men  fight  better  than  the  English  on  that  occa- 
sion. It  will  be  observed  that  Minot  says  nothing  of  the  Edward, 
and  his  account  of  the  matter  is  manifesth*  imperfect,  if  not  in- 
correct. The  Christopher  did  not,  however,  long  grace  the  French 
navy." 

It  may  possibly  be  that  the  Christopher  and  Edward  were  two 
of  the  four  large  English  ships  which,  having  been  sent,  during 
King  Edward's  presence  at  Antwerp,  to  Middelburg,  were  there 
captured  by  French  war-galleys.  Certain  it  is  that,  in  this  period 
of  the  darkness  before  the  dawn,  the  French  at  sea  did  much  as 
they  chose.  There  were  fears  lest  they  might  seize  vessels  in 
Enghsh  ports,  and  Sir  Thomas  Drayton,  in  the  north,  and  Peter 
Bard,  in  the  west,  were  ordered  in  October,  1338,  to  aiTest  additional 
ships,  men,  and  stores,  to  guard  from  capture  the  wool-ships  which 
were  collecting  in  order  to  proceed  to  the  king  in  Flanders.^  The 
French  fleet,  the  operations  of  which  were  thus  feared,  was  sub- 
stantially the  same  as  the  one  which  had  attacked  Portsmouth,  and 
was  composed  of  Genoese — who  served  both  sides  with  great  in- 
difference— Normans,  Bretons,  Picards,  and  Spaniards,  under,  among 
others,  Hugues  Quieret,  Nicolas  Behuchet,  and  Egidio  Bocanegra, 
who,  generally  known  as  "  Barbenoire  "  or  "  Blackbeard,"  -  directed 
the  Genoese  galleys.^  Drayton  and  Bard  were  enjoined  to  watch 
this  force ;  to  attack  it  wheresoever  they  should  find  it ;  to  use 
Southampton    as    their   base    for   obtaining    provisions    and    other 

'  'Foedera,'  ii.  lOGO.  ^  See  Fabi.iii  and  otlier  clnoiruleis. 

■''  Frnissarf,  i.  70. 


24G  MILITARY  SISTOST,   1154-1399.  [1330. 

supplies ;  to  combiue  together  if  necessaiy  for  concerted  action  ; 
and  to  prevent  their  crews  from  quarrelhng.^  But  the  country,  in 
those  early  days,  had  not  learnt  to  repose  much  confidence  in  its 
navj' ;  and  on  October  23rd,  the  municipal  authorities  of  London 
were  ordered  to  prepare  against  a  possible  attack  on  the  part  of  the 
enemy  by  fortifying  the  city  on  the  river  side  with  stone  or  timber, 
and  by  driving  lines  of  piles  across  the  Thames.^  They  were  also 
directed  to  compel  all  men  deriving  rents  from  the  city,  and  all 
others,  including  ecclesiastics,  to  assist  in  the  local  defence.  That 
instant  notice  might  be  given  of  the  approach  of  a  foe,  only  one 
bell  of  any  church  within  seven  leagues  of  the  sea  was  to  be  rung, 
except  in  case  of  danger ;  a  ringing  of  all  bells  being  the  signal 
agreed  upon  as  a  smnmons  for  the  defence  of  the  coast. ^ 

When  Parliament  met  in  London  at  the  beginning  of  Februarj% 
1339,  the  Cinque  Ports  were  ordered  to  furnish  sixty  ships,  properly 
armed  and  manned  ;  *  and  on  the  18th  of  the  month,  Sir  Robert 
Morley  ^  was  appointed  Admiral  of  the  Northern,  and  Sir  William 
Trussell,'^  Admiral  of  the  Western  Fleet." 

At  Easter,  when  the  Normans  made  another  attempt  upon 
Southampton,  with  twelve  galleys  and  eight  pinnaces,  having  on 
board  four  thousand  men,  the  inhabitants  offered  so  good  a  show  of 
resistance  that  the  invaders  drew  off  without  venturing  to  fight ; 
whereupon  the  Southampton  people  sent  after  them  with  the  very 
handsome  proposition  that,  if  they  would,  they  might  peaceably 
disembark  and  refresh  themselves  for  two  days,  provided  that  they 
would  then  fight,  ten  with  ten,  twenty  with  twenty,  or  as  might  be 
agreed  upon ;  but  the  Normans  neglected  the  challenge,  and  put  to 
sea.-  More  French  freebooters  threatened  Southampton  about  the 
middle  of  May,  but,  finding   the   place  defended,  went   elsewhere, 

'  'Foedera,'  ii.  1061.  ^  j-j^  ;;_  jo62. 

"  Ik,  ii.  lOGO.  "  Knighton,  25T3. 

"^  Sir  I'obert  Morley,  second  Lord  Morley,  a  most  brilliant  soldier  and  seaman,  was 
eldest  son  of  William,  first  Lord  Morley,  whom  he  must  have  succeeded  in  or  before 
1317.  After  having  served  in  Scotland,  he  was  appointed  admiral  in  1339,  and  again 
in  1340,  1341,  1348,  1350,  and  1355,  and  fought  at  Sluis  and  L'Espagnols  sur  Mer. 
He  died  in  France  ou  March  23rd,  1360. 

*  Sir  William  Trussell  was  a  son  of  Sir  Edmund  Trussell,  and  represented 
Northamptonshire  in  Parliament  in  1318.  After  a  rather  stormy,  and  very  active 
political  life,  he  was  for  the  first  time  ajipointed  admiral  in  1339;  and  he  served  in  a 
similar  capacity  in  1342.     He  seems  to  have  died  about  1347. 

"  Almaine  Rolls,  13  Edw.  III.  m.  18. 

'  Knighton,  2573. 


1339.]  THE  ENGLISH  AT  BOULOGNE.  247 

making  a  raid  ou  Hastings  on  the  27th,  and  subsequently  harrying 
Thanet,  Dover,  and  Folkestone,  but  doing  little  harm,  except  to  the 
poor.  On  May  '20th,  other  Frenchmen,  with  eighteen  galleys  and 
pinnaces,  burnt  a  number  of  vessels,  including  seven  belonging  to 
Bristol,  in  the  port  of  Plymouth;  but  the  populace  bravely  ejected 
the  invaders,  losing  eighty-nine  men  only,  wliile  the  French  lost, 
according  to  some  accounts,  about  five  hundred.  Two  days  later, 
the  enemy  retm-ned,  and  burnt  all  the  ships  in  harbom",  and  many 
of  the  houses ;  but,  the  country  forces  collecting,  the  invaders 
retreated  on  the  25th,  and  revenged  themselves  by  making  a  surprise 
descent  on  Southampton,  and  burning  two  ships  there. ^ 

This  was  all  very  shameful,  and,  looking  to  the  considerable 
strength  of  the  naval  forces  which  were  then  undoubtedly  at 
the  disposal  of  Edward,  and  to  the  efficiency  of  those  forces  as 
victoriously  displayed  no  later  than  the  year  immediately  following, 
is  with  difficulty  explicable.  Yet  some  minor  successes  were  won. 
In  Jiily,  for  example,  a  large  fleet  of  the  enemy,  consisting  of 
thirty-two  galleys,  besides  other  craft,  appeared  oft"  Sandwich ; 
but,  finding  that  preparations  had  been  made  for  its  reception, 
diverged  to  Rye,  and  there  did  a  little  damage  before  the  English 
fleet  approached,  whereupon  it  took  to  flight,  and  was  chased  into 
Boulogne.  The  English  entered  the  harbour  after  it,  and  managed 
to  destroy  several  vessels,  hang  twelve  captains,  burn  part  of  the 
town,  and  safely  carry  back  to  England  a  number  of  prizes."  And 
soon  afterwards.  Sir  Eobert  Morley,  with  a  force  which  included 
the  fleet  of  the  Cinque  Ports,  burnt  five  towns  in  Normandy,  and 
eighty  ships.^  The  tide  of  disaster  and  indignity  was  beginning 
to  tm-n. 

In  September,  1339,  a  great  French  naval  force  was  collected 
off  Sluis,^  as  a  convenient  base  from  which  to  act  against  King 
Edw'ard's  communications  with  England  by  sea.  The  crews 
bragged  magniloquently  to  the  Flamands  of  what  they  were  going 
to  do  ;  but  when,  on  October  2nd,  the  fleet  put  to  sea,  it  en- 
countered a  very  violent  storm,  which  led  to  the  destruction  of 
more  than  half  of  the  flotilla,  and  drove  the  rest  of  it  back  to 
Flanders.^ 

'  Anon.  Hist.  Edw.  III.  (Hearne),  ii.  420,  421. 

-  Cont.  of  De  Nangis,  101 ;  Kniglitun,  2573  ;  Holinslie.l,  iii.  3.57. 

3  Knighton,  2574. 

*  In  the  roadstead  then  called  the  Swyn  (Het  Zwijn). 

'  Knighton,  2575,  257G. 


248  MILITARY  HISTORY,   115-1-1399.  [1310. 

At  about  the  same  time  the  Enghsh  Parliament  met  for  the 
second  time  that  year.  Discussion  arose  concerning  the  mischief 
done  afloat  by  the  French,  who  had  seized  Jersey ;  and  much 
dissatisfaction  was  expressed  at  the  fact  that  no  Enghsh  fleet 
was  keeping  the  sea.  The  king  directed  the  Commons  to  consider 
how  the  French  could  be  attacked,  how  that  which  had  been  lost 
could  be  recovered,  and  how  the  custody  of  the  sea  could  be  under- 
taken ;  and  declared  that  the  navy  of  England  was  sufficient  for 
all  these  objects,  if  only  the  people  were  wilhng.  The  Commons, 
in  reply,  professed  their  incapacity  to  advise  on  such  matters,  but 
suggested  that,  as  the  barons  of  the  Cinque  Ports  had  always  been 
honoured  above  all  the  commoners  of  the  realm,  and  enjoyed 
privileges  in  return  for  keeping  the  sea  against  aliens,  and  as 
they  did  not  contribute  to  any  aids  in  respect  of  the  land,  and 
had  exceptional  advantages  for  rendering  the  required  services, 
they  ought  to  pi'otect  the  seas,  leaving  the  land  to  the  Commons, 
and  not  expecting  pay.  As  for  the  defence  of  the  coasts,  that 
ought  to  be  attended  to  by  the  local  landowners  and  other  in- 
habitants. This  sounds  like  a  sullen  and  unpatriotic  response. 
Yet  one  wise  measure  was  passed.  The  English  instinct  for  trade 
had  induced  many  merchantmen  to  put  to  sea  without  guard  or 
convoy,  and  in  consequence  a  large  proportion  of  them  had  been 
snapped  up  by  a  watchful  and  energetic  enemy,  to  the  great  loss 
of  valuable  men  and  material.  It  was  therefore  determined  that 
all  ships  should  remain  under  arrest  until  the  issue  of  further 
orders.' 

The  barons  of  the  Cinque  Ports  appear  to  have  taken  the  hint 
conveyed  to  them  by  the  Commons.  Indeed,  they  could  hardly 
do  less,  for  the  attitude  of  Parliament  pointed  to  general  discontent 
with  the  manner  in  which  the  privileged  places  did  their  duty,  and 
foreshadowed  an  effort  to  deprive  them  of  their  charters  unless 
they  amended  their  ways.  In  December  they  conferred  before  the 
Earl  of  Huntingdon  with  the  commanders  of  the  ships  of  Bayonne 
concerning  the  equipment  and  disposition  of  the  fleet  against  the 
French ;  and  it  seems  to  have  been  ultimately  decided  that  the 
whole  available  force,  united,  should  put  to  sea  in  January  under 
the  orders  of  the  admiral  of  the  Western  division.^  The  ships 
from  Bayonne  lay,  in  the  interval,  at  Sandwich. 

Parliament  re-assembled  in  the  middle  of  January,  1340.     Naval 
'  I':irl.  Kolls,  ii.  10-1,  105.  ^  '  Fa?dera,'  ii.  1101. 


13-10.]  JV.-ir.-li   PJtEFAIiATIONS.  249 

matters  chiefly  demanded  its  attention ;  and  a  tenth  was  quickly 
granted  by  way  of  general  aid.  The  people  of  the  Cinque  Ports 
undertook  to  have  twenty-one  of  their  own  vessels,  and  nine  ships 
belonging  to  the  Thames,  ready  by  March  ^(ith  ;  and  the  Council 
promised  to  pay  half  the  cost,  not,  however,  as  wages,  but  of 
special  grace.  The  people  of  the  western  ports  engaged  to  furnish 
seventy  ships  of  one  hundred  tons'  burden  and  upwards,  they 
paying  as  much  as  they  were  able  of  the  cost,  and  the  Council 
finding  the  rest  of  the  money.  All  vessels  of  that  tonnage  belonging 
to  Portsmouth  and  the  ports  westward  of  it  were  to  make  rendezvous 
at  Portsmouth  by  March  '26th,  with  the  Earl  of  AmndeP  as  their 
admiral,  and  the  Cinque  Ports  fleet  was  to  assemble  at  Winchelsea, 
iinder  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon.  The  admirals  were  to  be  directed 
to  arrest  all  other  vessels,  and  to  place  small  ones  in  havens  secure 
from  the  operations  of  the  enemy ;  and  proclamation  was  ordered 
to  be  made  for  all  persons  enjoying  pardons  for  crimes  committed 
to  hold  themselves  ready  to  serve  the  king  at  sea  and  to  take  his 
wages.  Measures  were  taken  for  the  special  protection  of  South- 
ampton, w^hich  had  already  suffered  so  much  at  the  hands  of  the 
French ;  and  the  place  was  garrisoned  by  Sir  Eichard  Talbot,  with 
fifty  men-at-arms,  a  hundred  archers,  and  two  pinnaces  dispatched 
thither  from  Milbrook.^ 

Eichard  Eitzalan,  Earl  of  Arundel,  was  appointed  admiral  of 
the  western  fleet  on  February  20th ;  and  Sir  Eobert  Morley  was 
re-appointed  admiral  of  the  northern  fleet  on  March  (Hh,  1340.^ 
The  date  of  the  appointment  of  WiUiam  Clinton,  Earl  of 
Huntingdon,  to  the  command  of  the  Cinque  Ports  fleet  does  not 
appear,  but  was  probably  in  February,  if  not  before.  These 
appointments  are  noteworthy,  for  they  were  preliminary  to  a 
greater  success  at  sea  than  England  had  perhaps  ever  won  over 
any  opponents. 

King  Edward  returned  from  Flanders,  landing  at  Orwell  on 
February  '21st,^  with  the  intention  of  returning  as  soon  as  possible 
with  the  large  naval  force  which  was  in  process  of  assemblage. 
Vessels   as   small   as  of   twenty   tons'    burden    were   equipped   and 

'  ruchard  Fitzalan,  niuth  Earl  uf  Aruuael,  was  the  eldest  sou  of  Ediimnd,  eiglith 
Earl.  Iq  1330  he  was  restored  to  the  lionours  of  his  father,  who  had  been  attained 
aud  beheaded  in  1326.  He  served  in  Scotland,  and  in  1340  and  13-10,  as  admiral. 
He  was  at  Sluis  and  L'Espagnols  sur  Mer,  and  died  in  137tl. 

2  Pari.  Rolls,  li.  108.  ^  Gascon  Kolls,  101.  '  '  Eu'dera,"  ii.  1115. 


250  MILITARY  HISTOBY,   115i-1399.  [1340. 

manned  and  dispatched  to  Sandwich ;  and  when,  on  March  29th, 
Parhament  again  met,  it  granted  another  aid,  and  ordered  pro\dsions 
to  be  sent  to  Sandwich  and  Southampton  for  the  service  of  the 
fleet.^ 

The  king  went  to  Ipswich  in  June,  when  forty  ships  awaited 
him  at  Orwell."  About  the  tenth,  when  he  was  on  the  point  of 
putting  to  sea,  and  when  the  horses  had  been  already  embarked,  his 
Chancellor,  the  Ai-chbishop  of  Canterbury,  reported  to  him  that  the 
French  had  assembled  an  immense  fleet  off  Sluis  with  a  view  to 
prevent  him  from  landing ;  but  as  Edward  disbelieved  the  in- 
telligence, and  declared  that  he  would  cross,  no  matter  what  might 
happen,  the  Chancellor  returned  the  Great  Seal.  This  induced 
the  king  to  take  further  counsel ;  and  he  summoned  Admiral  Sir 
Kobert  Morley  and  Crabbe,  probably  the  gallant  Scotsman,  John 
Crabbe,  who  had  been  so  ill-treated  by  his  thankless  coimtrymen 
at  Berwick  seven  years  earlier.  He  asked  them  whether  they 
believed  that  there  would  be  danger  in  attempting  the  venture.  As 
they  were  cognisant  of  the  presence  of  the  French  fleet  off  Sluis, 
they  were  of  the  same  mind  as  the  Archbishop  ;  whereupon  Edward 
angrily  said  :  "Ye  and  the  Archbishop  have  agreed  to  tell  the  same 
story  to  prevent  my  crossing.  ...I  will  cross  in  spite  of  you,  and 
ye,  who  are  afraid  where  there  is  no  fear,  may  stay  at  home." 
Both  Morley  and  Crabbe  declared  that  if  the  king  went,  he,  and 
all  who  might  accompany  him,  would  run  great  danger ;  but  that 
if  he  persisted,  they  would  precede  him,  even  to  the  death.  The 
views  of  oflicers  of  such  experience  and  bravery  determined  the 
king  to  renew  his  confidence  in  the  Archbishop,  to  again  entrust 
him  with  the  Great  Seal,  and  to  collect  more  ships,  as  well  from 
London  as  from  the  ports  of  the  north  and  west.  In  ten  days,  or, 
as  Hemingford  says,  in  seven,  he  had  two  hundred  ships  at  his 
disposal,  and  more  soldiers  and  archers  than  he  needed." 

At  length,  on  June  20th,  the  king  embarked  in  the  cog  Thomas, 
Captain  Eichard  Fylle,*  attended  by  the  Earls  of  Derby,  North- 
ampton, Arundel,  and  Huntingdon,  the  Bishops  of  Lincoln  and 
Coventry,  and  the  Lords  Wake,  Ferrers,  his  chamberlain,  and 
Cobham,  in  whose  presence  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  pleading 

'  Pari.  Rolls,  ii.  116. 

^  Hemingford,  ii.  319 ;  Avesbury,  54. 

^  Avesbury,  54,  50 ;  Hemingford,  ii.  282 ;  Pari.  Rolls,  ii.  118. 

*  Previously  of  the  Christopher. 


1340.]  THE    VICTORY    OFF  SLUIS.  251 

his  intinnities,  finally  and  aniicabl}-  resigned  the  Great  Seal,  which 
was  broken  up.  A  new  one,  whereon  the  arms  of  France  were  for 
the  first  time  quartered  with  those  of  England,  was  delivered  to  Sir 
Nicholas  de  la  Beche,  for  transmission,  through  the  Master  of  the 
Eolls,  to  the  new  chancellor,  the  Bishop  of  Chichester.^ 

The  armada  sailed  at  about  one  o'clock  on  June  '22ud.  It 
consisted  of  two  hundred  vessels,  and,  upon  sighting  the  coast  of 
Flanders,^  it  was  joined  by  the  northern  fleet  of  probably  about 
fifty  sail,  under  Admiral  Sir  Eobert  Morley,  who,  it  may  be 
supposed,  had  been  keeping  touch  with  the  enemy  by  means  of 
his  light  craft.  At  noon  on  June  23rd,  the  combined  fleets,  then 
off  Blankenberghe,  descried  the  French,  ten  miles  away,  lying-in 
the  port  of  Sluis.' 

Edward  himself  puts  the  force  of  the  enemy  at  one  hiindred  and 
ninety  ships,  galleys,  and  great  barges  ;  Hemingford,  at  two  hundred 
and  fifty  ships ;  Knighton,  as  well  as  Walsingham,  at  two  hundred 
ships,  besides  other  craft ;  Froissart,  at  upwards  of  one  hundred 
and  forty  large  vessels,  besides  smaller  ones ;  and,  according  to 
Jacob  Meyei',  Flamand  writers  place  it  as  high  as  tliree  hundred 
and  eighty,  or  even  four  hundred  sail  of  all  kinds ;  but  the  king's 
estimate  may  be  safely  accepted  as  being  likely  to  be  as  correct 
as  any. 

Upon  sighting  the  enemy,  Edward  landed  Sir  Eeginald  de 
Cobham,  Sir  John  Cundy,  and  Sir  Stephen  de  Laburkin,  with  their 
horses,  to  reconnoitre.  These  gentlemen,  riding  along  the  coast, 
ascertained  the  strength  and  disposition  of  the  foe,  and  discovered 
that  there  were  with  the  French  nineteen  exceptionally  large  ships, 
including  the  captured  Christopher,  and  that  the  fleet  lay  at  anchor 
near  the  land  in  three  divisions,  irrespective  of  the  small  craft.* 

The  French  fleet,  according  to  Edward,  whose  dispatch  will 
be  given  later,  was  manned  by  above  thirty-five  thousand  Normans, 
Picards,  and  Genoese.  Froissart  and  Knighton  say  forty  thousand  ; 
Walsingham  says  twenty-five  thousand.  It  was  commanded  by 
Hugues  Quieret,  Nicolas  Behuchet,  and  Egidio  Bocanegra. 

The  tide  on  the  afternoon  of  Friday,  the  23rd,  did  not  sei've  for 
the  attack,   and   the  English   spent  the  latter  part  of   the  day  in 

'  '  roedera,'  ii.  1129. 

■  Walsingham  says,  after  the  French  had  been  sighted. 

■'  Hemingford,  ii.  320;  Knighton,  2577. 

*  Froissart,  i.  lOo  ;  Knighton,  2577. 


252 


MILITARY  HISTORY,    1151-1399. 


[1310. 


maturincr  their  plans.  In  the  meantime  the  French  weighed  and 
dropped  down  towards  the  mouth  of  the  estuary  on  which  Shiis 
then  lay.  Knighton  says,  as  far  as  Grogne ;  and  one  of  the  con- 
tinuators  of  De  Nangis  says,  in  the  direction  of  Catat ;  hut  no  places 
bearing  these  names  can  be  identified.  How  far,  in  the  subsequent 
action,  the  English  were  assisted,  either  on  land  or  afloat,  by  the 


J       /"       tf 


THE    LOWER    NETHERLANDS. 

(^Fro)ii  a  map  bij  Tfiomas  Eifchin,  c.i.  1750.) 

Flamands  is  a  matter  of  doubt.  Edward's  account  of  the  subject 
is  obscure.  English  writers  deny  that  any  assistance  was  rendered  ; 
and  although  some  French  and  Flamand  writers '  assert  that  help 
was  given,  their  versions  of  what  occurred  are  vague  and  un- 
satisfactory. 

Nor   have  some  other  details,  which  would  be  of  assistance  to 


Cunt.  <if  De  Nangis,  iii.  102;  Froissart,  i.  107;  '  Auu.  Rer.  Fland.'  (Meyer),  141. 


i;J40.]  THE   VICTORY   OFF  SLUIS.  25^ 

the  proper  understanding  of  tlie  course  of  tlie  engagement,  been 
handed  down.  We  do  not  know  how  the  wind  lay  that  day ;  we 
do  not  know  how  the  land  bore  ;  we  do  not  know  the  particulars 
of  the  order  of  battle  on  either  side.  We  do  know,  however,  that 
at  smirise'  on  Saturday,  the  24th,  the  two  fleets  were  not  far  from 
one  another,  and  that,  owing  to  the  tide,  the  English  could  not 
enter  the  port  until  about  noon.  High  water  on  the  day  of  the 
fight,  on  the  coast  near  Sluis,  occurred,  as  was  ascertained  by 
Sir  G.  B.  Airy,  at  11.23  a.m.  and  11.46  p.m.  Probably  Edward 
desired  to  go  in  on  the  top  of  the  flood,'  and  had  been  unwilling, 
owing  to  the  risks  of  a  night  action,  to  utiHse  the  high  tide  of  10.58 
on  the  night  of  the  23rd. 

Edward  disposed  his  largest  ships  in  his  van,  filling  them  with 
archers ;  and  between  each  two  of  these  large  craft  he  stationed  a 
vessel  full  of  men-at-arms.  The  remaining  small  ships,  with  archers 
on  board,  foiined  the  second  division,  and  acted  as  a  reserve.* 
Several  ladies  of  high  rank,  who  intended  to  join  the  queen  at 
Ghent,  were  with  the  fleet.  Three  hundred  men-at-arms  were 
assigned  for  their  protection,  and,  in  all  probability,  they  were 
transshipped  to  the  transports  or  storeships,  and  placed  in  com- 
parative safety  out  of  the  way  of  the  fighting  vessels. 

The  French  fleet,  which  had  been  in  three  divisions,  was  now 
in  four,  the  ships  of  each  division  being  fastened  to  one  another  by 
iron  chains  and  by  cables.*  Each  had  a  small  boat  full  of  stones 
triced  up  to  the  mast,  so  that  the  men  in  the  tops  could  fling  the 
stones  upon  the  English  decks.  In  the  van  of  the  fleet,  as  if  in 
contemptuous  defiance,  were  the  Christopher,  commanded  by  John 
Heyla,^  a  Flamand,  and  full  of  Genoese  archers,  and  three  other 
large  cogs,  the  Edward,  the  Katherine,  and  the  Bose,  all  of  which 
were  prizes  captured  from  the  English. 

Upon  the  whole,  the  presumption  is  that,  before  the  action 
began,  the  French  were  under  sail  in  the  mouth  of  the  estuary, 
heading  slowly  to  the  north-west,  with  a  gentle  breeze  from  the 
north-east,  and  that  the  English  were  neai'ly  due  west  of  the  foe.'' 

'   Hemingfora,  ii.  320. 

-  Minot  is  assuredly  wrong  in  saying  that  the  battle  began  at  half-ebb. 

''  Froissart,  i.  106. 

'  Avesbury,  .^0;  HemingfcRl,  ii.  .320. 

■''  Taken,  and  beheaded  at  Bruges. 

■"■  Nicolas  puts  the  English  "  to  the  westward  and  to  leeward  of  the  enemy,"  adding 
"that  the  wind  was  about  north-east,  and  that  the  French  bore  nearly  south-west 
of  them." 


254  MILITARY  EISTORY,  1154-1399.  [13iO. 

Soon  after  11  a.m.,  Edward  ordered  his  fleet  to  prepare  for 
action,  and  to  make  sail  on  the  starboard  tack,  to  gain  the  wind.' 
This  manoeuvre  appears  to  have  been  misintei-preted  by  the  French, 
who  imagined  from  it  that  the  English  were  loath  to  fight.  Avesbmy 
says  that  the  English  thus  stood  off  because  they  realised  that  they 
could  not  break  the  French  line,  the  ships  of  which  were  chained 
together;  and  that,  deceived  by  the  apparent  flight,  the  French 
then  cast  off  and  gave  chase.  That  any  ineffectual  attempt  to 
break  the  line  was  ever  made  is  altogether  improbable ;  yet  it  may 
well  be  that  the  French  were  betrayed  into  separating,  as  Avesburj^ 
represents.  All  that  is  quite  certain  is  that  eventually  the  English 
gained  the  wind,  and  then  bore  down  upon  the  enemy,  the  battle 
beginning  at  about  noon. 

Admiral  Sir  Eobert  Morley  opened  with  an  attack  upon  one 
of  the  van  ships,  probably  the  Christopher,  the  re-capture  of  which 
was  ardently  desired  throughout  the  English  fleet ;  and  he  was  well 
seconded  by  the  ships  of  the  Earls  of  Huntingdon  and  Northampton. 
Sir  Walter  Manny's  was  the  fourth  ship  to  be  engaged.  As  the 
other  vessels  crowded  up  there  was  a  general  melee,  the  ships 
grappling  one  another,  and  the  men  boarding  with  swords,  axes, 
and  pikes,  while  the  archers  in  their  rear  discharged  showers  of 
arrows.  The  French  fought  with  determination  and  gallantry, 
and  the  slaughter  was  prodigious,  four  hmidred  dead  being 
found  in  one  ship  alone ;  but  the  English  impetuosity  was 
not  to  be  resisted,  and  ere  long  several  vessels  of  the  French 
van  were  in  their  possession.  Among  these  were  the  four 
much-coveted  English  prizes.  The  Christopher  was  at  once 
manned  by  her  old  owners,  and  sent  to  the  attack  of  the  Genoese 
galleys. 

The  collapse  of  their  van  disheartened  the  enemy,  and  the  other 
divisions,  instead  of  maintaining  the  contest,  endeavoured  to  make 
off.  But  the  second  and  third,  consisting  of  somewhat  smaller  craft, 
were  presently  surrounded,  and  their  crews,  flinging  away  their  arms 
in  panic,  rushed  to  their  boats,  most  of  which  they  swamped,  a  loss 
of  two  thousand  men  being  alleged  to  have  been  caused  b}'  this  fact 
alone.  Some  of  the  fugitives  reached  two  large  French  ships,  the 
Saint  Denis  and  the  Saiiit  Georges,  which  seemed  to  have  succeeded 
in  getting   away.     Most  of   the  fourth  division,  consisting  of   the 

'  Aud  to  prevent  the  suu  from  being  in  their  faces. — Froissart,  i.  106. 


1340.]  OFFICES S  PRESENT  AT   THE  BATTLE.  255 

Genoese  galleys,  also  escaped ; '  but,  with  these  exceptions,  the 
fleet  of  France  was  almost  entirely  taken  or  destroyed.  The  fourth 
division  was  pursued  by  a  detached  force,  said  to  have  been 
commanded  by  John  Crabbe ;  but,  though  losing  heavily,  it  beat 
off  its  assailants,  and  even  took  or  destroyed  two  of  them,  one 
being  a  ship  containing  the  king's  wardrobe,  and  the  other  a 
vessel  belonging  to  Hull.  Part,  however,  of  the  force,  stated  at 
twenty-fom-  ships,  which  thus  temporarily  got  away,  was  captured 
a  few  days  after  the  battle,  so  that  the  catastrophe  was  as  nearly 
as  possible  complete.  The  action  lasted  for  ten  or  twelve  hours, 
and  in  that  time  the  French  and  their  allies  lost  about  twenty-five 
thousand,-  and  the  English  about  four  thousand  men.^  Hugues 
Quieret  appears  to  have  fallen  ;  ^  Behuchet  was  taken,  and,  perhaps 
in  revenge  for  the  atrocities  which  he  had  committed  on  the  coasts 
of  England,  was  killed,  and  hanged  to  the  mast  of  one  of  his  own 
ships.*  The  only  person  of  importance  killed  on  the  English  side 
was  Sir  Thomas  de  Monthermer,  first  cousin  to  the  king.'^  All 
authorities  agree  that  the  battle  was  one  of  the  most  bloody  and 
desperate  on  record. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  the  names  of  some  of  the  nobles  and 
others  who,  by  their  conduct  on  June  '24th,  1840,  contributed  to 
the  gaining  of  this  great  victory.  Among  them  are  Henry,  Earl 
of  Lancaster  (then  Earl  of  Derby),  Lawrence,  Earl  of  Pembroke, 
Eichard,  Earl  of  Arundel,  Humphrey,  Earl  of  Hereford  and  Essex, 
William,  Earl  of  Huntingdon,  Hugh,  Earl  of  Gloucester,  Sir  Kobert 
Morley  (Lord  Morley),  Eeginald,  Lord  Cobham,  Henry,  Lord 
Percy,  Eoger,  Lord  de  la  Warr,  Sir  John  Beauchamp,  Sir  Eichard 
Stafford,  Sir  Walter  Manny,  Sir  John  Chandos,  Sir  William  Felton, 
Sir  Thomas  Bradeston,  Sir  William  Trussell,  Eobert,  Count  of 
Artois,  Henry  of  Flanders,  and  probably  Henry,  Lord  Ferrers  of 
Groby.  For  conspicuous  valour  during  the  battle,  a  young  esquire, 
Nele   Loring,  afterwards   E.G.''  received   his   knighthood.     Loring 

'  Hemingfurd,  ii.  321.  From  what  Knighton  .says,  more  than  half  these  may  have 
heeu  barges,  and  onl_v  twenty-three  galleys  or  ships. 

^  Knighton,  2578 ;  but  Ayesbury  and  others  say  30,000. 

s  Ann.  Rer.  Fland.,  141. 

■*  Cont.  of  De  Xangis  says  that  Quieret  was  taken. 

''  lb.,  iii.  102 ;  but,  according  to  Knighton,  2578,  he  was  killed  in  the  fight. 

"  Hemingford,  ii.  321.  Sir  Thomas  was  son  of  Ralph  de  Monthermer,  Eail  of 
Gloucester  and  Hereford,  by  Joan,  daughter  of  Edward  I. 

'  He  was  one  of  the  Knights  Founders  of  tlic  Order,  ami  was  an  ancestor  of  Lady 
.Jane  Grey,  de  facto  Queen  of  England. 


256  MILITABY  HISTOBY,   113-1-1399.  [1340. 

belonged  to  a  family  which  has  since  given  several  distinguished 
officers  to  the  British  Navy,  and  which  may  fairly  claim  to  be  one 
of  the  oldest  naval  families  in  existence. 

It  is  remarkable  that  rumom-s  of  the  victory  prevailed  in  London 
as  early  as  the  '25th  ;  ^  but  King  Edward  did  not  send  off  his  official 
dispatch  until  the  28th,  and  this  could  not  have  reached  his  son. 
Prince  Edward,  who  was  at  Waltham  Abbey,  before  June  30th, 
or  July  1st.  Some  days  after  the  action,  the  king,  accompanied 
by  a  brilliant  suite,  landed  in  state  to  return  thanks  at  the  shrine 
of  Our  Lady  of  Ardenberg.-  Thence  he  rode  to  Ghent,  where  he 
met  the  queen. 

Edward's  letter  to  his  son  is  the  earliest  English  naval  dispatch 
in  existence,  and  for  this,  as  well  as  for  other  reasons,  deserves  quota- 
tion. A  copy  of  the  original  is  preserved  in  the  archives  of  the  City 
of  London,  and  is  in  French.    The  following  is  a  translation  of  it : — 

"  Very  dear  Sox — We  are  persuaded  that  you  are  desirous  to  know  good  news  of 

us,  and  liow  we  have  fared  since  our  departure  from  England.     Therefore  we  would 

have  you  learn  that  on  the  Thursday  after  thedaj'  when  we  quitted  the  port  of  Orwell, 

we  sailed  all  day  and  the  night  following ;  and  on  Friday,  about  the  hour  of  noon,  we 

arrived  ujxin  the  coast  of  Flanders,  before  Blankenberghe,  where  we  had  a  sight  of  the 

fleet  of  our  enemies,  who  were  all  crowded  together  in  the  port  of  the  Swyn ;  and 

seeing  that  the  tide  did  not  serve  us  to  close  with  them,  we  lay  to  all  that  night.     On 

Saturday,  St.  .John's  Day,  soon  after  the  hour  of  noon,  at  high  tide,  in  the  name  of 

God,  and  confident  in  our  just  quarrel,  we  entered  the  said  pcirt  upon  our  said  enemies, 

who  had  assembled  their  ships  in  very  strong  array,  and  who  made  a  most  noble 

defence  all  that  day  and  the  night  afterwards;  but  God,  by  His  power  and  miracle, 

granted  us  the  victory  over  them  our  enemies,  for  which  we  thank  Him  as  devoutly  as 

we  are  able.     And  we  would  have  you  know  that  the  number  of  the  ships,  galleys, 

and  lar-^e  barges  of  our  enemies,  amounted  to  one  hundred  and  ninety,  and  that  they 

were  all  taken,  save  twenty-four  altogether,  which  fled,  and  some  of  which  are  since 

taken  at  sea.     And  the  number  of  men-at-arms  and  other  armed  people  amounted  to 

thirty-five  thousand,  of  which  number,  by  estimation,  five  thousand  have  escaped  ; 

and  the  rest,  as  we  are  given  to  understand  b\'  some  people  who  have  been  taken  alive, 

lie  dead  in  many  places  on  tlie  coast  of  Flanders.     On  the  other  hand,  all  our  ships, 

that  is  to  say,  the  Christopher,  and  the  others  which  were  lost  at  Middolburg,  are  now 

re-taken  •  and  there  are  taken  in  this  fleet  three  or  four  as  large  as  the  Chrisfophfr, 

The  Flamands  were  incUned  to  come  over  to  us  in  the  battle  from  first  to  last  Q  cstoient 

de  hone  voJente  davoir  venuz  a  no'  ala  bataille  du  coinertcement  tanqe  ala  fin.')     Thus 

God,  our  Lord,  has  shown  abundant  favour,  for  which  we  and  all  our  friends  are  ever 

bound  to  render  Him  grace  and  thanks.     Our  purpose  is  to  remain  in  peace  in  the 

river,  until  we  have  taken  in  hand  certain  questions  with  our  allies  and  our  other 

friends  in  Flanders,  concerning  wliat  is  to  be  done.     A'ery  dear   Son,  may  God  be 

yoiu'  keeper. 

"Given  under  our  secret  seal  in  our  ship  the 

cog  Thoman,  Wednesda}-,  the  eve  of  St. 

Peter  and  St.  Paul." ' 


'  Avesbury,  5C.         -  Kroissart,  i.  10";  Hemingford,  ii.  321.        ^  .June  28th. 


13-10.]  NATURE   OF   THE    VICTORY.  257 

Immediately  after  the  receipt  of  this  despatch,  the  news  of  the 
victory  was  pubHclj'  announced  by  a  proclamation  which  was 
nominally  addressed  by  the  king  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
and  which  expressed  gratitude  to  God  for  the  mercy  vouchsafed  to 
the  country,  and  ordered  general  prayer  and  thanksgiving.  This 
was  dated  "  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  our  reign  of  England,  and  in 
the  first  of  our  reign  of  France."  ^  On  July  9th,  the  king  wrote  to 
Parliament,  requesting  an  aid,  and  referring  the  Peers  and  others, 
for  details  of  the  victory,  to  Huntingdon,  Arundel,  Gloucester,  and 
Trussell.  Parliament  met,  after  adjournment,  on  the  13th,  and 
intelligence  of  the  victory  was  then  formally  comnninicated  to  it. 
The  royal  demands  were  willingly  granted,  and  provisions  and 
wine  were  ordered  for  the  refreshment  of  the  fleet." 

Nicolas^  is  of  opinion  that  in  many  particulars  the  Battle  of 
Sluis  did  not  surpass,  even  if  it  equalled,  Hubert  de  Burgh's  victory 
off  the  South  Foreland  in  1217.  De  Burgh  certainly  displayed  high 
strategical  and  tactical  ability,  as  well  as  extraordinary  bravery  ; 
whereas  Edward,  beyond  manoeuvring  for  the  wind,  and,  as  some  of 
the  historians  say,  to  avoid  having  to  fight  with  the  sun  in  his  eyes, 
employed  both  strategy  and  tactics  but  little.  And  it  must  be 
admitted  that  the  record  of  Sluis  seems  to  suggest  that  the  division 
of  Bocanegra,  which  escaped,  may  have  failed  in  its  duty.  Yet  both 
victories  were  gained  against  superior  forces  ;  and  from  the  point 
of  view  of  completeness,  the  second  scarcely  fell  short  of  the  first ; 
while,  on  both  sides,  there  were  far  larger  forces  off  Sluis  than  at 
the  South  Foreland. 

The  failure  of  the  French,  whose  gallantry  upon  the  occasion  has 
never  been  impeached,  may  be  attributed,  among  other  causes,  to  the 
fact  that,  ccetcris  jxtribus,  an  allied  fleet  can  never  be  as  strong  as  a 
homogeneous  one,  and  to  the  circumstance  that  they  waited  to 
accept  battle  in  comparatively  narrow  waters  instead  of  going  out 
and  obtaining  plenty  of  sea  room.  They  should,  undoubtedly  have 
assumed  the  offensive.  Jealousy  between  the  two  French  admirals, 
incompetence  on  the  part  of  Behuchet,  and  unsatisfactory  personnel, 
have  been  alleged  by  French  authors  as  additional  explanations  of 
the  result ;  and  these  writers  also  lay  great  weight  upon  the  assistance 

'  'FfoJera,'  ii.  1120.  Also  giveu  in  Avesbury  and  HeMangfni\l.  It  wns  witni's.sccl 
In-  the  prince. 

-  Pari.  Rolls,  ii.  117,  Hi*,  lilt. 
"  Nicolas,  i.  66. 

VOL.    I.  S 


258  MILITABY  niSTORT,   1134-1399.  [1311. 

supposed  to  have  been  rendered  to  Edward  by  the  Flamaiids ;  but 
concerning  such  points  as  these  it  is  difficult,  in  default  of  adequate 
evidence,  to  offer  any  conclusions.  One  fact  stands  out  beyond 
dispute.  Sluis  was  a  severe  blow  to  France,  and  a  glorious  and 
substantial  addition  to  the  naval  renown  of  England. 

In  August  of  the  same  year,  the  Admirals  of  the  North  and  West, 
and  of  the  Cinque  Ports,  were  ordered  to  proceed  to  sea  in  company, 
with  their  united  fleets,  to  cruise  against  the  Normans  and  Spaniards, 
who  were  reported  to  be  in  search  of  English  merchantmen;  but  no 
hostile  encounter  took  place. ^  On  September  '2.5th,  a  nine  months' 
truce  was  concluded  with  France ;''  and  on  November  MOth,  King 
Edward  amved  at  the  Tower  from  Flanders.^ 

There  is  no  specific  account  extant  of  what  Genoese  galleys 
were  captured  of  those  which  escaped  from  Sluis  under  Bocanegra  ; 
but  six  Genoese  galleys  appear  to  have  been  taken  off  Brittany 
sometime  in  the  course  of  this  year ;  for,  two  years  later,  their  fate 
was  still  a  subject  of  correspondence  between  Edward  and  the  Duke 
of  Genoa,  who  seems  to  have  done  very  httle  to  prevent  his  subjects 
and  even  his  relatives  from  aiding  the  enemies  of  England,  and  to 
have  treated  Edward,  his  nominal  allj',  with  scant  courtesy.* 

Although  the  truce  with  France  was  not  to  expire  until  June, 
1341,  English  preparations  for  the  re-opening  of  the  hostilities  began 
as  early  as  February,  when  all  vessels  of  sixty  tons  and  upwards  were 
ordered  to  be  ready  for  sea,  and  x^i'operly  armed,  by  April  16th. ^  In 
April,  Admiral  Sir  Eobert  Morley  was  directed  to  provide  a  hundred 
small  transports  with  a  view  to  the  king's  passage  to  the  continent ;  '^ 
and  on  June  4tb,  Edward  accepted  an  offer  of  ships  from  Bayonne, 
asked  for  more,  and  desired  the  Bayonnese  to  appoint  an  admiral 
to  command  their  contingent.  Peter  de  Puyano  was,  as  in  1337, 
appointed  to  this  office."  But  a  prolongation  of  the  truce  for  a  year 
appeared  to  render  unnecessary  any  immediate  measures  for  defence 
and  offence ;  and  vessels  were  being  returned  to  peaceful  employ- 
ment, when  an  entirely  new  cause  of  quarrel  arose  with  France. 

The  Duchy  of  Brittany  had  become  vacant  by  the  death  of  Duke 
John.  France  supported  the  claim  of  Charles,  Count  of  Blois,  in 
right  of  his  wife ;  Edward  espoused  the  claim  of  John,  Count  of 
Montfort,  who  judiciously  did  homage  to  him  in  England  as  King  of 

'  'Fcpdera,'  ii.  1133.       ■*  Ih.,  ii.  1185.       '■  77).,  ii.  11.">G. 

-  Ih.,  ii.  113.5.  ■"'  Ih.,  ii.  1177.       '  Uk,  ii.  lli;3,  1173. 

3  Ih.,  ii.  1111. 


1342.]  RELIEF   OF  EENNEBONT.  259 

France.  Freucli  troops  were  thrown  into  the  disputed  tei-ritory ; 
England  levied  an  army  ;  and  in  October  the  Cinque  Ports  fleet  was 
called  out  and  ordered  to  Portsmouth  by  November  18th,  and 
numerous  vessels  were  arrested  in  the  ports  of  the  west.'  In 
February,  1342,  more  ships  were  summoned,  and  directed  to  make 
rendezvous  at  Orwell  by  March  24th ;-  and  Admiral  Sir  Walter 
Mannj',  who  was  appointed  to  command  them,  was  enjoined  to  seize 
all  the  ports  and  fortified  places  on  the  coast  of  Brittany,  on  behalf 
of  Moutfort.^  He  seems  to  have  succeeded  in  sailing  on  March  20th. 
There  was  urgent  need  for  his  services,  for  the  Countess  of  Montfort 
was  besieged  by  the  Count  of  Blois  in  the  town  of  Hennebont,  near 
Lorient.  Nevertheless,  Manny,  who  carried  with  him  a  thousand' 
archers  and  a  hundred  and  twenty  men-at-arms,  met  with  contrary 
winds,  and  was  sixty  days  on  his  passage  ;  and  the  garrison  was 
upon  the  point  of  surrendering  when  he  arrived  and  quickly  raised 
the  siege.  Froissart  relates  that  as  a  reward  for  their  opportune 
succom-,  the  Countess  kissed  Sir  Walter  Manny  and  his  companions 
one  after  the  other,  two  or  three  times.* 

The  Count  of  Blois  had  the  advantage  of  the  co-operation  of 
Bon  Luis  de  la  Cerda,'^  one  of  the  best  naval  commanders  of  the  age, 
who  assisted  him  with  a  Hispano-Genoese  squadron,  and,  having 
captured  Dinan,  invested  Guerande,  in  which  port  he  took  many 
vessels  laden  with  wine  from  Poitou  and  La  Kochelle.  Utilising 
these  craft,  he  captured  the  jplace,  and  then,  re-embarking,  cruised, 
with  other  Spaniards  and  Genoese,  along  the  coast,  but  landed  to 
ravage  Quimperle.  Manny,  with  Sir  Amery  de  Clisson,  embarked 
three  thousand  archers  and  pursued  the  marauders.  The  Enghsh 
found  the  enemy's  ships  at  anchor  off  the  coast  below  Quimperle, 
and,  boarding  them,  put  their  crews  to  the  sword  and  captured 
immense  booty.  Leaving  three  hundred  archers  to  defend  the  fleet 
and  the  prizes,  the  victors  landed,  and  defeated  the  enemy  very 
signally  on  shore." 

But  though  Manny  did  so  well,  the  modest  force  at  his  disposal 
was,  of  course,  insufficient  for  the  entire  conduct  of  the  campaign  ; 
and,  after  Eng  Edward  had  held  a  kind  of  naval  council  at  West- 
minster in  April,  a  large  fleet  was  assembled  at  Portsmouth  in  July." 

'  '  Foedera,'  ii.  1177.  ''  Great-grandson  of  Alfonso  tlie  Wise,  King  of  Cantilk'. 

''  lb.,  ii.  1187.  °  Froissart,  i.  1.55-157. 


■'  lb.,  ii.  1189.  '  '  Fcrdcra,'  ii.  1201. 

*  Froissart,  i.  152,  153. 


S   2 


260  MJLITABT  HISTOBT,   1154-1309.  [1342. 

It  sailed  at  about  the  end  of  the  month,  under  the  Earl  of 
Northampton,  who  had  been  appointed  the  King's  Lieutenant  in 
France  and  Brittany,  and  who  was  accompanied  by  Robert  of 
Artois,  the  Earl  of  Devon,  Lords  Stafford  and  D'Arcy,  and  other 
noblemen. 

Froissart  mentions  an  action  which,  if  ever  fought  at  all — of 
which  there  is  some  doubt, — must  have  been  fought  by  this  fleet  in 
the  course  of  its  passage.  The  enemj^  which  is  represented  as  having 
been  in  superior  force,  is  said  to  have  been  commanded  by  Don  Luis 
de  la  Cerda,  Carlo  Grimaldi,  and  Otto  Doria ;  and  the  battle  is 
reported  to  have  been  interrupted  by  bad  weather,  and  to  have 
terminated  indecisively.'  Possibly  some  meeting  of  the  fleets  did 
take  place,  but,  as  no  note  of  it  is  made  by  any  contemporary 
English  writer,  and  as  English  writers  can  scarcely  have  had  any 
reason  for  being  deliberately  silent  concerning  it,  it  may  be  con- 
cluded that  the  affair  was  at  best  of  inconsiderable  importance. 

By  way  of  reprisals  for  the  captiu'e  by  French  subjects  during  the 
truce  of  a  rich  ship  of  London,  the  king,  on  July  10th,  ordered  all 
Frenchmen  in  London,  Southampton,  Wells,  St.  Botolph,  Lynn, 
Ipswich,  and  New  Sarum,  to  be  imprisoned,  and  their  goods  seized.^ 

In  the  meantime,  on  or  before  April  10th,  Sir  John  Montgomery 
had  been  appointed  Admiral  of  the  Western  fleet,  and  preparations 
were  made  for  the  transit  to  Brittanj'  of  the  king  in  person.  Ships 
were  stringently  arrested,  and  public  prayers  were  offered  for  the 
success  of  the  expedition."' 

Edward  embarked  at  Sandwich  in  the  George,  and  on  October  4th, 
on  board  that  ship,  delivered  the  Great  Seal  to  the  new  Chancellor. 
Next  day  he  made  the  Duke  of  Cornwall  guardian  of  the  kingdom 
during  his  absence ;  and,  sailing  soon  afterwards,  he  landed  at  Brest, 
towards  the  end  of  the  month.''  He  was  there  joined  by  Sir  Walter 
Mannj-.'  Siege  was  laid  to  Vannes,  the  fleet  co-operating  ;  but  the 
ships  would  have  been  more  useful  at  sea,  where  Don  Luis  de  la 
Cerda,  Cailo  Grimaldi,  and  Otto  Doria,  were  cruising  and  inter- 
cepting communications.  On  one  occasion  these  chiefs  found  a 
small  English  squadron  lying  in  a  bay  near  Vannes,  and  sank  and 
took  seven  ships  composing  it  ere  they  were  driven  off  bj-  the  troops 
from  before  the  town.     After  this  experience,  Edward  sent  part  of 

1  Fi-oissait,  i.  16G-10S.  *  Knighton,  2581 ;  '  Fadera,'  ii.  1212  ;  Avesbury,  08. 

'^  '  Fcetlera,'  ii.  1202.  '^  Knighton,  2582. 

"  Ih.,  ii.  1209. 


13-13.]  TRUCE    WITH  FRANCE.  261 

his  fleet  iuto  Brest,  and  part  into  Hennebont — a  disgraceful,  and 
almost  inexplicable  confession  of  his  failure  to  take  advantage  of  the 
victory  which  he  had  v^^on  at  Sluis,  only  two  years  before,  and  which 
oiight  to  have  established  him  in  the  mastery  of  the  seas  about  his 
dominions.' 

In  December,  134'2,  Sir  Eobert  Beaupel-  superseded,  or  was 
joined  with.  Sir  John  Montgomery  as  Admiral  of  the  Western,  and 
Sir  William  Trussell  superseded  Sir  Robert  Morley  as  Admiral  of  the 
Northern  fleet ;  and,  in  the  following  January,  both  were  preparing 
to  convey  fresh  armies  to  Brittany,  when,  on  the  19th,  a  three  years 
and  eight  months'  truce  with  France  was  concluded  at  Vannes.^ 
Edward,  who  immediately  set  out  to  return  to  England,  had  a  most 
prolonged  and  dangerous  voyage.  He  was  driven  by  contrary  winds 
to  the  coast  of  Spain,  lost  two  or  three  ships,  and  did  not  reach 
Weymouth  until  March  2nd,  after  a  five  weeks'  passage* 

No  reliance  was  placed  upon  the  long  duration  of  the  truce,  and 
while,  on  the  one  hand,  the  garrisons  in  Brittany  were  reinforced,  on 
the  other,  measures  were  taken  to  strengthen  and  refit  the  navy. 
As  on  some  previous  occasions,  assessors  were  summoned  to  advise 
with  the  king  in  council  on  nautical  matters  ;  the  Cinque  Ports,, 
having  failed  to  equip  eight  large  ships  which  were  required  of  them, 
were  reminded  of  their  duty ;  and  a  commission  was  ordered  tO' 
Gascony  to  endeavour  to  effect  an  alliance  with  the  Kings  of 
Portugal,  Castille,  and  Aragon.^  In  May,  1344,  Sir  Reginald  de 
Cobham  *■  was  made  Admiral  of  the  Western,  and  Robert,  Earl  of 
Suffolk,  Admiral  of  the  Northern  fleet.' 

Philip  of  France  violated  the  truce  even  sooner  than  had  been 
expected,  "  it  being  his  firm  purpose  to  destroy  the  English  langiiage 
and  to  seize  the  territories  of  England."     Edward,  at  the  request  of 

'  Froissart,  i.  175. 

^  Sir  Eobert  Beaupel  was  the  son  of  a  Devonshire  liniglit,  and  was  menilicr  for 
Devon  in  1314.  He  served  chiefly  with  the  army,  but  was  admiral  in  1342.  He  was 
an  ancestor  of  Lady  Jane  Grey,  through  his  grand-daughter,  wife  of  Sir  Nele 
Loring,  K.G. 

^  Kniglifon,  2583  ;  Avesbury,  109. 

■•  Cliron.  of  Lanercost,  310;  '  Ficdera,'  ii.  1220;  Ave.sbury,  100;  Knighton,  2.">83. 

''  '  Fccdera,'  iii.  4,  8-11  ;  Froissart,  i.  183. 

*  Sir  liegiuald  de  Cobham  was  boni  about  1300,  and  served  at  Gadzand,  Shiis,  Crecy, 
'  L'Espagnols  sur  Mer,'  and  Poitiers.  He  was  aiipointed  admiral  in  1344  and  1348, 
and  was  made  a  K.G.  in  1352.  In  1342  lie  had  been  summiined  to  Parliament  as  a 
baron.     He  died  in  1361. 

'  '  Failera,'  iii.  13. 


262  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1154-1399.  [1314. 

•Parliament,  prepared  to  proceed  to  Gascony  ;  and  the  admirals  were 
directed  to  arrest  all  vessels,  including  even  large  boats  and  fishing 
smacks,  with  a  view  to  setting  sail  in  September.^ 

Egidio  Bocanegra  was  by  this  time  in  the  service  of  the  King  of 
Castille.  He  had  honourably  received  on  board  his  galleys  the  Earl 
of  Derby,  and  other  members  of  the  commission  which  had  been 
sent  to  Gascony ;  and  when  these  noblemen  returned  in  August, 
they  brought  with  them  the  great  adventurer's  offer  to  serve  even 
the  King  of  England,  for  pay.  Edward  wrote  on  September  1st 
to,  thank  Blackbeard,  and  sent  an  envoy  to  talk  matters  over 
with  him." 

In  October,  1344,  an  embargo  was  laid  upon  all  Enghsh  shipping;^ 
but  no  active  operations  of  any  importance  were  undertaken  by  sea 
during  the  year;  and  it  would  appear  that  the  French  cruisers  in 
the  Channel  continued  to  have  much  their  own  way.  On  February 
•23rd,  1345,  Eichard,  Earl  of  Arundel,  was  made  Admiral  of  the 
Western  fleet ;  *  and  at  about  the  same  time  the  Earl  of  Suffolk, 
with  Eichard  Donyngton  as  his  lieutenant,  appears  to  have  been 
re-appointed  to  the  fleet  of  the  north.  More  ships  were  arrested ; 
the  full  service  of  the  Cinque  Ports  was  ordered  to  be  ready  at 
Sandwich  by  May  6th ;  and  troops '  and  supplies  were  sent  to 
JBrittany  and  Gascony.^  Arrangements  were  also  completed  for  the 
king's  passage  to  Flanders ;  and  Edward  sailed  thither  from 
Sandwich  on  July  3rd  in  a  flute  called  the  Swallow,  accompanied  by 
the  Prince  of  Wales,  the  Earls  of  Huntingdon  and  Suffolk,  and  a 
large  suite.  He  reached  Sluis  two  or  three  days  later;  but,  being 
unsuccessful  in  his  efforts  to  induce  the  Flamands  to  transfer  their 
^.llegiance  to  the  Prince  of  Wales,  he  re-embarked,  and  returned  to 
Sandwich  on  July  26th. ^  Ere  he  quitted  the  soil  of  the  Netherlands, 
his  cause  there  received  a  deadly  blow  in  the  murder  of  his  most 
influential  ally,  Jacob  van  Artevelde,  the  leader  of  the  popular  party, 
who  was  slain  in  his  own  house  at  Ghent,  after  having  practically 
fuled  the  major  part  of  Flanders  for  eight  years  with  the  title  of 
Euwaard,  or  Protector. 

In    the   course   of   the   summer,    some   ships   and   galleys  from 

'  Avesbury,  114;  Proissart,  i.  177 ;  Kolls  of  Tarl.,  June,  1344,  ii.  148;  Fr.  Rolls,  28; 
'  Kcpder.i,'  iii.  15,  16. 

-  '  Fa-dera,'  iii.  22.  ^  Ih.,  iii.  32-35,  44. 

'  lb.,  iii.  24.  «  Ih.,  iii.  47-51,  53 ;  Froissai-t,  i.  204-206. 

*  lb.,  iii.  31. 


1345.]  EDWADD   III.   INVADES  FRANCE.  263 

Bayonne,  uuder  Bernard  of  Toulouse,  retook  Comet  Castle,  Jersey  ; 
and  in  Auf,'ust,  Avhen  they  joined  the  English  fleet,  Bernard  was 
ordered  to  hand  over  the  castle  to  Sir  Thomas  de  Fen-ers,  and  then 
to  return  to  Bayonne.^  It  was  probably  felt  that  in  view  of  the 
naval  activity  of  France,  his  presence  was  more  urgently  requii-ed  in 
the  waters  of  Gascony  than  in  those  of  the  Channel.  Moreover 
Edward  still  meditated  the  immediate  resumption  of  active  operations 
on  French  soil.  The  admirals  were  directed  to  be  ready  to  carry 
him  thither  in  October ;  but  for  one  reason  or  another,  the  voyage 
was  postponed,  first  until  the  middle  of  Februar}-,  and  finally  until 
July,  1346.  In  the  meantime  more  ships  had  come  to  England 
from  Bayonne,  and  Peter  Donyngan  had  received  command  of 
them,  with  instructions  to  arrest  other  Bayonnese  vessels  for  the 
royal  service.'- 

The  Pope  made  efforts  to  stay  hostilities  which,  in  consequence 
of  the  magnitude  of  the  preparations  on  both  sides,  threatened  to  be 
of  an  unusually  bloody,  and  perhaps  of  a  decisive  chai'acter ;  but  to 
the  cardinals,  his  emissaries,  Edward  wrote  on  July  '2nd,  from 
Porchester,  that  he  was  then  about  to  proceed  to  France,  and  had 
no  leisure  to  speak  with  them.^  He  embarked  from  the  Isle  of 
Wight  on  the  10th,  and  sailed  on  the  11th  with  a  fleet  estimated  by 
Avesbury  at  a  thousand  vessels,  and  by  others  at  eleven  hundred 
large  and  five  hundred  small  craft.  With  him,  in  addition  to  many 
noblemen,  went  the  Prince  of  Wales,  ten  thousand  archers,  four 
thousand  men-at-arms,  and  a  number  of  Irish  and  Welsh  foot- 
soldiers.  On  Wednesday,  July  l'2th,  the  fleet  reached  La  Hogue, 
and  the  king  at  once  landed ;  but  the  disembarkation  of  troops  and 
stores  was  not  completed  until  Tuesday,  the  18th.'' 

Much  of  the  fleet  was  immediately  sent  back  to  England  ;  but 
two  hundred  vessels,  with  four  hundred  archers  and  a  hundred 
men-at-arms,  under  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon,  were  retained  to 
operate  along  the  coast. ^  At  La  Hogue,  eleven  French  ships,  eight 
of  which  had  fore  and  stern  castles,  were  taken  and  burnt ;  at 
Barfleur,  on  the  14th,  nine  ships  with  fore  and  stern  castles,  and 
several  smaller  craft,  including  two  crayers,  were  set  on  fire  ;  and 
subsequently  the  town  itself,  which  was  deserted,  suffered  the  same 

'  'Fceilera,'  iii.  5(1,  57.  -  lb.,  iii.  68.  '■  Ih.,  iii.  84. 

*  Walsiiigham,  15G  ;  'Fa-dera,'  iii.  85;  Avesbury,  123  ■;  Murimuth, 'JS ;  Knighton, 
2585 ;  Froissart,  1.  217-220. 

-  Avesbury,  123  ;  A'illani,  871,  872  (ed.  1587) ;  Froissart,  i.  220. 


264  MILITARY  HISTORY,    1154-1399.  [1346. 

fate.  All  the  coast,  from  Kouen  to  Caen,  was  ravaged  and 
devastated ;  Cherbourg  was  burnt ;  and  sixty-one  ships  of  war, 
twenty-three  crayers,  and  many  smaller  vessels  laden  with  wine, 
were  destroyed  there  or  in  the  vicinity.' 

It  is  not  necessary  to  follow  the  military  operations  of  the 
expedition.  Army  and  fleet  acted  in  conjunction,  and  Caen  fell. 
Crecy  was  fought  and  won  on  August  2.5th,  and  Edward  then  laid 
siege  to  Calais,  the  fleet  again  assisting  him. 

While  Edward  was  thus  pressing  the  French  in  Normandy,  his 
lieutenants  were  active  in  Gascony,  where  Aiguillon,  on  the  Garonne, 
was  besieged.  Sir  Walter  Manny,  who  commanded  the  naval 
flotilla  there,  had  numerous  conflicts  with  the  enemy,  and,  as  before, 
greatly  distinguished  himself ; "  but,  upon  the  whole,  the  English  iii 
that  quarter  were  less  successful  than  in  the  north. 

The  siege  of  Calais  necessitated  the  despatch  thither  of  continual 
supplies  ;  and,  as  the  French  fleets  were  at  sea  under  Pierre  Flotte, 
Carlo  Grimaldi  and  others,"  strong  measures  had  to  be  taken  for  the 
protection  of  the  convoys.  A  squadron  to  effect  this  purpose  seems 
to  have  been  assembled  at  Sandwich.'' 

Parliament,  which  met  on  September  11th,  though  willing 
enough  to  provide  for  the  support  of  the  army,  for  the  service  of 
which  it  granted  a  fifteenth,  requested  that  the  sea  might  be 
defended  at  the  king's  expense  only,  and  that  the  people  might  be 
released  from  that  burden.  The  reply,  on  behalf  of  the  sovereign, 
was  to  the  effect  that  the  ancient  practice  must  be  continued ;  and 
that  there  was  no  better  way  of  defending  the  sea  than  by  fighting 
abroad.'' 

Parliament,  then  as  on  many  other  occasions,  seems  to  have 
believed  that  the  safety  of  the  narrow  seas  and  of  the  coasts  could 
be  ensured  by  the  retention  of  fleets  in  the  home  waters ;  and  that 
there,  and  not  on  the  enemy's  confines,  was  the  proper  place  of 
the  Navy  :  while  professional  opinion  took  the  sounder  view,  and 
advocated  an  offensive  defence  as  the  sole  effective  one.  This 
conflict  between  popular  and  technical  opinion  re-arose  continually 
in  after  ages ;  and,  although  the  naval  view  often  won  the  day, 
it  can  scarcely  be  doubted  that  the  ignorant  opposition  to  it 
frequently,  and  sometimes  very  dangerously,  hampered  the  thorough 

'    Avesbury,  lL'3-127  ;  Knighton,  25S5  ;  Eilwards"  Disijatcli  of  July  30th,  1346. 
=  Froissart,  i.  214.  *  '  FopJeia,'  iii.  91,  93.  " 

»  Jal,  '  Arcli.  Nav.'  ii.  338.  ^  Pari.  Rolls,  ii.  157-161. 


J.M7.]  NAVAL    ACTIVITY.  265 

effectiveness  of  the  fleet.  Ha|)pily  the  professional  view  is  now, 
theoretically  at  least,  accepted  by  statesmen  and  publicists  as 
well  as  by  seamen.  There  is  always,  however,  a  risk  that,  as  in 
the  past,  the  unreasoning  panic  of  the  vulgar  may,  in  time  of 
stress,  force  the  hands  of  a  British  Admiralty,  and  by  keeping 
too  much  of  the  Navy  at  home,  Hmit  the  usefulness  of  the  entire 
organisation. 

Edward  thus  had  to  drag  his  most  important  sinews  of  war  from 
an  unwilling,  because  an  uncomprehending  nation.  It  was  difficult 
enough  for  him  to  obtain  vessels  with  supplies  for  the  siege.  Miich 
more  difficult  was  it  for  him,  when  he  realised  that  to  take  Calais  he 
must  secure  command  of  the  Channel,  to  secure  the  necessary 
reinforcements  of  his  fighting  fleet.  He  perceived  that  the  place 
could  not  be  reduced  so  long  as  French  ships  hovered  in  the  offing, 
ready,  upon  the  slightest  relaxation  of  the  stringency  of  the  blockade, 
to  run  in  with  provisions  and  supplies  to  the  garrison ;  but  the 
people  at  home  were  dull  to  recognise  the  fact. 

Nevertheless,  by  dint  of  great  exertions,  a  really  formidable 
naval  force  was  raised.  It  comprised  738  vessels,  of  which  about 
fifty  were  fighting  ships  with  fore  and  stern  castles,  and  the  rest, 
barges,  ballingers  and  transports ;  and  it  was  manned  by  about 
15,000  officers  and  men.^  In  February,  1347,  all  the  ports  were 
required  to  send  delegates  to  the  Council  at  Westminster  to  report 
upon  the  state  of  their  preparations ;  and  from  each  of  the  maritime 
counties  two  knights  or  other  persons  were  summoned  to  advise  the 
Government  on  the  subject  of  national  defence."  On  February  '23rd, 
Sir  John  Montgomery  superseded  the  Earl  of  Arundel  in  command 
of  the  AVestern  fleet ;  and  on  March  8th,  Sir  John  Howard  was 
appointed  to  the  Northern  command,  to  succeed  the  Earl  of 
Suffolk ;  and  it  was  decided  that  sixty  ships  of  each  command 
(every  ship  having  sixty  mariners  and  twenty  archers)  together  with 
twelve  hired  Genoese  galleys,  should  assemble  at  Sandwich  by 
April  2nd,  in  readiness  for  a  cruise  against  the  enemy.*  Whether 
they  sailed,  and  if  so,  what  they  effected,  does  not  appear.  Certain 
it  is  that  they  did  not  prevent  a  convoy  of  thirty  ships  and  galleys 

'  Uoll  of  Calais,  in  Harl.  MSS.  24G,  78;  Cott.  MSS.  Titus  E.  iii.  f.  2i52.  'I'liis 
siiecifies  the  number  of  ships  contrilniteil  bj'  each  yovt,  ami  by  IJ.iyonne,  Ireland,  Spain, 
Flanders,  and  Gelderland. 

2  '  Fa?dera,'  iii.  105,  106. 

="  lb.,  iii.  109,  111,  112,  117. 


266  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1154-1399.  [1047. 

from  entering  Calais  about  the  middle  of  April,  and  from  getting 
out  again  unmolested.  But  from  that  time  forward,  matters  were 
better  managed. 

The  Earl  of  Warwick,  with  eighty  ships,  cruised  in  the  Channel, 
and  kept  command  of  it ;  ^  in  May,  the  Earl  of  Lancaster  brought 
across  a  large  and  welcome  reinforcement  to  the  king ;  and  soon 
afterwards  Lord  Stafford  and  Sir  Walter  Manny,  at  the  head 
of  a  considerable  force,  met  a  French  convoy  bound  for  the 
beleaguered  town,  and  captured  twenty  sail  of  it,  besides  galleys.' 
Again,  on  June  '2oth,  the  Earls  of  Northampton  and  Pembroke 
are  said  to  have  intercepted  a  French  convoy  of  forty-four  ships. 
Lords  Morley,  Talbot,  Bradeston,  and  the  two  admirals  were 
also  concerned  in  the  affair ;  from  which  fact  it  may,  perhaps, 
be  concluded  that  the  chroniclers  of  the  period  were  apt  to 
jump  to  the  conclusion  that  the  personages  of  highest  civil  rank 
engaged  in  any  action  were  the  actual  commanders  on  the  occasion. 
The  main  credit  for  what  happened  should  certainly  be  attributed  to 
Montgomery  and  Howard. 

A  contemporary  account  is  cited  by  Avesbury  as  having  been 
written  by  one  who  was  with  the  English  army.  The  writer  says 
that  the  English,  while  in  search  of  the  enemy,  met  him  about  the 
hour  of  vespers  off  Crotoy,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Somme ;  and  that 
such  of  the  French  vessels  as  were  in  the  rear  threw  their  provisions 
into  the  sea,  some  making  towards  England,  and  others  for  Crotoy. 
Ten  galleys,  which  had  abandoned  boats  as  well  as  cargo,  headed 
out  to  sea ;  and  one  flute  and  twelve  victuallers,  which  were  in  the 
van,  were  so  closely  chased  that  they  ran  under  the  land,  and  their 
people,  jumping  overboard,  were  all  drowned.  "  But  the  night 
following,  about  daybreak,  two  boats  came  from  the  town  (Calais), 
which,  being  soon  perceived  by  a  mariner  called  AVilliam  Hoke, 
with  one  Hikeman  Stephen,  one  boat  returned  to  the  town  with 
great  difficulty,  but  the  other  was  chased  on  shore,  in  the  which  boat 
was  taken  a  great  master,  who  was  the  patron  of  the  Genoese 
galleys  and  of  the  Genoese  who  were  in  the  town,  and  with  him 
seventeen  of  those  persons  and  full  forty  letters.  But  before  the 
said  patron  was  taken,  he  fastened  an  important  letter  to  a  hatchet 
and  threw  it  into  the  sea ;  but  this  letter  and  hatchet  were  found 
when   the  water  ebbed." ^     The   letter   in   question  was   from    the 

'  Knighton,  2592.  ^  'Fowlera,'  iii.  121 ;  Knighton,  2592,  2593. 

^  Avesbmy,  15G. 


1348.]  UARDSIIIPH    OF   THE    WAR.  267 

Governor  of  Calais ;  and  it  declared  that,  unless  the  place  was 
immediately  relieved,  it  mnst  surrender,  owing  to  the  tei-rible 
condition  to  which  the  inhabitants  had  been  reduced.  It  did 
surrender  on  August  4th,  and  Edward,  having  concluded  a  truce 
with  France  until  the  following  July,  returned  to  England,  landing 
at  Sandwich  after  a  very  stormy  passage,  on  October  I'ith.' 

While  the  king  had  been  busy  in  France,  important  military 
events  had  taken  place  on  the  borders  of  Scotland,  where  Uavid  II. 
had  been  captured  ;  but  no  naval  events  of  interest  were  associated 
with  the  Scots  campaign.  Andrew  Guldford,  admiral  on  the  coast 
of  Ireland  from  May  30th,  1347,  doubtless  fulfilled  his  instructions 
to  prevent  to  the  utmost  the  transmission  of  men  and  supplies  to 
points  north  of  the  Tweed." 

England  had  been  extraordinarily  successful  both  by  sea  and 
laud  ;  yet,  of  course,  individuals  and  localities  had  suffered  severely, 
and  French  raiders  had  won  small  triumphs,  which,  though  entii-ely 
without  influence  upon  the  general  result  of  the  war,  caused  great 
hardships.  Many  nmst  have  been  the  complaints  similar  to  that 
sent  up  from  Budleigh,  in  Devonshire,  in  1348.  The  place  had  been 
ruined  by  the  enemy,  who  had  taken  three  ships  and  twelve  boats, 
with  a  hundred  and  forty  men,  many  of  whom  remained  miable  to 
ransom  themselves.^  But  there  is  little  doubt  that,  upon  the  whole, 
even  in  those  days  of  limited  trade,  the  country  at  large  prospered 
during  the  war,  in  spite  of  the  wretched  financial  management  of 
the  king  and  his  advisers. 

Early  in  1348  the  good  faith  of  the  French,  as  was  usual  after  a 
few  months'  continuance  of  truce,  began  to  be  suspected ;  and  the 
intended  voyage  of  the  Princess  Joan  to  Bordeaux,  on  her  way  to 
marry  the  heir  to  the  kingdom  of  Castille,  was  taken  advantage  of  as 
an  excuse  for  the  assemblage  at  Plj'mouth  of  a  squadron  of  forty 
vessels,  ostensibly  to  convey  the  bride.*  Edward  also  raised  an  army, 
pui-posing  to  renew  the  war  as  soon  as  the  truce  should  expire  or  as 
other  occasion  should  offer.  In  the  meantime,  on  March  14th, 
Sir  Walter  Manny  was  re-appointed  to  his  old  command  of  the 
Northern  fleet,  and  Sir  Reginald  de  Cobham  again  took  charge  of 
the  Western  one."     An  Italian  was  given  command   of   the  king's 

'  '  Fu?dera,'  iii.  l;!9  ;  AValsiiigli.im,  128 ;  Murinmth,  100. 

2  Scots  Rolls,  i.  G98. 

3  Pari.  EoIIb,  ii.  213. 

*  Ih.,  ii.  200;  '  Fadera,"  iii.  146,  14!),  151,  156. 
^  '  Ficdera,'  iii.  156,  157. 


268  MILITARY  BISTOJiY,    llo4-1309.  [l3-t9. 

galleys/  Englishmen  being  apparently  insufficiently  acquainted  with 
the  tactics  suited  to  those  essentially  Mediterranean  craft ;  and  on 
June  6th,  Manny,  who  had  been  summoned  to  Parliament  as  a 
baron  in  the  previous  year,  was,  for  some  unknown  reason,  super- 
seded by  Robert,  Lord  Morley,  who  then  took  command  of  the 
Northern  fleet  for  the  fourth  time.'-  Among  the  ships  ordered  for 
service  in  July  were  the  Katherine,  the  Welfare,  the  John,  and 
the  St.  Mary,  together  with  three  large  French  prizes.^  In 
October  the  king  went  down  to  Sandwich,  intending  to  sail  as 
soon  as  possible ;  but  on  November  18th  the  truce  with  France 
was  renewed,  and  all  idea  of  the  expedition  was  for  the  time 
given  up. 

The  year  1349  saw  little  naval  activity.  In  August,  Sir  John 
Beauchamp*  was  appointed  admiral  of  a  special  squadron  to  repress 
piracy  in  the  North  Sea,  where,  between  Newcastle  and  Berwick, 
Walter  atte  Park  and  other  Scots  rovers,  had  captured  a  trader  of 
Scarborough;^  and  in  November,  Don  Carlos  de  la  Cerda,  son  of  Don 
Luis,  in  defiance  of  the  truce,  captured  several  English  ships  laden 
with  wine,  off  Bordeaux,  and  savagely  murdered  their  crews.''  This 
latter  action  gave  rise,  as  will  be  seen,  to  serious  results.  In  the 
last  month  of  the  year,  the  king  and  Prince  of  Wales,  with  Sir 
Walter  Manny  and  nine  hundred  men,  sailed  rather  suddenly  to 
Calais  in  order  to  checkmate  an  apprehended  surprise  of  the  town 
by  the  French.  Edward  appears  to  have  returned  immediately 
after  having  repressed  the  treacherous  attempt,  which  was  duly 
made  on  January  iZnd. 

In  1350  came  the  day  of  reckoning  with  De  la  Cerda.  That 
freebooter,  having  pillaged  a  number  of  English  vessels,  went  to 
Sluis  to  load  up  with  merchandise  preparatory  to  returning  to  Spain. 
He  seems  to  have  known  that  Edward  did  not  intend  to  allow  him 
to  escape  unopposed ;  for  he  armed  his  ships  with  every  kind    of 

'  'Fopdera,'  iii.  l.")9.  -  Ih.,  iii.  162.  ^  Ih.,  iii.  16.5. 

*  Sir  John  Beauchamp,  one  of  the  original  Knights  of  tlie  Gaitei-,  and  the  first  sole 
Admiral  of  the  English  fleets,  was  second  son  of  Gu}',  Earl  of  Warwick,  and  was  born 
about  1315.  He  was  present  at  Sluis,  Crecy,  and  Calais.  He  had  an  admiral's 
command  for  the  first  time  in  1349,  and  was  summoned  to  Parliament  as  a  baron 
in  1350.  In  1355  he  was  again  adnural ;  and  in  1360  was  made  Admiral  of  tiic- 
Fleet,  but  died  in  the  same  year. 

'•  'Fa-dera,'  iii.  187,  18H ;  Scots  Kolls,  i.  728. 

"  Avesbury,  185.  A  somewliat  ditferent  account  is  given  l:)y  Knighton,  wlio  places 
the  scene  of  the  outrage  oft'  Sluis. 


1350.]  PUEPARATIOSS   AGAINUT  DE  I.A    CEliDA.  269 

artillery  and  missile,  and  crowded  them  with  soldiers,  cross-bowmen, 
and  archers/ 

The  English  preparations  for  dealinr;  with  De  la  Cerda  began  in 
May,  when  orders  were  issued  for  the  manning  of — 

SlTll'.  JIastki:. 


Thumns 

William  Passelewe 

Koliert  Sliiimiiin,  constable 

Edward 

William  Piers 

Jonette 

AValter  Langtlale 

Plenty 

Jolm  Wille 

JsuMIk 

Join;  l!am 

Gabriel 

Joliii  IJnkUe 

Michael 

.luhu  Maikvii 

W elf, I  re 

John  Stygey 

with  the  Mariote,  master  minamed."  As  there  is  every  reason  for 
believing  that  these  vessels  took  part  in  the  action  of  the  following 
Angnst,  the  names  of  their  commanders  are  worth  preserving. 
Other  king's  ships  present  in  the  battle  were  the  Jerusalem,  Tliotnas 
Beauchamp,  Mary,  Godibiafe,  John,  Edmund,  Falcon,  Buchett  and 
Lawrence,  together  with  the  vessels  serving  as  the  king's  "hall" 
and  "wardrobe."  Of  all  these  ancient  and  meritorions  names,  only 
Falcon  has  taken  root  in  the  Navy,  and  has  been  perpetuated  as  a 
ship-name  to  the  present  age. 

On  July  '2'2nd,  Lord  Morley  received  a  new  appointment  to  the 
Northern  fleet  ;^  but  the  king  himself  determined  to  command  the 
punitive  force  ;  and  the  Prince  of  Wales  and  many  young  noblemen 
decided  to  serve  with  the  squadron.  Before  sailing,  Edward 
addressed  the  Archbishops  of  Canterbury  and  York,  apprising  them 
of  the  motives  of  his  action,  and  desiring  them  to  cause  prayers  to 
be  offered  for  his  sixccess.*  He  went  down  to  Winchelsea  about  the 
middle  of  August,  accompanied  by  the  queen,  the  princes,  and 
a  great  suite,  including  the  Earls  of  Lancaster,  Derby,  Arundel, 
Hereford,  Northampton,  Suffolk,  and  Warwick ;  Lords  Percy, 
Stafford,  Mowbray,  Nevill,  Clifl'ord,  Eoos,  and  Greystock ;  Sir 
Eeginald  de  Cobham,  Sir  Walter  Manny,  Sir  Thomas  Holland, 
Sir  Kobert  de  Namur,  and  nearly  four  hundred  knights.^  The  Earl 
of  Richmond,  better  known  as  John  of  Gaunt,  was  only  eleven  years 
of  age,  and  too  young  to  wear  armour,  but  he  would  not  be  separated 
from  his  brother,  the  Pxince  of  Wales.     Eobert  de  Namur,  a  son  of 

>  Froissart,  i.  285.  '  Jh.,  iii.  200.  '-  Froissart,  i.  285. 

2  'Fcedeia,*  iii.  105.  *  11.,  iii.  201. 


270  MILITARY  EISTORT,    1151-1399.  [1350. 

John,  Count  of  Namur,  commanded  the  king's  "  haU,"  the  vessel  on 
board  of  -which  was  the  royal  household.  He  was  afterwards 
a  Knight  of  the  Garter.  The  English  fleet  is  supposed  to  have 
consisted  of  about  fifty  ships,  large  and  small. ^ 

Edward  seems  to  have  embarked  on  August  '28th,  in  his  old  ship, 
the  Thomas  cog.  The  fleet,  however,  remained  at  anchor  in  the 
Channel,  instead  of  seeking  the  Spaniards  on  the  coast  of  Flanders  ; 
although  it  may  be  accepted  as  certain  that  cruisers  were  sent  out 
to  watch  for  the  coming  of  the  enemy.  During  this  period,  Sir 
John  Chandos,  one  of  the  most  famous  generals  of  his  age,  amused 
the  royal  party  by  singing  a  German  dance  to  the  accompaniment  of 
the  minstrels  who  were  in  the  flagship ;  but  the  king  continually 
gazed  up  at  the  look-out  man  in  the  top,  in  hopes  of  receiving 
inteUigence  from  him. 

De  la  Cerda  had  forty  ships,  all  large  and  of  the  same  class.  He 
had  filled  his  tops  with  soldiers  and  with  stones  for  them  to  fling 
upon  the  English  decks,  and  Froissart  says  that  he  had  quite  ten 
times  as  many  men  as  his  opponents,  he  having  engaged  many 
mercenaries  in  Flanders.  Both  sides  were  eager  for  the  conflict,  and 
confident  of  the  result. 

On  the  afternoon  of  Sunday,  August  '29th,  the  wind  being  fresh 
from  the  north-east,  and  the  English  being  still  within  sight  of 
Winchelsea,  the  Spaniards  were  sighted,  coming  down  Channel. 
Edward  weighed,  caused  the  trumpets  to  sound,  ordered  wine  to  be 
served  to  himself  and  his  knights,  and  armed  for  battle. 

The  Spaniards  might  have  avoided  an  action,  but  nothing  was 
further  from  their  intentions,  and,  with  the  wind  fair  behind  them, 
thej'  bore  down  upon  the  English.  Edward  at  once  directed  his 
ship  to  be  laid  alongside  a  leading  Spaniard.  The  shock  of  collision 
brought  down  the  enemy's  mast,  and  all  who  were  in  its  top  were 
drowned  ;  but  the  king's  ship  suffered  at  least  equally,  for  she  sprang 
a  leak,  and,  although  the  fact  was  not  then  conveyed  to  Edward,  his 
knights  had  to  bale  her  to  prevent  her  from  sinking.  The  king 
would  have  gi'appled  and  boarded  his  opponent,  but  the  knights 
persuaded  him  to  pass  on  to  another  vessel,  into  which  the  grapnels 
were  thrown.  Then  ensued  a  fierce  hand  to  hand  contest,  both 
sides  fighting  for  their  lives,  for  the  sinking  state  of  the  flagship 
could  by  this  time  be  no  longer  concealed,  and  the  Spaniards 
expected  no  quarter.     After  a  short  struggle,  the  enemy  was  carried, 

'  So  says  Stow,  250. 


r-UX]  "  VESPAGNOLS   SUIi  MER."  271 

and  all  remaining  alive  on  board  him  were  thrown  into  the 
water. 

The  king  at  once  transferred  himself  and  his  people  to  the  prize, 
and  proceeded  in  her  to  find  a  fresh  foe.  The  action  had  become 
general,  though  it  appears  to  have  chiefly  resolved  itself  into  fights 
between  single  ships.  The  Spanish  crossbow-men  inflicted  great 
damage,  and  the  superior  height  of  their  vessels  gave  them  much 
advantage  in  hurling  down  stones  and  ii'on  bars  upon  their 
adversaries.  Moreover,  their  ships  were  the  stronger  built,  and 
their  men  were  the  more  experienced. 

The  Prince  of  AVales  was  sorely  pressed,  his  ship,  grappled  by  a 
Spaniard,  being,  like  his  father's,  reduced  to  a  sinking  condition. 
She  would  probably,  in  spite  of  her  stout  resistance,  have  gone  to 
the  bottom  with  all  hands,  had  not  the  Earl  of  Lancaster  opportunely 
ranged  lap  on  the  Spaniard's  other  beam,  and  boarded  with  the  cry 
of  "Derby'  to  the  rescue."  This  encouraged  the  prince's  party, 
and  presently  the  Spaniard  surrendered.  Her  entire  crew  was, 
nevertheless,  as  was  the  custom  in  that  age,  and  long  afterwards, 
flung  overboard.  The  prince  and  his  followers  had  barely  time  to 
crowd  into  the  prize  before  their  own  craft  foundered. 

The  action  had  begmi  at  about  5  p.m.  As  evening  closed,  victory 
declared  generally  for  the  Eughsh,  but  the  king's  "  hall,"  which, 
under  Eobert  de  Namur,  had  been  grappled  by  a  Spaniard,  was  in 
great  peril.  The  Spaniard  could  not  siibdue  her,  but  making  all 
sail  before  the  wind,  was  rapidlj-  dragging  her  from  the  scene  of  the 
fight,  with  the  intention  of  obtaining  assistance  for  reducing  her  at 
leisure.  As  they  passed  almost  within  hail  of  Edward's  vessel,  the 
unfortunate  English  shouted  for  help,  but  were  not  heard,  and 
matters  would  have  fared  badly  with  them  had  not  Hannekin,  the 
valet  of  Eobert,  displaj'ed  exceptional  gallantry.  Sword  in  hand,  he 
jumped  on  board  the  Spaniard,  and  cut  the  halliards,  bringing  down 
the  sail  with  a  run.  He  then  severed  some  of  the  shrouds  and 
stays,  and  rendered  the  ship  unmanageable,  and  in  the  consequent 
confusion,  the  English  boarded  successfully  and  carried  the  enemy. 

Froissart  says  that  fourteen  Spaniards  were  taken  ;  Avesbury 
and  others  put  the  number  at  twenty-four,  and  Walsingham  gives 
it  at  twenty-six,  besides  ships  that  were  sunk.  The  victors  un- 
doubtedly suffered  very  heavily,  especially  in  wounded,  and  apparently 

'  The  earldom  cif  Derljy  lijid  been  revived  in  1337  in  Aivum-  i.f  Henry  Plantageuet, 
Karl,  and  later  Duke  of  Laucastei-. 


272  MILITARY  IIISTOUT,    1154-1399.  [1350. 

at  least  two  of  their  best  ships  were  sunk  ;  but  the  result  was  glorious 
and  decisive.  The  only  Englishman  of  rank  reported  to  have  been 
killed  was  Sir  John  (or  Sir  Richard)  Goldesborough.  Among  other 
distinguished  persons  who,  in  addition  to  some  already  mentioned, 
took  part  in  the  fight,  were  Richard,  Lord  Scrope  of  Bolton,  Sir 
William  and  Sir  Henry  Scrope,  Sir  John  Boyville,  Sir  Stephen 
Hales,  Sir  Robert  Conyers,  and  Sir  Thomas  Banestre,  the  last,  in 
consequence  of  the  service,  receiving  a  pardon  for  a  homicide  which 
he  was  alleged  to  have  committed  previously. 

At  night  the  Enghsh  fleet  anchored  at  Rye  and  Winchelsea,  and 
the  king,  the  Prince  of  Wales,  and  the  Earl  of  Richmond  returned 
to  the  queen,  who  had  remained  in  a  state  of  great  anxiety  in  an 
abbey  about  six  miles  from  the  shore.' 

Such  was  the  Battle  of  Winchelsea,  or,  as  it  has  been  more 
generally  called,  "  L'Espagnols  sur  Mer."  If  the  English  fleet  was 
numerically  the  larger,  the  Spanish  ships  were  the  more  formidable 
as  regards  both  size  and  complements,  so  that,  upon  the  whole,  the 
victors  had  no  material  advantage  in  their  favour.  Yet  they 
crushingly  asserted  their  superiority  over  a  gallant  foe  whom  they 
then  encountered  for  the  first  time  in  a  general  action.  The 
presence  of  the  king  and  the  two  princes,  and  of  a  very  considerable 
body  of  the  higher  nobiUty  of  the  realm,  added  special  brilliancy  to 
the  affair,  and  seems  to  have  inspired  the  English  participants  to  the 
display  of  more  than  ordinarj-  valour ;  yet  Nicolas  was  the  first  of 
British  naval  historians  to  pay  much  attention  to  it,  and  many  a 
history  of  England  that  has  pretentions  to  a  character  for  seriousness 
and  accuracy  does  not  mention  it  at  all.  Indeed,  it  may  rank  as  one 
of  the  many  almost  forgotten  glories  of  a  race  whose  later  triumphs 
have  made  its  memory  shorter  than  it  should  be.  It  gained, 
however,  for  Edward  III.  the  appellations  of  "Avenger  of  the 
Merchants,"  and  "  King  of  the  Sea."  - 

Soon  after  the  battle,  the  king  sent  word  to  Bayonne  that  the 
remnants  of  the  Spanish  squadron  were  at  sea,  and  desired  his 
subjects  there  to  disregard  the  truce,  and  to  despatch  a  force  against 
the  enemy.  Again,  in  October,  a  special  convoy  was  provided  for 
ships  going  to  Gascony  for  wine,  it  being  supposed  that  they  might 
be  intercepted  by  the  fugitives.^     But   it  appears  that  the  enemy 

'  Froissart,  i.  28G  et  sej.\  Avesbury,  1S5;  Otterbourne,  135;  Cont.  of  Murimuth, 
102;  Wal.siiigham,  IGO ;  Stow,  250. 

=  Pari.  EoUs,  ii.  311.  =  '  Fccdera,'  iii.  203,  206. 


l."..-^l.]  A    FRESCII  DESCENT  EXPECTED.  273 

returned  to  Sluis,  for,  ou  November  lltli,  Sir  Robert  Herle,  captain 
of  Calais,  and  others  were  deputed  to  treat  with  the  Spanish  officers 
and  seamen  in  Flanders  for  an  amicable  termination  of  hostilities.' 
In  the  meantime,  a  treaty  for  twenty  years  had  been  concluded  with 
Spain,  and  the  truce  with  France. had  been  extended,"  the  result 
being  that,  for  some  years  subsequent  to  the  Battle  of  WincheLsea, 
there  were  but  few  naval  events  of  much  importance. 

The  appointments  to  high  naval  command  during  this  period  of 
comparative  quiet  were  as  follows  : — To  the  Northern  fleet :  Admiral 
William,  Earl  of  Northampton,^  March  8th,  1351 ;  Admiral  Lord 
Morley,  March  5th,  1855.  To  the  Western  iieet :  Admiral  Henry, 
Duke  of  Lancaster,*  March  8th,  1351 ;  Admiral  Sir  John  Beau- 
champ,  March  5th,  1355.  To  other  commands  :  Sir  Thomas  Cock, 
captain  of  a  squadron,  March,  1352 ;  John  Gybon,  admiral  of  a 
squadron  to  Normandy,  March,  1354.'* 

But  although  peace  prevailed  generally,  there  were  iTuuours  of 
wars,  and  even  some  actual  aggi-essions.  In  1351,  a  French  descent 
upon  the  Isle  of  Wight  was  apprehended,  and  Lancaster  and  Herle 
made  forays  in  France  beyond  the  English  pale.''  In  1352,  several 
ships,  including  the  Jerusalem,  St.  Mary,  Edward,  Falcon,  John, 
Thomas  Beaucham]},  and  Rode  cog,  all  king's  vessels,  were  got  ready 
in  anticipation  of  a  probable  termination  of  the  truce.'  And  it  may 
be  added  here  that  in  1353  there  was  concluded  with  Portugal  a 
treaty  of  commerce,  which  was  to  endure  for  fifty  years,. and. which 
is  remarkable  as  having  originated  what  has  been,  upon  the  whole, 

'  '  Fiidera,'  iii.  210. 

-  Th.,  iii.  228,  232,  251,  2G0,  27G. 

■'  William,  Earl  of  Nurtliampton,  was  a  younger  sou  of  Humphrey  de  Boliun,  Earl 
of  Hei'efurJ  and  Essex,  by  a  daughter  of  Edward  I.,  and  was  created  Earl  of  Xorth- 
amjitoii  in  1337.  He  served  at  Sluis,  Crecy,  Calais,  and  L'Espagnols  sur  Mer,  and  was^ 
given  the  first  Garter  that  fell  vacant.  His  sole  appointment  as  Admiral  was  in  1351. 
He  died  in  1360.     His  youngest  daughter  was  Avife  of  Henry  IV. 

*  Henry,  Earl  of  Derby  and  Duke  of  Lancaster,  was  the  only  son  of  Henry,  ]'>arl  of 
Lancaster,  a  nephew  of  Edward  I.,  and  was  born  about  1312.  After  seeing  some 
naval  and  military  service,  and  having  been  created  Earl  of  Derby  in  13:)",  lie 
succeeded  as  Earl  of  Lancaster  and  Leicestershire  in  1315,  and  in  1348  became  one  nf 
the  first  Knights  of  the  Garter.  Soon  afterwards  he  was  made  Earl  nf  Lincoln,  and  in, 
1351,  Duke  of  Lancaster.  He  had  been  both  at  Sluis  and  at  L'Esijagnols  sur  Mer,. 
when,  in  1351,  he  was  for  the  first  and  only  time  made  admiral.  He  died  in  13(U, 
leaving  two  daughters,  one  of  whom  married  John  of  Gaunt,  and  became  the  mother 
of  Henry  IV. 

■''  '  Focdera,'  iii.  273. 

»  lb.,  iii.  217,  218,  220;  Knighton,  2001. 

•  //-.,  iii.  215,  240. 

VOL.    I.  T 


274  MII.ITAHY  HISTORY,    115^-1390.  [1355. 

au  unusually  lasting  international  friendship.^  A  notice  of  some  of 
its  provisions  will  be  foiuid  in  the  preceding  chapter.  A  curious 
episode  belonging  to  the  year  1354  was  the  issue  to  the  Admiral  of 
the  Northern  fleet  of  an  order  to  provide  three  vessels  to  carry  the 
Bishop  of  Durham  to  London,  that  he  might  attend  to  his  parlia- 
mentary duties  there." 

In  1355,  Edward  refused  to  agree  to  a  renewal  of  the  truce,  and 
it  was  decided  that  the  Prince  of  Wales  should  go  to  Gascony  with 
a  large  army."  The  usual  directions  were  accordingly  sent  to  the 
ports  for  the  provision  of  the  necessary  shipping,  and  seamen  were 
impressed.*  So  eager  was  the  search  for  vessels  that  a  Spanish  craft 
was  inadvertently  seized,  and  the  King  in  consequence  wrote  a  letter 
of  apology  to  his  brother  of  Castille.^  On  September  8th,  the  Prince 
of  Wales  left  Plymouth  with  three  hundred  troopers  and  transports, 
and  after  a  quick  passage  he  landed  in  the  Gironde.'^ 

The  king  himself  had  sailed  earlier  from  Eotherhithe  with  forty 
large  ships,  carrying  fifteen  hundred  dismounted  men-at-arms  and 
two  thousand  archers,  and  accompanied  by  his  younger  sons,  Lionel 
of  Antwerp  and  .John  of  Gaunt ;  but,  leaving  Gravesend  about 
July  '22nd,  had  met  with  bad  weather  in  the  neighbom-hood  of  the 
Chamiel  Islands,  and  had  been  driven  into  Sandwich  and  detained 
there  until  August  15th.  Thence  he  proceeded  with  difficulty  to 
Winchelsea  and  the  Isle  of  Wight,  but  was  again  driven  back. 

While  he  was  at  Portsmouth  dm-ing  his  ineffectual  efforts  to 
cross  the  Channel,  news  reached  him  that  the  King  of  Navarre,  who 
had  promised  his  alliance,  and  who  was  to  have  joined  the  English 
fleet  off  Jersey,  had  broken  his  engagement,  and  allied  himself  with 
the  King  of  France  before  Calais."  The  receipt  of  this  intelligence 
led  to  the  calling  out  of  more  ships  and  troops,  which  were  assembled 
at  Sandwich,  and  in  October  the  king  embarked  there  with  his 
younger  sons  and  a  large  retinue.  He  was  joined  at  Calais  by 
mercenaries  from  Flanders,  Brabant,  and  Germany.'  He  at  once 
marched  against  the  French,  who  fled  before  him,  and  were 
energetically  pursued.  He  then  returned  to  England  to  meet 
Parliament  on  November  12th,  but  an  invasion  of  the  Scots,  who 
had  taken  Berwick,  called  him  immediately  afterwards  to  the  north, 

'  '  Fcedera,' iii.  264:,  2G5.  ^  7i.,  iii.  275.  »  Knighton,  2008;  Avesbury,  201. 

*  '  Fcpclera,"  iii.  297.  '■■■  Ih.,  iii.  306.         °  Knighton,  2608  ;  Avesbury,  201. 

'  Knighton,  2610 ;  Pari.  Rolls,  ii.  264;  Avesbury,  203,  204. 
'  Avesl)ury,  205.     Froissart  (i.  304,  305)  is  incorrect. 


135G.]  TRANSPORT   WOItK  IN   THE   CHANNEL.  275 

necessitated  fresli  levies  of  ships  and  men,  and,  by  divei'ting 
attention,  for  a  time  liiudcred  the  prosecution  of  the, .French 
campaign.'  . 

The  Northern  fleet,  reinforced  by  newly  arrested  ships  under 
John  Colyn,  heutenant  to  the  Northern  admiral,  seems  to  have 
assisted  in  the  recovery  of  Berwick,  though  twelve  ships  were  lost 
on  their  passage  thither  and  the  others  were  dispersed.-  But  neither 
the  military  occurrences  in  Scotland,  nor  those  in  France  where  the 
victory  of  Poitiers  was  won  by  the  Black  Prince  on  September  I'.lth, 
1356,  can  he  followed  here. 

In  Ma}-  of  that  year,  Sir  Guy  Bryan  ■'  superseded  Sir  John 
Beauchamp  as  Admiral  of  the  Western  fleet,  Eobert  Ledrede  having 
at  the  same  time  an  independent  or  subsidiary  command  over  a 
convoy  to  Gascony.''  Sir  Guy  appears  to  have  created  great  astonish- 
ment by  the  celerit.y  with  which  some  of  the  vessels  belonging  to  his 
station  crossed  and  recrossed  the  Channel  with  troops  in  June 
They  landed  their  men  at  La  Hogue,  and  returned  to  Southampton 
within  five  days.  These  troops  belonged  to  the  forces  of  the  Duke 
of  Lancaster,  who  with  the  rest  followed  in  fifty-two  transports, 
sailing  on  the  18th  of  the  month. ^  In  August,  certain  Scots  and 
other  ships  having  committed  depredations  off  the  coast  of  Ireland, 
Kobert  Drouss,  of  Cork,  was  appointed  admiral  of  an  Irish  squadron 
and  ordered  to  proceed  against  them.''  Three  predatory  Scots  ships, 
with  three  hundred  soldiers  on  board,  were  in  the  following  year 
driven  into  Yarmouth  and  taken.' 

In  1357,  the  prisoners  captured  at  Poitiers  were  brought  tf) 
England.  In  April  the  Prince  embarked  at  Bordeaux  in  one  ship, 
and  King  John,  of  France,  was  put  on  board  another.  It  was 
expected  that  the  French  in  Normandy  would  make  eftbrts  to 
intercept  the  convoy,  and  the  English  ships  were  therefore  specially 
manned  with  two  thousand  archers  and  five  hundred  men-at-arms  ; 
but   nothing  was   seen   of   the   enemy,  and   after   an   eleven  days' 

■  '  Fowlera,'  iii.  .-il-l: ;  Pari.  Rolls,  ii.  204. 

-  Froissait,  i.  311,  .312 ;  Avesbury,  237. 

^  Sii-  Guy  Bryan,  scm  of  a  Dcvuiisbire  kiiij;lit,  was  Imni  about  1310.  In  13.-)0  lie 
was  summoned  to  Parliament  as  a  baron.  He  was  admiral  in  135t!  and  1370,  in 
wliicli  latter  year  he  was  also  made  a  K.B.  His  naval  .services  were  very  numerous 
and  distini;uished,  but  toward.s  the  close  of  his  life  he  was  exclusively  employed 
ashore.     He  died  in  1390. 

'  '  I'Vi'dera,'  iii.  328  ;  Gascon  PiolLs,  127.  "  '  Foodera,'  iii.  .338. 

■'■  Avesbury.  245,  246.  '  Knighton,  2017. 

T   2 


276  MILITARY  HISTOHY,    1154-1399.  [1358. 

passage,  the  flotilla  reached  Sandwich  on  May  4th/     On  May  23rd, 
a  truce  was  concluded  to  last  until  Easter,  1859.''' 

Preparations  with  a  view  to  the  termination  of  this  truce  were 
made  towards  the  end  of  1358.  The  admirals,  Lord  Morley  and 
Sir  Guy  Bryan,  were  directed  on  December  8th  to  impress  ships  and 
barges,  and  to  see  that  they  were  at  Sandwich  by  the  following 
Paku  Sunday  in  readiness  for  the  King's  passage  across  the  Channel.^ 
But  Edward's  sailing  was  postponed,  and  in  June,  1359,  fresh  orders 
were  sent  out,  pointing  to  a  departure  in  July,  vessels  being  then 
obtained  from  Sluis,  Gravelines,  and  Dmiquerque,  as  well  as  from 
the  English  ports.*  The  King  did  not  actually  sail  from  Sandwich 
until  October  28th.  He  weighed  early  in  the  morning  in  a  ship 
called  the  Philip,  of  Dartmouth,  and  landed  at  Calais  at  about  four 
in  the  afternoon,  accompanied  by  one  of  the  largest  armies  that  ever 
quitted  England,  and  publicly  professing  his  intention  never  to 
return  until  he  had  ended  the  war  by  a  satisfactory  and  honourable 
peace  or  had  died  in  the  attempt.^ 

The  new  campaign  in  France  was  little  more  than  a  triumphant 
military  promenade.  Edward  had,  unfortunately,  no  right  to  treat 
himself  to  the  luxm-y  of  this  progress.  At  sea  he  had  been  more 
successful  than  any  previous  English  sovereign.  There  can  be  no 
reasonable  doubt  that  he  understood  all  that  the  maintenance  of  the 
dominion  of  the  sea  meant  to  his  island  realms,  and  it  is  absolutely 
certain  that,  with  the  men  and  the  material  at  his  command,  he 
might,  had  he  listened  to  the  counsels  of  sense  and  prudence,  instead 
of  to  the  promptings  of  blind  ambition  and  immoderate  love  of 
empty  glory,  have  completely  crushed  the  French  at  sea,  and 
rendered  them  impotent  on  that  element  until  the  last  days  of  his 
reign.  But  his  dehght  in  pageantry  and  display  got  the  better  of 
him.  The  conclusive  processes  of  naval  warfare  were  too  slow,  too 
dull,  and  too  monotonous  to  suit  his  hasty  spirit.  He  had  the  dash 
of  a  Cochrane,  but  he  lacked  the  steadfast  and  single-minded 
apphcation  of  a  Nelson,  or  a  Collingwood.  And  so,  after  covering 
himself  with  quickly  acquired  glory  at  Sluis  and  Winchelsea,  he 
neglected  his  navy  to  submit  to  the  seductions  of  mihtary  spectacle. 
It  was  a  strange  and  disgraceful  infatuation. 

'  FroiKsart,  i.  367.     But  Walsingham  and  Knighton  say  that  it  made  riyiiiuutli. 

-  '  Fadera,'  iii.  348. 

=•  Ih.,  iii.  412. 

*  Ik,  iii.  445  ;  Scots  Rolls,  i.  810. 

'•  Ih.,  iii.  452:  Proissart  (who  \vron;^ly  pays  that  the  kinj;  emharked  at  Dover),  i-  417. 


1360.]  .S.K'A'   OF    WISCUKLSEA.  T,l 

While  he  was  panuling  to  no  good  end  on  I'rencli  soil,  tlu; 
French  squadrons  were  working  havoc  against  us  in  the  Channel. 
In  the  spring  of  VM'A),  panic  reigned  at  Southampton,  I'ortsniouth, 
and  Sandwich,  at  each  of  which  places  a  descent  of  the  enemy  was 
expected.  Fleets  should  have  been  sent  against  the  foe ;  but  the 
creation  of  fleets,  and  their  maintenance,  required  large  siuus  of 
money,  and  Edwai'd  had  nearly  emptied  the  coffers  of  the  state  that 
he  might  pay  for  his  continental  adventures.  All  that  could  be  done 
by  way  of  defensive  precaution  was  to  levy  troops  and  send  them  to 
the  threatened  points,  and  to  draw  ships  high  up  on  the  shore,  in 
hopes  that  the  enemy,  when  he  came,  would  overlook  tlu^m.'  To 
such  a  pass  was  the  power  of  England  reduced. 

The  French  did  not  strike  where  they  had  been  expected,  but  they 
raided  Eye  and  Hastings,  and  on  Sunday,  March  15th,  they  landed 
in  great  foi'ce  at  Winchelsea."  Villani  says  that  they  had  a  hundred 
and  twenty  ships  ;  Knighton,  that  they  had  twenty-nine  thousand 
men.  These  numbers  are  probably  exaggerated,  but  the  point  is 
immaterial.  They  made  their  onslaught  while  the  people  were  at 
Mass,  spared  neither  age  nor  sex,  fired  the  town,  committed  un- 
speakable atrocities,  and  carried  away  a  number  of  the  best-looking 
women.  At  length,  it  is  true,  they  were  driven  off  with  a  loss  of 
upwards  of  four  hundred  men,  and  thirteen  of  their  vessels  were 
taken  by  the  seamen  of  the  Cinque  Ports ;  but  the  moral  effect  of 
this  bloody  insult  to  the  coast  was  nevertheless  tremendous,  and  was 
remembered  for  many  a  year  afterwards.^  So  great  was  the  number 
of  slain  that  Winchelsea  churchyard  had  to  be  enlarged  to  receive 
them,  and  to  this  day  the  road  on  that  side  is  known  as  Dead  Man's 
Lane. 

On  the  very  day  of  the  landing,  which  must  have  occurred  early 
in  the  morning,  the  news  reached  the  council,  which  was  sitting  at 
Keading.  Something  had  to  be  done  at  all  costs.  At  once  every 
large  ship  and  barge  fit  for  war  was  ordered  to  be  impressed ;  such 
English  shipping  as  was  in  Flanders  was  sent  for,*  and  on  March 
26th,  the  regular  admirals,  Morley  and  Bryan,  being  apparently  in 
attendance  on  the  king  in  France,  Sir  John  Paveley,  Prior  of  the 
Order  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem  in  England,  was  appointed  admiral 

'  '  Fffidera,'  iii.  471. 
^  Ji.,  iii. -ITCi,  477;  Wixlsinghain,  Kill. 

«  Anon.  Hist.  Edw.   III.,   ii.  424;    Issue    llolls,  .'U   E.hv.,  111.   17.-.  (e.!.  Dcv(.n); 
Walsingliain,  liiO;  Kiii.uliton,  2022. 
■*  '  Failera,'  iii.  47(1. 


278  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1154-1399.  [13B1. 

of  a  squadron  which  was  directed  to  cruise  to  the  westward  of  tlie 
Thames  to  repel  invasion.'  A  perfect  panic  prevailed.  Troops  were 
levied  everywhere.  Southampton  and  Pevensey  were  fortified  anew. 
Even  inland  strongholds,  Hke  the  castles  of  Old  Sarum  and  Malmes- 
bury,  were  hurriedly  put  into  a  condition  for  defence ;  and  as  it  was 
believed  that  John,  the  captive  French  king,  was  to  be  rescued,  he 
was  removed  from  Somerton  to  Berkhampstead  Castle,  and  sub- 
sequently thence  to  the  Tower." 

By  way  of  retaliation,  a  division  of  the  fleet,  consisting  of  eighty 
ships,  with  fourteen  thousand  soldiers  and  archers  on  board,  was 
sent  to  operate  against  the  coasts  of  France.  Exactly  what  it  did 
is  uncertain.  Walsingham  tells  us  that  it  captured  the  Isle  of 
Saints,  a  place  difficult  to  identify,  but  Knighton,  who  says  that  the 
fleet  was  made  up  of  a  hundred  and  sixty  sail,  iiuplies  that  it 
ravaged  the  French  coasts  about  Boulogne  and  Harfleur.^  The 
French  "War  was,  however,  terminated  on  May  8th,  by  the  Treaty 
of  Bretigny,  which  stipulated  that  John  should  be  ransomed,  and 
should  cede  Gascony,  Guienne,  Poitou,  Calais,  Guisnes,  and  Ponthieu, 
and  that  Edward  should  renounce  his  pretensions  to  the  crown  of 
France,  and  his  claims  to  Normandy,  Touraine,  Maine,  and  Anjou. 
The  arrangement,  which  by  the  way  involved  a  very  large  reduction 
of  the  original  Enghsh  demands,  and  was  scarcely  the  honourable 
peace  which  Edward  had  declared  he  would  die  rather  than  forego, 
was  solemnly  ratified  at  Calais  in  the  following  November,  but  most 
of  its  provisions  were  never  carried  out. 

The  king  came  home  in  May,  lauding  at  Eye  on  the  18th,  and 
going  back  to  Calais  in  July  and  again  in  October,  for  the  ratification 
of  peace.  He  returned  once  more  early  in  November.*  On  ,luly 
18th  of  the  same  year.  Sir  John  Beauchamp,  K.G.,  was  appointed 
"Admiral  of  the  King's  Southern,  Northern  and  Western  fleets,"* 
and  for  the  first  time  united  in  the  person  of  a  single  officer  the 
command  of  the  entire  English  navy.  He  died  at  the  close  of  the 
year  and  was  succeeded  in  the  same  high  office  by  Sir  Eobert  Herle  "^ 
on   January  '26th,  1.3G1.'      Sir  Ralph  SpigurnelP  succeeded  Herle 

'  '  Fadera,' iii- 4"''-        ■'  /''.,  iii.  471-47',».       ^  Walsiiighain,  107:  Knighton,  2Gl.'3. 

■•  '  Fccilcra,'  iii.  490,  499,  518,  520.  ^  Ih.,  iii.  505. 

''  Sir  Hubert  Herle,  son  of  Sir  William  Herle,  was  made  captain  of  Calais  in  1350, 
and  Warden  of  the  Cinque  Ports,  etc.,  in  1361,  when  he  was  appointed  Admiral  of  the 
Fleet.     He  died  about  .June  1304. 

''  'Focdera,'  iii.  597. 

*  Sir  Ealph  Spigurnell,  or  Pigoriiel,  was  apjiointed  Admiral  of  the  Fleet  in  1304,  but 
little  is  known  of  his  ^irevious  naval  services  or  qualilicatious.     He  died  in  1373. 


13G9.]  JRENEWED    WAJl    WITH  FRANCE.  279 

Oil  July  7th,  13lJ4.'     Each  of  these  officers  was  in  a(l(Htion  Keeper 
of  Dover  Castle  and  Warden  of  the  Cinque  Ports. 

These  were,  so  far  as  naval  matters  are  concerned,  very  un- 
eventful years.  Ships,  men,  and  supplies  were  dispatched  from  time 
to  time  to  Gascony ;  and  convoys  were  occasionally  provided  for 
princes  and  nohlemen  proceeding  to  Ireland,  Calais,  etc. ;  but  not 
until  1309  was  there  much  renewal  of  naval  activity.  In  that  year 
the  experiment  of  concentrating  the  command  of  the  fleet  in  the 
hands  of  a  single  individual  was  temporarily  abandoned ;  and  on 
April  28th,  Sir  Robert  Ashton  -  was  appointed  to  the  Western,  and 
on  June  12th,  Sir  Nicholas  Tamworth  was  appointed  to  tlie  Northern 
squadron. 

Charles,  who  in  1864  had  succeeded  John  as  King  of  France^ 
invaded  Poitou,  and  fitted  out  ships  against  England  ;  and  in  1369, 
the  mistable  peace  created  by  the  Treaty  of  Bretigny  came  to  an 
end.  A  general  arrest  of  vessels  of  twenty  tons  and  upwards,  except 
fishing  boats,  was  ordered  in  February,  part  to  be  sent  to  South- 
ampton, and  part  to  Dartmouth :  all  fencible  men  between  sixteen 
and  sixty  were  called  out  in  March,  and  in  April  the  king's  ships 
Dicu  la  Garde,  Edward,  and  five  more  were  sent  to  sea,  the  George 
following  in  May.^  In  June,  Edward  denounced  the  attitude  of 
France  to  Parliament,  and  decided  to  resume  the  title  of  King  of 
France  ;  and  hostilities  were  recommenced.'' 

Charles  had  the  co-operation  of  Henry,  I\jng  of  Castille  and 
Leon,  who  promised  to  assist  with  as  many  galleys  and  twice  as 
many  ships  as  France  should  equip  ;  and  a  large  fleet,  under  Philip, 
Duke  of  Bm-gundy,  was  collected  in  the  mouth  of  the  Seine.  The 
English  naval  preparations  were  less  actively  pushed  on ;  and 
although  Southampton  and  the  Isle  of  Wight  were  garrisoned  in 
August,  no  fleet  seems  to  have  put  to  sea  until  after  Portsmouth 
had  been  burnt  ^  by  the  enemy  and  much  other  damage  had  been 

'  '  Fifilera,'  iii.  741. 

-  Sir  Uobert  Aslitun  was  a  distiiisuisheil  man  with  very  varied  experieuces.  After 
seeing  service  in  France,  he  -was  made  Cliancellur  of  Ireland  in  l.jlU,  and  keeper  ol 
the  castle  of  Sangatte,  near  Calais,  in  13G8.  He  was  appointed  admiral  in  ISGlt,  and 
again  in  1371,  and  held  other  connnands  at  sea.  He  was  also,  at  dilTerent  times. 
Justice  of  Ireland,  Treasurer  and  Chamberlain  of  the  Household,  Warden  of  the 
Cinque  Torts,  Constable  of  Dover  Castle,  and  Ambassador  to  France.  He  died 
about  1384. 

3  '  Fa?<lera,'  iii.  8G1,  8G3,  8G5. 

*  Froissart,  i.  567  ;  Pari.  Itrjlls,  ii.  2!i!l ;  '  Fceiiera,'  iii.  868. 

<*  '  Fiedera,"  iii.  880. 


2g0  MILITARY  IIlSTonr,   llo4-139&.  [i:;;70. 

done.  Sir  Nicholas  Tamworth  was,  however,  appointed  to  the 
Northern  fleet  in  June.'  In  November,  perhaps  owing  to  the  ver}' 
natural  apprehension  at  honae,  the  Duke  of  Lancaster  was  recalled 
from  Calais." 

At  the  beginning  of  1370  a  squadron  was  at  sea  under  Sir  Guy 
Bryan,  who  on  February  6th  and  again  on  May  30th  was  appointed 
to  the  command  of  the  fleet  of  the  west.  On  May  30th  also  John, 
Lord  Neville  of  Eabj',  was  made  admiral  of  the  north  ;  and  in  July, 
Sir  Ralph  Ferrers  was  given  an  independent  command  in  the 
Channel  over  a  force  largely  composed  of  vessels  hired  from  the 
Netherlands,  and  of  craft  belonging  to  Jersey  and  Guernsey.^  Sir 
Robert  Ashton,  too,  commanded  a  flotilla,  which  w"ent  to  Cherbourg 
to  bring  the  King  of  Navarre  to  England.*  Edward  went  to  France  ; 
Lancaster  went  to  Gascony  ;  few  craft  fit  for  service  escaped  arrest ; 
but'the  feverish  activity  produced  little  tangible  result.  Ships  were 
despatched  northward  to  prevent  communications  between  France 
and  Denmark,  and  between  France  and  Scotland  ;  but  all  maritime 
matters  seem  to  have  been  mismanaged.  A  large  ship  of  Bayonne, 
with  merchandise  belonging  to  London,  was  taken  by  thirty  French 
vessels,  which  afterwards  landed  and  burnt  Gosport ;  troops  were 
hurried  to  Dover  to  repel  an  anticipated  descent  there;  and  the 
Chancellor  declared  to  Parliament  that  France  had  soldiers  enough 
to  oust  Edward  from  the  continent,  and  apparently  ships  enough  to 
destroy  the  whole  navy  of  England.'  It  is  indeed  not  astonishing 
that  the  country  was  in  a  panic. 

The  Commons  complained.  They  represented  that  the  cities, 
ports  and  boroughs,  and  the  whole  navy  of  the  realm,  had  for  a  long 
time  suffered  great  damage  unknown  to  the  king  and  his  Council 
(a  very  mild  expression  of  the  true  facts),  to  the  annihilation  of  the 
said  places  and  navy  ;  that  they  had  formerly  enjoyed  certain 
franchises  and  usages,  by  which  they  had  been  enabled  to  maintain 
their  houses,  their  navy  and  themselves,  and  support  the  good  estate 
and  great  honour  and  safety  of  their  lord  and  all  his  people,  to  the 
fear  of  foreign  comitries,  bj'  the  power  of  the  merchants  and  navy  of 
the  realm ;  but  that  now,  since  their  franchises  had  been  seized,  one 
third  part  of  the  towns,  boroughs  and  ports  was  almost  ruined  and 

•  '  Fa'dera,'  iii.  871. 

=  Issue  Rolls,  4-t  Edw.  III.,  '.MW. 

"  '  Fa?dera,'  iii.  892  ;  Issue  Rolls,  44  EcUv.  IH.,  1411,  2G7,  28G. 

*  Fasue  Rolls,  44  Edw.  III.,  187,  277. 
"■•  Pari.  Rolls,  ii.  m:i. 


1371.]  DECLINE   OF   THE   NAVY.  281 

uninhabited — the  walls  broken  down,  and  tiie  shipping,'  nearly 
ruined,  so  that  the  merchants  were  reduced  to  poverty  and  could 
scarcely  live.  They  therefore  prayed  that  their  ancient  privileges 
and  franchises  might  be  restored,  so  that,  when  occasion  required, 
they  might  do  good  service  to  the  king  and  discomfit  his  enemies. 

The  causes  of  naval  decline  were  declared  to  be :  firstly,  that 
arrests  of  shipping  were  often  made  long  before  vessels  were  wanted, 
the  owners  being  in  the  interval  at  the  expense  of  ships  and  crews 
that  were  making  no  profit,  by  which  many  of  them  became  so 
impoverished  as  to  be  obhged  to  quit  their  business  and  see  their 
ships  ruined  :  secondly,  that  the  merchants  who  supported  the  navy 
had  been  so  impeded  in  their  voyages  and  affairs  by  divers  ordinances 
that  they  had  no  employment  for  ships ;  that  great  part  of  the 
mariners  had  consequently  abandoned  their  calling,  and  gained  a 
livelihood  in  some  other  way  ;  and  that  their  ships  were  hauled  up 
on  the  shore  to  rot:  thirdly,  that  as  soon  as  the  masters  of  the 
king's  ships  were  ordered  on  any  voyage,  they  impressed  the  masters 
and  ablest  part  of  the  men  of  other  ships,  and,  those  vessels  being 
left  without  persons  to  manage  them,  perished  in  large  part,  to  the 
loss  of  their  owners.  The  king  promised  redress,  and  asked  for 
a  specification  of  the  grievances  arising  from  loss  of  franchises;' 
but  it  does  not  appear  that  matters  were  sensibly  ameliorated  in 
Edward's  time. 

In  March,  1371,  there  was  an  arrest  of  all  vessels  of  a  hundred 
tons  and  upwards,  and  of  all  "  pikards  "  of  ten  tons  and  upwards, 
in  Wales  and  the  Bristol  Channel,  Bristol  excepted.  These  were 
ordered  to  Plymouth  to  join  the  command  of  Sir  Guy  Bryan.'-  In 
May  the.  two  admirals  were  directed  to  restore  some  Flamaud 
vessels  which  had  been  improperly  captured ;  and,  from  the  docu- 
ments concerning  the  transaction,  it  is  apparent  that  neutral  vessels 
cari-ying  property  belonging  to  states  at  war  with  England  were 
then  held  liable  to  seizure,  and  that  free  bottoms  did  not  make  free 
goods.'' 

On  October  (jth,  1871,  Sir  lialph  Ferrers  succeeded  Lord  Neville 
as  Admiral  of  the  Northern,  and  Sir  Eobert  Ashton,  Sir  Guy  Bryan 
as  Admiral  of  the  Western  fleet.*  In  the  same  month,  the  French 
menaced  the  coasts  of  Suffolk  and  Norfolk.^ 

Froissart   relates   the   account   of   a   naval   action    which,    if   it 

1  Pari.  Itolls,  ii.  HOG,  307.         -  '  Focdera,'  iii.  012.  ^  Jh.,  iii.  U17. 

'  Ih.,  iii.  HI'.!,  '.124.  ''  lb.,  iii.  ^125. 


282  MILITARY  HISTORY,   11.J4-1099.  [1372. 

occurred  at  all,  probably  occurred  during  the  year.  There  is,  how- 
ever, little  or  no  corroborative  testimony,  and  several  of  the  state- 
ments made  appear  to  be  inconsistent  with  known  facts.  His  story 
is  to  the  effect  that  an  English  squadron,  under  Sir  Guy  Bryan, 
having  on  board  the  Earl  of  Hereford,  met  a  Flamand  squadron  off 
"  the  Bay,"  meaning  Bourgneuf  Bay,^  in  the  modern  department 
of  Loire  Inferieure ;  that  the  enemy  was  commanded  l^y  Sir  John 
Peterson ;  that  the  battle  lasted  three  hours ;  and  that  Peterson 
was  defeated  and  taken,  and  all  his  ships  were  captured.-  Eroissart 
may  have  confused  the  affair  with  the  capture  in  or  near  the  Bay 
of  Bourgneuf  of  twenty-five  ships  laden  with  salt,  as  related  by  some 
of  the  chroniclers.^  If  so,  he  greatly  magnified  the  importance  of 
the  business.  In  any  case,  it  was  almost  the  last  naval  success  of 
a  reign  which  closed  with  disaster  and  disgrace. 

At  the  end  of  1371  an  Act  was  passed  prohibiting  the  selling  of 
any  English  vessel  to  a  foreigner  ;*  and  early  in  the  next  year,  a 
treaty  of  friendship  and  commerce  was  concluded  with  Genoa. ^ 

The  year  1372  witnessed  the  arrest  of  more  ships,*^  and  the  super- 
session on  March  7th  of  Sir  Ealph  Ferrers  by  Sir  William  Neville  in 
command  of  the  Northern,  and  of  Sir  Eobert  Ashton  by  Sir  Philip 
Courtenay  in  command  of  the  Western  fleet.'  On  March  28th, 
peace  was  proclaimed  with  Flanders  f  but  fears  of  an  invasion  by 
France  continued,  and  the  country  was  still  in  a  state  of  panic, 
which  was  accentuated  by  a  naval  disaster  which  happened  in 
June. 

La  Eochelle  was  besieged  by  the  French ;  and  in  April  the 
young  Earl  of  Pembroke,"  who  had  been  appointed  Lieutenant  of 
Aquitaine,  was  directed,  in  company  with  Sir  Gnichard  d'Angle,  and 
other  knights,  to  proceed  to  the  relief  of  the  beleaguered  town.  He 
sailed  from  Southampton  on  June  10th.  France,  cognisant  of  the 
project,  dispatched  the  Castillian  fleet  of  forty  large  ships  and 
thirteen  barges  to  intercept  the  expedition.  This  fleet  was  com- 
manded  by   Ambrosio  Bocanegra,  Admiral  of  Castille,  Cabeza  de 

'  From  tliis  bay,  where  there  were  salt-pans,  "bay  salt"  seems  to  liave  taken  its 
name. 

-  Froissart,  i.  631,  632. 

^  Walsinghara,  182;  JIuiiiiiutli,  127;  Otterbourne,  12cS. 

■*  '  Focdera,'  iii.  930.  ^  Ih.,  iii.  931.  '=  Ih.,  iii.  933. 

'  Ih.,  iii.  937.  8  IK,  iii.  938. 

°  Joliii,  Lord  Hastings,  second  Earl  of  Pembroke,  who  was  captured  off  La 
llochelle  in  1372,  was  son  of  Lawrence,  first  Earl  of  Pembroke,  and  I>ad,  as  his  second 
wife,  a  dauLihter  of  Admiral  Sir  "Walter  Manny.     He  died  in  1375. 


1-)T2.]  DISASTER    OFF  LA   EOCHELLE.  283 

Viica,  Fernando  de  Peon,  and  Ruy  Diaz  de  Eojas ;  and  it  awaited 
the  very  inferior  English  sqnadron  off  La  Eochelle.^ 

Pembroke  sighted  the  enemy  on  Jnne  22nd,  and  witli  great 
courage  prepared  for  the  inevitable  battle,  j)lacing  his  archers  in  the 
bows  of  his  ships.  The  Spaniards,  who  employed  cannon,  as  well  as 
missiles  to  be  hnrled  by  men  from  the  tops,  weighed  and  gained  the 
wind,  and  then  bore  down  with  cheers  on  the  English.  The  action, 
which  was  very  severe,  was  continued  until  nightfall,  when,  Pembroke 
having  lost  only  two  barges,  laden  with  stores,  the  forces  separated. 

The  fight  had  been  witnessed  from  the  town,  and  Sir  John 
Harpeden,  commander  of  the  place,  endeavoured  to  induce  some  of 
the  inhabitants  to  put  to  sea  to  assist  their  friends ;  but  they 
objected  that  they  were  not  sailors  and  that  they  had  their  own 
work  to  do  on  shore.  Three  knights  only.  Sir  Tonnai  Bouton,  Sir 
James  de  Surgieres,  and  Sir  Maubrun  de  Linieres,  with  four  barges, 
went  out  at  daybreak  on  the  23rd  to  join  Pembroke.  The  Spaniards, 
who  had  anchored  for  the  night,  then  weighed,  it  being  high  water, 
and,  taking  advantage  of  the  wind,  bore  down  on  the  English  in 
such  a  manner  as  eventually  to  surround  them.  The  usual  hand-to- 
hand  fight  ensued.  Pembroke's  ship  was  grappled  by  four  large 
Spaniards  under  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  Fernando  de  Peon,  and  after 
an  obstinate  resistance  was  taken.  Among  the  killed  were  Sir 
Aimery  de  Tarste,  Sir  John  Lanton,  Sir  Simon  Housagre,"  Sir  John 
Mortainge  (or  Mortaine),  and  Sir  John  Touchet.  Among  the 
prisoners  were  Pembroke,  Sir  Kobert  Tinfort,^  Sir  John  de 
Gruieres,*  Sir  John  Tourson,*  Sir  Guichard  d'Angle,  and  Sir  Otho 
Grandison.  The  entire  English  squadron  was  taken  or  destroyed ; 
and  all  the  prisoners  of  rank  would  have  been  massacred  had  they 
not  imdertaken  to  ransom  their  followers.  One  ship,  carrying 
treasure  to  pay  the  troops  in  Guienne,  was  sunk.  Sir  James  de 
Surgieres  was  landed  at  La  Eochelle,  where  he  reported  the  disaster ; 
the  other  prisoners  were  taken  to  Spain,  where  most  of  them  were 
roughly  treated.  The  catastrophe  is  said  to  have  materially 
hastened  the  loss  of  Guienne.'^ 

At  about  the  same  time  a  Welsh  adventurer  named  Evan, 
claiming  to  be  a  son  of  a  prince  who  bad  been  killed  by  Edward, 

'  '  I'VJera,'  iii.  1141 ;  FmiFsai't,  i.  Q>:',C>,  637.  -  PerLaps  Sir  Siniun  WliitaktT. 

^  Perhaps  Sir  Robert  Beaufort.  ■"  Possibly  Sir  .Tolm  (irimstone. 

'  Perhaps  Sir  Joliii  Curzon. 

«  Froissart,  635-6-39;  Walsinghani,  1>^2  ;  Anon.  Hist.  E.hv.  III.  (Heanie),  li.  Vi'X 


28-1  MILITABY  HISTORY,    1154-1300.  [1372. 

joined  the  French,  and  was  sent  to  sea  by  them  with  three  thoiisand 
men.  Sailing  from  Harfleur,  he  landed  in  Guernsey,  defeated  the 
governor,  Edmund  Bose,  and,  having  besieged  him  in  Cornet  Castle, 
would  probably  have  taken  him,  had  not  the  force  been  recalled  to 
take  part  in  the  blockade  of  La  Kochelle/ 

Edward  seems  to  have  felt  it  imperatively  necessary  to  attempt 
some  bold  stroke  by  way  of  reprisals ;  and  he  equipped  and  took 
command  of  a  fleet  for  the  relief  of  Thouars,  which,  if  not  rein- 
forced, had  agreed  to  surrender  on  September  *29th.  The  king 
embarked  at  Sandwich  in  the  Grace  de  Dieu  on  August  30th  with  a 
large  force,  but,  delayed  by  contrary  winds  beyond  the  day  for  the 
appointed  surrender,  he  returned  ingloriously  to  England,  landing  at 
Winchelsea  about  October  6th.  No  sooner  had  he  arrived  than  the 
wind  became  fair ;  but  it  was  too  late ;  and  the  ±'900,000  said  to 
have  been  spent  in  the  fitting  out  of  the  armament  was  wasted. - 

The  Welshman,  Evan,  joined  a  Spanish  force  under  Admiral 
Eoderigo  de  Rosas,  and  the  combined  squadron,  consisting  of  forty 
ships,  eight  galleys,  and  thirteen  barges,  blockaded  La  Rochelle 
until  it  fell.^  It  is  astonishing  that,  instead  of  returning  tamely  to 
England,  Edward  did  not  endeavour  to  save  or  recover  the  place ; 
but  he  seems  at  this  period  of  his  career  to  have  been  completely 
demoralised. 

Parliament,  which  met  in  November,  renewed  its  remonstrances 
on  the  state  of  the  navy  and  prayed  for  a  remedy.  The  king's 
reply  was  that  it  was  his  pleasure  that  the  navy  should  be  main- 
tained and  kept  with  the  greatest  ease  and  advantage  that  could  be.'' 
Very  little,  however,  was  done  to  remove  the  causes  which  had  led 
to  so  much  loss  and  disgrace.  But  the  fleet  had  shortly  before 
been  reinforced  by  some  Genoese  galleys  under  Peter  de  Campo 
Fregoso,  and  Jacob  Pronan.'* 

At  the  beginning  of  1373  there  were  fresh  fears  of  an  invasion, 
an  immense  Franco-Spanish  force  under  Evan,  lioderigo  de  Eosas, 
the  Count  of  Narbonne,*^  Jean  de  Rai.x,'  and  Jean  de  Vienne,-  being 

'  Frbissart,  i.  610,  G41. 

-  '  Ffieilera,' iii.  ilGl,  OGli :  \u«n.  Hist.  Edw.  III.,  ii.  .".00,  100;  Froissait,  i.  ImS  ; 
Walsiiighain,  1 82. 

»  KroiHsart,  i.  G47,  654.  '  I'ail.  Kolls,  ii.  311.  ''  '  FcnkTa,'  iii.  065,  070. 

"  Tlien  Admiral  of  France.         '  Oi'  Du  Rove. 

'  Of  .Te.in  de  A'ieune's  naval  career  there  is  a  good  tliougli  brief  account  in 
Laiightoii's  '  Studies  in  Naval  History.'  See  also  '  Jean  de  Vicniic,"  by  the  Marquis 
Terrier  de  Loray  (Paris,  1877).  John  de  Yienne  was  born  in  1.341,  and  t'ell  at  the 
b.attle  of  >,'ico|i(ilis  on  September  28tli,  1300. 


1374.]  Binxn  or  the  FiiKsru  swvy.  285 

at  sea  or  in  process  of  asseinhly.  In  February,  the  Earl  of  Salisbury 
was  given  command  of  an  English  squadron,  and,  with  the  Admirals 
Courtenay  and  Ne\-ille,  he  appears  to  have  made  some  effort  to 
blockade  the  mouth  of  the  Seine,  but  to  have  been  obliged  by  the 
allies  to  retire.  He  proceeded  to  St.  ^lalo,  where  he  destroyed  eight 
Spanish  merchantmen,  and  thence  to  Brest,  where,  while  assisting 
in  the  defence  of  the  place,  he  was  himself  virtually  blockaded  by 
the  enemy,  who  also  kept  such  good  command  of  the  Channel  that 
an  expedition  under  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  destined  for  Guienue, 
could  not  go  thither  directly,  and  had  to  land  at  Calais  and  make  a 
terribh'  disastrous  march  through  France.*  Yet.  in  the  Chancellor's 
speech  to  Parliament,  Salisbm-y's  proceedings  were  highly  eulogised.^ 
His  almost  sole  service,  with  the  eighty  ships  under  his  command, 
appears  to  have  been  the  influence  which  he  exerted  t<nvar(ls 
inducing  the  French  to  raise  the  siege  of  Brest. 

The  year  1374  produced  no  very  notable  naval  actions,  although 
both  sides  cruised  continually  in  the  Channel.  In  January  and 
February  there  were  impressments  of  men  for  eight  ships  which 
were  ordered  to  keep  a  look-out  on  the  western  coasts;^  in  May  a 
nmnber  of  ship-masters  were  summoned  to  attend  the  council  at 
Westminster  to  give  information  and  advice  ;*  and  between  July  and 
September  a  convoy  was  collected  at  Dartmouth  and  riymouth  to 
carry  over  the  Eai'l  of  Cambridge  and  an  army  to  Brittany.*  But  it 
was,  nevertheless,  a  very  important  year,  for  it  saw  the  conuuence- 
ment  of  the  construction,  for  the  first  time,  of  a  regular  royal  navy 
of  France.  Jean  de  A'iemie,  who  has  been  ah-eady  mentioned,  had 
been  appointed  Admiral  of  France  on  December  •11th,  1873 ;  •and, 
convinced  of  the  advantage  of  vessels  built  especially  and  exclusively 
for  war  over  craft  liired  from  the  merchants  and  adapted,  he  at  once 
began  the  building  of  war  vessels  at  Kouen  in  1374.'' 

A  year's  truce  between  England  and  France  and  Spain  was 
concluded  in  June,  1375,  but  it  was  not  strictly  observed  ;  for  when, 
in  August,  a  fleet,  which  had  conveyed  Sir  Thomas  Felton  to 
Bordeaux,  and  Sir  William  Ehnau  to  Bayonne,  had  taken  in  cargo 
in  the  Bay  of  Bourgneuf,  with  a  view  to  returning  to  Enghiud,  a 
Spanish  squadron  mider  Eeyner  Grimaldi'  and  Evan,  the  Welsh 

•  Fioissait,  i.  608,  etc.;  '  Finlera,"  iii.  071.  -  I'arl.  lioUs,  ii.  310. 
»  'Fanlera,"  iii.  0!H!,  997.  '//-.,  iii.  1002. 

*  Ih.,  iii.  lOOG,  1017.  '•  '  Stuilics  iu  Xav.  Hist." 

"  Nephew   ul"  tlie  elder   Grimaliii   who  '.ia<l  coimiiamieil  the  Genoese  conlingent 
at  Sluis. 


2S6  2IILITAEY  HISTOIiY,   1154-1399.  [1377. 

adventurer,  fell  upon  them  unexpectedly,  and  took  or  destroyed 
twenty-eight  ships,  five  cogs,  one  crayer,  and  two  barges,  then 
estimated  to  be  worth,  with  the  goods  on  board,  £n,TS9,  besides 
killing  the  masters  and  crews.^  The  loss,  appraised  in  the  money  of 
to-day,  may  be  set  down  at  certainly  not  less  than  i^'130,000.  The 
merchants  who  had  sufi'ered  appealed  to  the  King  in  137G.  Edward 
tamely  protested  that  he  had  done  and  would  continue  to  do,  his 
best  to  obtain  redress  ;  -  but  he  was  too  weak  to  compel  justice ;  and 
in  those  days  justice  in  international  affairs  was  seldom  rendered 
save  to  those  who  demanded  it  with  might  as  well  as  right  behind 
them. 

In  1376  fleets,  collected  in  the  usual  manner,  were  ordered  to 
assemble  in  Southampton  Water  and  at  Sandwich,^  but  the  nominal 
truce  was  renewed  until  April  1st,  1377,  and  the  vessels  were 
returned  to  their  owners  in  June,  to  be  again  arrested  in  July,  to 
bring  back  the  Duke  of  Bretagne  and  the  Earl  of  Cambridge  from 
Brittany.*  On  June  8th,  England  lost  the  Black  Prince,  and  with 
him  her  strongest  hope  of  issuing  with  credit  from  her  ever-increasing 
difficulties. 

On  July  16th,  the  Earl  of  Suffolk  and,  on  November  24th,  Sir 
Michael  de  la  Pole,  were  appointed  to  the  Northern  fleet ;  and  on 
July  16th,  the  Earl  of  Sahsbury^  and,  on  November  24th,  Sir 
Eobert  Hales,  Prior  of  the  Order  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem  in 
England,  were  entrusted  successively  with  the  Western  fleet." 

Early  in  1377,  the  work  of  Jean  de  Vienne  had  begun  to  bear 
fruit,  and  by  the  spring  he  had  ready  for  sea  thirty-five  large  ships, 
built  as  men-of-war,  well  armed  with  the  most  improved  guns, 
besides  eighty-five  smaller  or  hired  vessels,  the  whole  manned  by 
about  15,000  seamen,  men-at-anns,  and  archers.  To  this  force 
there  was  added  a  Spanish  contingent.  Once  more,  something  like 
panic  reigned  in  England.  All  craft  of  twenty  tons  and  upwards 
were  arrested  and  concentrated  in  the  Thames ; '  troops  were  hurried 

'  I'arl.  lioUs,  ii.  ;346.  One  of  tlio  ]ii-izcs,  tlie  Cliristophei;  of  Exmoutli.  wns  of 
•'500  ton?. 

-  Ih.,  ii.  310. 

■■  '  Fcedera,'  iii.  1040,  1049,  1050. 

'  Fr.  Rolls,  115. 
•  ^  William,  second  Earl  of  Salisbury,  K.G.,  born  in  1327,  served   at  Crccy  and 
Calais,   and   was  one  of  the  original   Knights  of  the   Garter.     He  was  present   at 
L'Espagnols  sur  Mer  and   Poitiers ;    and  was  admiral   in  1376.      He   died  in   1397, 
leaving  his  honours  tn  his  nephew,  John,  third  Earl. 

«  '  Fredera,'  iii.  1057,  1065.  ''  lb.,  iii.  1072,  1076,  1077. 


1377.]  ACTIVITY   OF  JKAS  BE    YIEXXE.  287 

to  the  coast ;  the  Scots  were  supposed  to  be  aijout  to  invade  lioiii 
the  north,  and  everything'  was  in  confusion,  when,  on  June  '21st,  the 
king  died. 

Richard  II.,  who  succeeded  hiui,  was  a  child  of  about  eleven. 
Those  responsible  for  the  government  were  animated  by  personal 
hatreds  and  animosities,  the  treasury  was  empty,  the  nav_v  was 
almost  non-existent,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  France  and  Scotland 
were  more  formidable  than  they  had  ever  been. 

Jean  de  Vienne  struck  promptly.  He  put  to  sea  from  Harfleur, 
with  Keyner  Grimaldi,  Jean  de  Kaix,  and  De  Torcy  as  his  seconds, 
and,  leaving  a  few  ships  to  watch  Jersej'  and  Guernsey,  crossed 
over  to  the  coast  of  Sussex.  On  June  '29th,'  he  landed  near  Eye, 
and  plundered  and  burnt  the  town.  Before  Winchelsea  he  was 
repelled ;  but  at  Eottingdean  he  defeated  a  small  force,  and, 
advancing  to  Lewes,  took,  sacked,  and  burnt  it.  lie-embarking,  he 
went  to  Folkestone,  Portsmouth,  Dartmouth,  and  Plymouth,  all  of 
which  he  laid  in  ashes.  By  the  beginning  of  August  he  was  back  at 
Harfleur. 

England  was  more  occupied  in  the  crowning  of  her  child-king 
than  in  fighting  the  enemy  ;  but  ships  were  arrested,  men  were 
called  out  for  service  by  sea  and  land,  and  the  two  admirals  who  liad 
held  office  at  the  end  of  the  last  reign  were  reappointed. 

After  assisting  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  for  a  short  time  at  the 
siege  of  Calais,  Jean  de  Vienne  put  to  sea  again,  witli  a  view  to 
prevent  reinforcements  from  being  sent  from  England  to  the 
besieged ;  but,  being  driven  by  an  easterly  wind  to  the  coast  of 
the  Isle  of  AVight,  and  finding  it- to  be  almost  undefended,  he  landed 
there,  apparently  near  Yarmouth,  and  levied  a  tliousand  marks  from 
the  inhabitants.  Thence  he  made  a  hasty  demonstration  against 
Southampton  ;  attacked  and  bm-nt  first  Poole  and  then  Hastings ; 
created  a  scare  at  Dover ;  and  on  September  10th,  was  again  before 
Calais.  After  lying  there  for  seven  days  he  was  compelled  by  bad 
weather  to  go  to  Harfieur,  where,  probably  to  the  innnense  relief  of 
the  English,  he  laid  up  his  ships  for  the  winter. '-' 

When  Parliament  met  in  October,  there  were  fresh  complaints 
concerning  the  state  of  impotence  to  which  the  navy  had  fallen  ; 

'  Or  (in  July  Gtli. 

-  Froissart's  account  tloes  not  exactly  agree  with  tlie  accounts  of  ^\'al.>iiugllaul, 
Otterboumc,  etc.  The  account  as  given  is  substantinlly  tliat  adopted  by  Prol". 
Laughton  :  'Studies  in  Nav.  Hist.,'  17,  IH. 


288  MILITARY  EISTOIiY,   1154-1399.  [137T. 

but,  as  before,  the  representations  led  to  little  or  no  amelioration.^ 
The  Government,  having  heard  that  a  squadron  of  Spanish  ships 
lay  windbound  at  Sluis,  thought  the  opportunity  a  good  one  for 
taking  vengeance  on  one  wing  of  its  enemies,  and,  in  November, 
despatched  a  fleet  under  Thomas,  Earl  of  Buckingham,  the  Duke  of 
Bretagne,  Lords  Latimer  and  Fitzwalter,  and  Sir  Robert  Knollys. 
But  a  gale,  which  came  on  in  the  night  of  the  11th,  dispersed  it, 
caused  some  of  the  smaller  ships  to  founder,  and  forced  all  the  rest 
to  return  to  port,  whence,  however,  when  they  had  refitted,  they 
sailed  again.  The  Spaniards,  who  had  quitted  Sluis,  were  followed 
to  Brest ;  and  there  the  English  would  have  attacked  them.  But, 
at  the  critical  moment,  the  division  of  Lord  Eitzwalter  not  only 
mutinied,  but  went  so  far  as  to  fall  upon  the  division  of  the  Earl 
of  Buckingham,  which,  if  not  supported  by  the,  valour  of  the 
Earl  of  Kent,  would  have  fared  badly.  This  expedition,  which 
returned  to  England  soon  after  Christmas,  afforded  other  sad 
examples  of  misbehaviour  and  cowardice.  It  may  be  noted  that 
very  general  immorality  is  said  to  have  prevailed  throughout  the 
fleet ;  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  any  fleet  in  which  numerous  women 
of  bad  character  are  embarked  must  be  ill-disciplined,  and  very  unfit 
for  war  service." 

Yet  even  in  those  dark  and  disgraceful  days  there  were 
redeeming  exploits.  The  ship  of  Sir  Thomas  Percy  had  been 
obliged  to  remain  behind,  when  the  fleet  sailed  a  second  time.  As 
soon  as  he  was  ready  for  sea,  he  sailed  with  two  bai'ges  and  some 
smaller  craft.  In  the  Channel  he  fell  in  with  about  fifty  ships, 
some  Spanish  and  some  Flamaird.  He  desired  the  latter — Flanders 
being  at  peace  with  England — to  withdraw  ;  but,  as  they  would  not, 
he  desperately  and  impulsively  attacked  the  whole  convoy,  which, 
we  may  take  it,  was  not  composed  of  fighting-ships,  and  succeeded 
in  taking  twenty-two  sail.  So,  at  least,  says  Walsingham,^  who 
also  relates  that,  a  little  earher.  Sir  Hugh  Calverley,  Captain  of 
Calais,  had  made  a  raid  on  Boulogne,  and,  finding  there  two  barges 
and  twenty-six  smaller  craft,  had  burnt  them  and  part  of  the 
town.^ 

On   December   5th,  1377,  Thomas,  Earl  of  Warwick,  was  ap- 

'  Pari.  EoUs,  iii.  3,  5,  G,  24,  25. 
^  Monk  of  Evesham,  4  ;  Walsingham,  199,  etc. 
2  Walsingham,  209. 
7i.,  199. 


1.378.]  FANIC  IN  ENGLAND.  289 

pointed  to   the   Northern,  and   Richard,  Earl    of   Arundel,'  to  the 
Western  fleet.'' 

About  January,  1378,  the  people  of  Rye  and  Winchelsea  seem  to 
have  made  an  independent  effort  to  avenge  the  injuries  which  had 
been  inflicted  on  them  by  the  enemy.  They  are  said  to  have 
embarked  in  their  barges,  and  to  have  sacked  and  burnt  Peter's  Port 
and  Vilet,  in  Normandy ;  ^  but,  as  these  places  cannot  be  identified, 
the  importance  of  the  expedition  cannot  be  appraised. 

France,  at  this  time,  became  aware  that  the  King  of  Navarre 
had  offered  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  Richard  II.,  and  with  her 
all  the  towns,  except  Cherbourg,  held  by  Navarre  in  Normandy. 
Preparations  were  therefore  made  to  seize  the  possessions  in  question 
ere  they  could  be  handed  over  to  the  English.  They  fell  rapidly 
to  the  French  arms,  and  by  the  end  of  April,  Port  Audemer,  at 
the  mouth  of  the  little  river  Rylle,  alone  held  out  against  them. 
Eeyner  Grimaldi,  with  a  squadron,  blockaded  it ;  and  Jean  de 
Vienne  besieged  it  on  the  land  side.  Salisbury  and  Anmdel,  with 
a  hundred  and  twenty  ships,  attempted  to  relieve  it,  but  in  vain. 
They  then  made  an  ineffective  attack  on  Honfleur.  Port  Audemer, 
unsuccoured,  surrendered  ;  and  the  King  of  Navarre,  having  nothing 
left  to  him  in  Normandy  except  Cherbourg,  and  being  threatened 
at  home  by  the  dc  facto  King  of  Castille,  despaired  of  being  able  to 
hold  his  own  in  Fi-ance,  and  handed  over  Cherbourg  in  pledge  tO' 
Salisbury  and  Arundel,  who  apparently  placed  a  garrison  there.* 

In  the  meantime,  England  was  still  in  a  state  of  panic.  Oxford 
was  fortified,  to  serve  as  a  central  point  of  defence  for  the  kingdom, 
in  case  the  French  should  invade  it ;  Thanet  was  filled  with  troops  ; 
and  the  royal  jewels  were  pawned.^  The  main  part  of  the  fleet 
being  on  the  French  coast,  nine  ships  hired  from  Bayonne  were 
directed  to  patrol  the  Channel,  where  they  won  a  considerable 
success  by  the  capture  of  fourteen  sail  of  a  Spanish  convoy  of 
merchantmen,   laden    with    wine    and    other    goods."     But   such    a 

'  Richard,  tenth  Earl  of  Arundel,  was  eldest  son  of  the  ninth  Earl,  and  was  born 
abi)\it  13-18,  succeeding  his  father  in  1376.  He  served  in  1377  as  admiral,  and  in 
138f>  as  Admiral  of  the  Fleet.  At  about  the  same  time  he  was  made  a  K.G.  In  138rt 
he  was  reappointed  Admiral  of  tlie  Fleet.  He  was  beheaded  on  a  charge  of  higli- 
treasoH  in  1397. 

•-  Pari.  Rolls,  1  Rirh.  II.  in.  L'-J. 

•'  Walsingham,  lill. 

■"  Again  the  text  sulistantially  follows  '  Studies  in  Nav.  Hi.st.,'  19,  20. 

■'  'Foedera,'  vii.  lS.-),-l'JO;  I'at.  Rolls,  1  Rich.  II.  p.  4,  m.  31d. 

"  Walsingham,  -\\. 

VOL.   I.  U 


290  MILITARY  niSTOEY,   1154-13119.  [1378. 

triumph  could  ha-ve  no  great  influence  i^pon  the  course  of  the  war. 

An  action  of  a  far  more  important  character  had  a  less  satisfactory 

result. 

When  Jean  de  Vienna  learnt  of  the  transfer  of  Cherbourg  to  the 

English,  he  summoned  the  allied  Spanish  squadron,  then  probably 

consisting  of  twelve  ships,  to  make  rendezvous  with  him  ofl'  the 

town,  and  himself  proceeded  thither  with  twenty-tive  ships  of  the 

French  Eoyal   Navy  and  some  smaller  craft.     Before  he  could  be 

joined    by   his    friends,   he   fell   in   \\ith   the   fleet   of   Salisbury   and 

Arundel,  which,  though  numerically  superior,  was  made  up  of  less 

powerful  vessels.     The  English  attacked  with  confidence  ;  but  the 

French  held  their  own  until  the  Spaniards  arrived  on  the  scene, 

and  decided  the  fortunes  of  the  day.     Sir  Peter  Courtenay,'  or  one  of 

the  other  sons  of  the  Earl  of  Devon,  appears  to  have  commanded  the 

English  rear,  and,  by  the  gallantry  of  his  conduct,  to  have  saved  his 

friends  from  utter  annihilation  ;  but  his  division  was  sacrificed,  and 

he  himself  was  taken  prisoner. - 

This  was  early  in  July.  It  left  the  French  free,  for  the  time, 
to  blockade  Cherbourg  and  to  control  the  Channel.  The  Duke  of 
Lancaster,  having  collected  a  large  force  at  Southampton,  sailed  to 
the  relief  of  Cherbourg  in  August,  with  Salisbury  in  naval  command. 
The  number  of  his  ships  is  unknown,  but  they  had  on  board  eight 
thousand  archers  and  four  thousand  men-at-arms.  Jean  de  Yienne 
was  not  strong  enough  to  oppose  so  great  a  force,  and  retired 
up  the  Seine,  while  Lancaster  threw  reinforcements  into  Cherbourg, 
and  then  attacked  St.  Malo,  where  he  captured  a  few  small  vessels 
of  no  importance,  and  landed  troops  to  lay  formal  siege  to  the  town.^ 

Here  he  made  the  crucial  mistake  of  neglecting  the  "  potential 
fleet."  Jean  de  A'ienne  was  not  defeated,  not  blockaded,  not  even 
watched.  He  quitted  the  Seine  with  his  Spanish  allies,  crossed 
the  Channel,  ravaged  the  coasts  of  Devon  and  Cornwall,  burnt 
Fowey,  and  returned  unmolested,  and  with  a  rich  booty .■* 

St.  Malo  proved  quite  strong  enough  to  defend  itself;  and,  as 
winter  approached,  Lancaster  raised  the  siege,  and  returned  to 
Southampton.'' 

'  Walsinghain  (211)  says.  Sir  Hugli  Courteiiay ;  Munk  nf  Eve.sliam  (0)  ;^ays  that 
Sir  Pliiliji  and  Sir  Peter  C'uiirtenay  were  present. 
2  '  Stuilies  in  Nav.  Hist.,'  20,  21. 
■'  Froi.'isart,  ii.  30;  Mollis  of  Evesham,  7. 
■*  '  Stmlies  in  Nay.  Hist.,"  21 ;  WalNinghani,  215. 
•'■  Friiissart,  ii.  40;  Ih.,  215. 


VMS.]  FATRIOTISM   OF  JOHN  MERC  Eli.  291 

While  so  much  official  ineptitude  was  being  displayed,  a  privata 
citizen  exhibited  remarkable  energy  and  patriotism.  John  Mercer, 
a  Scotsman,  had  collected  a  flotilla  of  Scots,  French,  and  Spanish 
adventurers,  and  had  taken  several  ships  belonging  to  Scarborough. 
The  Government  did  nothing  towards  the  repression  of  these 
piracies;  and  John  Philpott,  a  wealthy  merchant  ol'  London,  took 
the  matter  into  his  own  hands.  At  his  own  cost,  he  equipped  a 
thousand  men  and  a  number  of  ships,  and  not  only  recovered  the 
captured  vessels,  but  also  made  himself  master  of  fifteen  Spanish 
craft  which  had  gone  to  Mercer's  assistance.  He  was  informed  by 
the  Council  that  he  had  acted  illegally  in  sending  an  armament  to 
sea  without  their  consent.  "  I  did  not,"  he  replied,  "  expose  myself, 
my  money,  and  my  men  to  the  dangers  of  the  sea,  that  I  might 
deprive  you  and  your  colleagues  of  your  knightly  fame,  nor  to 
acquire  it  for  myself ;  but  from  pity  for  the  misery  of  the  people  and 
the  country,  which,  from  having  been  a  noble  realm  with  dominion 
over  other  nations,  has,  tbroiigh  your  supineness,  become  exposed  to 
the  ravages  of  the  vilest  race  ;  and,  since  you  would  not  lift  a  hand 
for  its  defence,  I  exposed  myself  and  my  property  for  the  safety  and 
deliverance  of  our  country."  *  This  brave  trader  seems  to  have  been 
at  the  time  Mayor  of  London.  His  patriotism,  shown  on  more  than 
one  other  occasion,  deserves  recollection. 

Once  more,  after  the  meeting  of  Parliament  in  1378,  the  state  of 
the  navy  was  made  the  subject  of  warn  remonstrances,  the  occasion 
being  a  demand  on  the  part  of  the  Crown  for  a  further  aid ;  but 
nothing  was  done  to  remedy  the  situation.-  The  only  naval  changes 
of  the  year  were  the  supersession  on  September  10th  of  the  Earl  of 
.Arundel  by  Sir  Hugh  Calverley  as  Admiral  of  the  Western  ;  and,  on 
November  .5th,  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick  by  Sir  Thomas  Percy^ 
as  Admiral  of  the  Northern  fleet.* 

For  tlie  naval  necessities  of  1379,  large  sums  of  money  were 
borrowed  from  private  individuals.^  To  Parliament,  which  met  iu 
April,  it  was  reported  that  Scarborough  had  been  attacked,  and  that 

'  Evesliani,  C  ;  AValsinglmm,  213. 

-  Tarl.  Hulls,  iii.  34,  35,  4l',  4(i. 

^  Sir  Thiimas  Percy,  Earl  of  Worcester,  was  second  son  nf  Henry,  Lord  Percy,  and 
a  near  relative  of  the  famous  Hotspur,  and  was  born  abcjut  1341.  He  olitaincd  a 
Garter  about  1376.  His  appointments  as  admiral  were  in  1378,  1385,  and  131111,  when 
lie  was  made  Admiral  of  England  and  of  Ireland.  He  had  been  created  Ivirl  of 
Worcester  in  l.'?!17.     He  was  beheaded  in  1403  for  complicity  witli  Hotspiir. 

*  Fr.  Rolls,  127. 

'  'Focdcra,"  vii.  210,  211. 

r  2 


292  MILITARY  HISTORY,    11.54-1399.  [i;JTO. 

another  descent  upon  it  was  to  be  feared.  Measures  tor  its  defence, 
and  for  the  protection  of  shipping  in  the  North  Sea,  were  re- 
commended ;  and  it  was  advised  that  a  duty  should  be  levied  upon 
certain  incoming  ships  and  goods ;  but  a  representation  by  the 
Commons  that  mariners  and  archers,  who  received  but  fourpence  a 
day,  and  were  in  consequence  quitting  their  employment,  should  be 
better  paid,  was  not  complied  with.'  On  the  other  hand,  it  was 
enacted  that  mariners  deserting  the  king's  service  should  be  fined 
and  imprisoned  for  a  year.^ 

The  adinirals,  Percy  and  Calverley,  cruised  early  in  the  year  in 
the  Channel,  and  took  a  ship  of  war  and  seven  merchantmen.^  In 
August,  Calverley  convoyed  an  army  under  the  Duke  of  Bretagne  to 
St.  Malo.  The  Enghsh  men-of-war  first  entered  the  harbour.  As 
soon  as  they  had  done  so,  a  squadron  of  French  and  Spaniards, 
which  had  been  lying  in  wait  along  the  coast,  attacked  the  transports 
and  storeships  in  the  rear,  plying  them  with  gunshot,  and  threatening 
to  capture  the  whole  of  them.  The  wind  was  against  Calverley ; 
but  he  got  out,  apparently  by  w-arping  his  ship,  and,  singlehanded, 
poured  in  so  deadly  a  flight  of  arrows  that  the  enemy's  galleys  took 
to  flight,  and  the  transports  safely  made  the  harbour.* 

But  the  year  1379  ended  very  disastrously.  Reinforcements  for 
Brittany  were  collected  at  Southampton  under  Sir  John  Arundel, 
brother  of  the  earl.  A  squadron  to  transport  the  troops  had  among 
its  commanders  Calverley,  Percy,  Sir  Thomas  Banastre,  Sir  Thomas 
Morieux,  Sir  Willian  Elmham,  and  other  knights,  and  lay  ready  in 
the  port.  As  the  wind  was  unfavourable.  Sir  John  Arundel,  in 
disregard  of  what  were  then  the  Articles  of  War,^  violently  and 
sacrilegiously  billeted  his  men  in  a  Southampton  nunnery,  where, 
in  consequence,  gross  outrages  took  place.  In  retaliation,  a  priest 
excommunicated  and  anathematised  the  culprits ;  and  there  is  no 
doubt  that  the  terrible  tragedy  which  followed  was  ultimately 
associated  in  the  minds  of  the  people  of  the  town  with  these  events. 
It  should  be  here  said  at  once  that  neither  of  the  admirals  had  any 
part  in  the  disgraceful  conduct  of  Sir  John  ;  and  it  may  be  added  as 
a  curious  coincidence  that,  if  Walsingham  may  be  trusted,  neither 
of  their  ships  lost  man  or  horse  in  the  subsequent  catastrophe. 

When  the  wind  was  fair  the  troops  embarked,  and  the  squadron 

'  Pari.  Rolls,  iii.  63.  ••  Walsingham,  232. 

-  Statutes,  ii.  8.  =  'Black  Book  of  tlie  Ailiniralty,'  i.  24. 

^  Walsingham,  224. 


l;!7'J.]  DISASTEI;    TO   AllL'NDEJ.'S   hQUADUOS.  203 

put  to  sea.  The  master  of  Arunders  ship,  llobert  liust,  of  Jihikeney, 
predicted  an  approaching  storm,  but  was  not  hstened  to.  Percy 
and  Calverley  probably  felt  that  they  had  no  option  when  Arundel 
sailed  but  to  accompany  him.  Soon  the  storm  burst  lapon  the  fleet. 
To  lighten  the  vessels,  the  soldiers  threw  overboard  as  many  things 
as  they  could  dispense  with,  and  even  drowned  sixty  wretched 
women,  some  of  whom  had  been  kidnapped  from  the  shore.  The 
ships  were  driven  out  into  the  Irish  Channel,  and  there  buffeted 
about  for  several  days.  At  length,  on  December  15th,  Arundel,  by 
violence,  obliged  his  crew  to  run  for  a  certain  island  off  the  Irish 
coast,  perhaps  Cape  Clear  or  Sherkin.  Kust  tried  to  put  the  ship 
between  the  island  and  the  mainland,  but  found  himself  in  the  midst 
of  rocks,  where  the  vessel  struck.  He  perished  in  a  gallant  attempt 
to  save  Sir  John ;  and  two  of  Sir  John's  esquires,  Devyock  and 
Musard,  besides  Sir  Thomas  Banastre,  Sir  Nicholas  Trumpington, 
and  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  with  many  men,  were  also  lost.  Twenty-five 
other  ships,  following  Arundel's  ill-advised  lead,  perished  in  the 
same  way.' 

Elsewhere  the  storm  did  equal  damage,  for  it  dispersed  a  large 
fleet  of  French,  Spanish,  and  Portuguese  ships  which  had  been 
assembled  to  oppose  Arundel's  landing.  As  soon  as  the  weather  had 
cleared  a  little.  Admiral  Sir  Thomas  Percy  fell  in  with  a  Spanish 
vessel  full  of  troops,  and,  after  an  action  of  three  hours,  took  her.'- 

The  representations  of  Parliament,  renewed  in  1880,  concerning 
the  causes  of  the  evil  state  of  the  navy,  .and  in  particular  with 
regard  to  the  practice  of  arresting  vessels  before  they  were  needed, 
produced  an  order  that  owners  should  receive  3s.  -id.  per  ton  per 
quarter  of  a  year  while  their  ships  were  in  the  service  of  the  king.^ 
The  innovation,  however,  was  to  remain  in  force  only  until  the 
following  Parliament,  and  was  merely  experimental.  On  March  8th, 
Sir  Philip  Courtenay  was  appointed  Admiral  of  the  Western,  and  ou 
April  8th,  Sir  William  Elmham,  Admiral  of  the  Xortliern  ileet.* 
The  latter  was  reappointed  in  July.^ 

The  superiority  of  the  French  in  the  Channel  during  the  period 
under  review  is  painfully  indicated  by  the  fact  that,  in  the  course  of 
the  summer,  when  it  was  desired  to  send  troops  under  the  Ear)  of 
Buckingham  to  Brittany,  the  force,  as  in  1373,  had  to  be  landed, 

'  Froissart,  ii.  8^ ;  Walsiugliain,  24:!.  *  Fr.  lioUs.  ii.  \i\. 

-  Otteiliouriif,  150  ;  Walsingliani,  'i:'.8-242.  '•'  Scots  ItoUs,  ii.  25. 

■'  Pari,  liollf,  iii.  8"j. 


2114  MILITARY  HISTORY,    1154-1390.  [1380. 

not  on  its  intended  scene  of  action,  but  at  Calais.  The  longer 
passage  could  not  be  attempted  in  face  of  the  numerous  French, 
Spanish,  and  Portuguese  galleys.'  The  exhaustion  of  England  is 
indicated  by  the  fact  that,  but  for  the  patriotic  exertions  of  John 
Philpott,  there  would  not  have  been  sufficient  transports,  and  many 
of  the'  soldiers  would  have  gone  unarmed.'-  Private  effort  on  the  part 
of  the  people  of  Hull  and  Newcastle  contributed  something  towards 
the  repression  of  piracy  in  the  North  Sea,  and  led  to  the  capture  of 
a  Scots  vessel  worth  7000  marks. - 

But,  so  far  as  the  Government  was  concerned,  the  coasts  were 
almost  entirely  undefended.  The  enemy  harried  the  Enghsh  shores 
from  Yorkshire  to  Cornwall,  sacking  Scarborough,  entering  the 
Thames  and  burning  Gravesend,  captuiing  Winchelsea,  destroying 
Hastings  and  Portsmouth,  and  seizing  Jersey  and  Guernsey.  In 
July  they  attacked  Kinsale ;  but  there,  with  the  aid  of  the  Irish, 
four  of  their  barges  and  a  balinger  were  taken,  twenty-four  English 
vessels  were  re-captured,  and  numbers  of  the  enemy  were  killed.^ 
When  Parhament  met  in  November,  a  subsidy  was  demanded  that 
the  king  might  be  enabled  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  these 
attacks ;  but  nearly  every  vessel  arrested  was  employed  in  the 
prosecution  of  the  war  in  France ;  and  in  December  there  was  a 
special  impressment  of  shipping  to  reinforce  the  Earl  of  Buckingham, 
who  was  besieging  Nantes.* 

The  internal  condition  of  England  was  not  less  bad  than  its 
external  state.  The  resources  of  the  countrj^  needed  concentration  ; 
and  foreign  expeditions  should  have  been  abandoned  pending  the 
clearance  of  the  foe  from  the  Narrow  Seas ;  yet  early  in  1381  a  force 
under  the  Earl  of  Cambridge  was  sent  to  assist  Portugal  in  her 
struggle  with  Spain. ^  A  little  later,  when  Anne  of  Bohemia  was  on 
her  way  to  England  to  become  the  bride  of  the  king,  the  home  seas 
were  so  unsafe  that  the  princess  remained  a  month  at  Brussels, 
fearing  capture  by  Norman  pirates  who  were  known  to  be  cruising 
along  the  Netherlands  coast ;  and  finally,  rather  than  risk  crossing 
from  Sluis,  Ostend,  or  Flushing,  she  went  overland  to  Calais,  and 
thence  reached  Dover.*^ 

'  Froissart,  ii.  94;  Walsingliam,  243  ;  >ronk  of  Evesham,  lil. 

-  Walsingliam,  248. 

'  ]h.,  240. 

*  Pari.  Eolls,  iii.  88;  Fr.  Hulls,  4  Eicli.  11.  iii.  20. 

^  Froissart,  ii.  169;  Walsinghani,  257,  259;  Otterbourne,  154. 

«  Ih.,  ii.  181. 


138."..]  KEEPING    THE   COAST  BY   CONTRACT.  2U5 

On  October  'iGth,  1382,  Sir  Walter  Fitzwalter  became  Adminil  of 
the  Northern,  and  Sir  John  Koche,  who  had  previously  held  a  minor 
command.  Admiral  of  the  ^\'l'sto^n  fleet. ^  The  naval  events  of  the 
year  were  few.  In  the  spring,  some  ships  of  Eye  re-took  an  English 
vessel,  the  Falcon,  sometime  the  property  of  Lord  Latimer,  and 
captured  six  other  craft ;  -  but  no  other  successes  are  recorded  ;  and, 
from  the  tone  of  the  remonstrances  by  Parliament,  it  must  be 
supposed  that  the  trade  and  the  coasts  continued  to  suffer,  as  before, 
from  the  depredations  of  the  enemy.  The  remonstrances  in  1383 
told  the  same  tale. 

A  curious  arrangement  for  the  protection  of  the  coasts  seems  to 
have  been  made  at  about  this  time ;  for  in  May,  1383,  all  persons 
were  enjoined  to  aid  and  assist  two  merchants  and  two  mariners  who 
had  undertaken  to  keep  the  sea-coast  from  Winchelsea  to  Berwick. 
Ships  and  men  were  impressed  for  the  same  object.^  It  is  possible 
that  the  business  was  famied  out  by  the  Government,  the  under- 
takers receiving  a  large  proportion  of  captures  and  perhaps  a  subsidy  ; 
but  the  arrangement,  whatever  it  may  have  been,  does  not  appear  to 
have  endured  for  long.  It  was  in  accordance,  however,  with  the 
spirit  of  the  age ;  for  in  the  same  year,  Henry  Spencer,  the  warlike 
Bishop  of  Norwich,  made  a  kind  of  contract  to  carry  on  the  war  in 
Flanders,  and  to  relieve  Ghent.*  Ships  were  arrested  for  the  passage, 
which  was  delayed  until  about  the  middle  of  May  by  bad  weather, 
many  of  the  vessels  collected  being  seriously  damaged.  As  soon  as 
he  had  crossed,  the  bishop  marched  from  Calais,  and  besieged  Ypres.^ 
The  French  fitted  out  five  balingers,  especially  to  cut  his  communi- 
cations by  sea ;  but  ships  from  Portsmouth  and  Dartmouth  captured 
the  whole  of  the  vessels.*^  Other  light  is  thrown  upon  the  subject  by 
the  proceedings  of  Parliament,  which,  while  granting  a  moiety  of  a 
fifteenth  for  the  defence  of  the  realm,  and  continuing  the  duty  on 
wines  and  other  goods  for  the  keeping  of  the  sea,  stipulated  that  the 
money  should  be  delivered  to  the  admirals,  and  not  put  to  farm. 
The  admirals,  Henry,  Earl  of  Northumberland,  in  the  north,  and 
Edward,  Earl  of  Devon,  in  the  west,  undertook  to  do  what 
they    could ;     Ijut    declined    to    give    Parliament    any    guarantee    to 

'   l"r.  r.olls,  ii.  l;58.  -  WaLsingliani,  :W8. 

»  Fr.  Holls,  ii.  142.  *  Tail.  lioll.s,  iii.  1-18. 

^  '  Foxlcra,'   vii.  3'Jl,  :i'Jl-;!!l',) ;    Clnoii.  de  St.    Denis,    i.   L'oO  ;   Ottcil«>unio,  l.J7 : 
Froissart,  ii.  2(58  ;  Kiiigliton,  2G72  ;  Walsin'^liam,  o27. 
''  \V,ilsiiiglu\ia,  :i:!l. 


206  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1151-i:J'J&.  [1385. 

aecure  the  safety  of  the  sea.  Not  content  with  this,  the  Coninions 
desired  to  withdraw  what  they  had  previously  granted ;  but  the 
king  declared  that  he  himself,  with  the  advice  of  his  Council 
and  the  admirals,  would  provide  for  the  keeping  of  the  sea, 
and  would  see  that  the  whole  of  the  grant  should  be  applied  for 
that  object.^ 

In  January,  1384,  a  provisional  truce  was  concluded  with 
France ;  but  it  was  quickly  broken  by  a  barge  of  Dieppe  which 
captured  a  ship  belonging  to  York  off  Great  Yarmouth,  and, 
apparently,  also  by  a  French  attempt  upon  the  Isle  of  Wight.  In 
April,  the  Mayor  of  Southampton  was  ordered  to  seize  the  French 
craft  in  his  port  by  way  of  reprisals  for  the  first-mentioned  breach 
of  the  convention." 

In  Januarj',  1385,  there  was  an  impressment  of  ships  for  an 
expedition  to  Portugal,  and  Portuguese  vessels,  seamen,  and  goods 
in  English  ports  were  arrested.  Sir  Thomas  Percj^  was  in  the 
same  month  appointed  to  the  Northern,  and  Sir  John  Badyngton, 
Prior  of  the  Order  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem,  to  the  Western 
fleet.^ 

The  j-ear  was  a  critical  one  for  England.  Charles  VI.  of 
France,  advised  by  Jean  de  Vienne,  assembled  at  Sluis  a  fleet  of  six 
hundred  sail  and  an  immense  armj'  for  the  invasion  of  England.* 
Bichard,  conscious  of  his  weakness,  attempted  to  negotiate,  and  in 
March  secured  a  partial  truce  for  two  months ;  but  the  delay 
benefited  hiiQ  but  little,  and  enabled  Charles  to  complete  his  pre- 
parations. Nor  did  the  truce  cover  operations  by  sea.^  The  English 
admirals  more  than  once  sighted  the  French  fleets  in  the  Channel, 
but,  deterred  either  by  fear  or  by  internal  dissensions,  dared  not 
attack  them.^  Some  private  ships  of  Portsmouth  and  Dartmouth, 
however,  set  an  example  to  the  navy  by  entering  the  Seine  and 
taking  four  and  sinking  four  French  vessels  which  they  found 
there,"  and  at  length  some  rather  spiritless  efforts  against  the  French 
at  Sluis  were  made,  but  without  important  results." 

The  scheme  of  the  enemy  involved  the  dispatch  to  Scotland  of  a 

'  I'arl.  Bolls,  iii.  152,  IGO. 

-  Close  Rolls,  7  Rich.  II.  m.  7. 

"  '  Foedera,'  vii.  453,  455  ;  Fr.  Rolls,  S  Rich.  II.  la.  12. 

■*  Chron.  de  St.  Denis,  i.  350. 

^  Walsingham,  342. 

"  lb.,  342  ;  Kiiightou,  2G7(J. 

'  Des  Ursiiis,  47. 


1385.]  JEAN  DE    VIENNE  IN   THE  EOItTU.  297 

relatively  small  force,  its  object  being  to  draw  Ilichard  to  the  north  ; 
and  the  subsequent  descent  upon  the  south  and  east  coasts  of 
England  of  the  main  body.  In  pursuance  of  this,  Jean  de  Vienne 
sailed  in  May  with  sixty  ships,  and  in  due  course  entered  the  Forth. ^ 
The  Scots,  though  hostile  to  England,  did  not  particularly  welcome 
their  French  aUies  ;  and  the  behaviour  at  the  Scots  court  of  the 
Admiral  of  France  is  said  to  have  seriously  offended  King  Robert  II.'- 
But  the  plan  worked  as  had  been  intended ;  and  Eichard,  witli  an 
army  of  about  70,000  men,  hurried  northwards.  Had  the  invasion 
from  Sluis  been  then  attempted,  it  would  probably  have  been 
successful,  for  the  English  fleet  was  mismanaged  and  demoralised, 
and  the  flower  of  the  English  army  had  been  drawn  away.  But, 
the  energetic  influence  of  Jean  de  Vienne  having  ceased  to  supervise 
the  preparations  in  the  Netherlands,  the  French  fleet  was  not  ready 
when  it  was  wanted  ;  and  so,  for  the  time,  the  project  fell  through. 
The  ships  were  ordered  back  to  their  various  ports  in  September,  to 
be  laid  up  for  the  winter;  and  while  they  were  dispersing,  they 
suifered  in  more  ways  than  one. 

One  division  of  them  was  overtaken  by  a  storm  in  the  Channel, 
many  vessels  being  driven  ashore  near  Calais.  On  September  14th, 
eleven  French  craft  foundered  in  sight  of  Calais,  and  their  crews 
were  taken  prisoners.  On  the  17th,  seventy-two  French  ships, 
while  passing  the  Strait  of  Dover,  were  attacked  by  the  Calais 
garrison  under  Sir  "William  Beauchamp,  and  a  large  barge  and 
eighteen  other  vessels  were  captured.  Again,  on  the  '20tb,  after  an 
action  of  six  hom-s  with  forty-five  very  large  French  vessels,  the 
Calais  flotilla  took  two  ships  and  a  cog,  together  with  two  French 
admirals,  and  killed  or  took  two  hundred  and  twenty-six  men.''  On 
yet  another  occasion.  Sir  John  Eadyngton  took  two  richly  laden 
carracks.  In  short,  before  the  end  of  the  year,  a  great  number  of 
vessels,  estimated  by  Knighton  at  forty-eight  and  by  Walsingham 
at  more  than  eighty,  became  English  prizes ;  and,  if  only  the  navy 
had  been  properly  handled,  the  French  fleet  should  have  been 
entirely  disabled. 

Unhappily   the   Government    starved    the   fleet   as    usual,    and 

'  Froissart,  ii.  314;  Cliron.  deSt.  Denis,  i.  3G4 ;  Kniijhton,  liGTl ;  \V:ilsiii;j:liaiii,  312; 
Otterbourue,  IGO  ;  Monk  of  Evesliam,  Gl. 

''  Chron.  de  St.  Denis,  i.  390,  392  ;  Des  Ursins,  i.  49. 

=  Walsinf,'liani,  346  ;  Otterbourue,  101 ;  Evesliam,  04.  Ivni;j;htun  (2GT0)  says  that 
fortv-ciiiht  vessels  were  taken  in  the  artiun  ct'  tlie  20th. 


298  MILITARY  HISTORY,    1154-130'J.  [1386. 

snubbed  the  Commons,  who  endeavoured  to  improve  its  inefficiency 
and  to  secure  better  management  of  it.  The  allowance  per  ton  in 
respect  of  ships  serving  the  king  was  set  at  2s.  instead  of  at  3-s.  Ad. 
a  quarter,  as  Parliament  had  recommended ;  and  the  Commons' 
request  to  know^  who  were  to  be  appointed  admirals  for  the  ensuing 
year  was  answered  by  the  king's  assurance  that  he  would  appoint 
competent  persons.^  The  officers  eventually  selected  in  February, 
1386,  w-ere  Sir  Philip  D'Arcy  for  the  Northern,  and  Sir  Thomas 
Trivet  for  the  Western  command ;  -  but  on  December  10th,  the  two 
fleets  were  combined  under  Richard,  Earl  of  Arundel,  who  held  the 
office  of  Admiral-in-Chief  until  May  18th,  1389.^ 

It  was  perfectly  well  known  that  the  French  intended  to  renew 
the  attempt  at  invasion  in  1386  ;  yet  the  country  was  dehberately 
drained  both  of  ships  and  men  early  in  that  year,  in  order  to  enable 
John  of  Gaunt  to  prosecute  his  claim  to  the  throne  of  Castille. 
Undignified  efforts  were  made,  in  the  meantime,  to  obtain  peace 
from  Scotland  as  well  as  from  France.* 

This  mad  and  purely  selfish  scheme  of  John  of  Gaunt  almost  led 
to  the  ruin  of  England.  Even  when  France  had  laid  siege  to  Calais, 
and  the  French  fleet  had  reassembled  for  the  purpose  of  invasion, 
John's  ships  and  men  were  exempted  from  arrest  and  impressment, 
although  England  obviously  needed  every  vessel  within  her  borders.® 
Nor  was  the  Government  less  blind  in  other  matters.  In  June, 
Sir  Phihp  D'Arcy,  between  Dover  and  Sandwich,  took  some  large 
Genoese  cogs  and  six  carracks  bound  for  Sluis,  and  known  to  be 
laden  with  stores  for  the  benefit  of  the  enemy  ;  but  the  prizes 
were  presently  returned,  and  compensation  w'as  made  to  their 
owners." 

When  John  of  Gaunt  sailed  in  July,  he  carried  with  him  two 
hundred  vessels  under  Sir  Thomas  Percy,  and  twenty  thousand 
picked  troops,'  besides  a  Portuguese  contingent  of  twenty-five  sail 
vmder  Admiral  Don  Alfonso  Vretat.  On  his  way  south,  the  Duke 
attempted  to  reduce  Brest.  On  the  sea  face  of  the  town  a  line  was 
formed  of  the  ships,  which  were  moored  and  securely  fastened  one 
to  another,  and  furnished  with  platforms  covered  with  earth,  on 
which  were  erected  wooden  towers  and  other  engines.  On  shore, 
two  wooden  castles  were  built  of  ships'  spars,  and  on  them  were 

'  rail.  l!u:is,  iii.  212,  21.3.  -  Fr.  Eolls,  lol.  '  lb.,  10  liicli.  II.  m.  18. 

«  '  Fffidera,'  vii.  492,  498.  ^  lb.,  vii.  oOG,  507. 

"  Knighton,  20T8  ;  Walsiiigham,  .354 ;  Evesham,  7.3.  '   Knighton,  2676. 


1380.]  A   PORTABLE  FORTRESS.  299 

luachiues  for  hurling  missiles ;  but  after  onl_y  three  days,  John  of 
Gaunt  wearied  of  the  siege  and  withdrew,  reaching  Corunna  on 
August  9th,  and  there  landing  all  his  troops  and  stores  before  the 
town,  which  was  in  possession  of  the  French,  and  sending  his  ships 
back  to  their  ports. ^  On  its  return  to  England,  the  fleet  appears  to 
have  made  a  few  small  prizes,  and  to  have  retaken  a  vessel  which 
had  previously  been  lost  to  the  Spaniards. - 

The  French  preparations  were  on  an  unexampled  scale.  Frois- 
sart  says  that  they  had  collected  thirteen  hundred  and  eighty-seven 
sail  in  and  about  Sluis ;  the  writer  of  the  '  Chronique  de  Saint 
Denis '  puts  the  number  at  more  than  nine  hundred,  besides  store- 
ships  and  horse  transports;  Walsingham  speaks  of  twelve  liundred 
ships  and  six  hundred  thousand  troops ;  and  Otterbourne  declares 
that  there  were  three  thousand  vessels  ;  but  Froissart,  who  was  an 
eye-witness,  may  be  believed  on  this  point,  in  preference  to  all  other 
historians.  One  of  the  main  features  of  the  preparations  was  the 
construction  of  a  huge  but  portable  wooden  fortress,''  designed  to 
shelter  the  knights  after  their  landing ;  but  the  seventy-two 
transports  conveying  it,  in  sections,  to  Sluis  from  Brittany  were 
dispersed  by  a  gale,  and  some  of  them,  driven  into  the  Thames, 
were  taken.  The  captured  sections,  set  up  for  public  show  near 
London,*  seem  to  have  excited  much  ridicule. 

But  while  France  was  wasting  time  in  what  may  be  called 
needless  elaboration  of  preparation,  England  was  beginning  to 
recover  from  panic,  though  the  recovery  was  rather  on  the  part  of 
the  people  than  on  the  part  of  the  Government.  Laughton'^  attri- 
butes the  improvement  to  the  abolition  of  some  of  the  offensive 
privileges  formerly  granted  to  foreigners,  and  to  the  edict  of  1381, 
which  forbade  the  import  and  export  of  merchandise  by  English 
subjects  in  foreign  bottoms.  As  for  the  Government,  it  did  little 
until  the  danger  was  nearly  over,  and  until  the  projected  inva- 
sion was  on  the  point  of  being  again  postponed.  Not  until 
September  28th,  or  later,  does  any  considerable  force  appear  to  have 
been  ordered  to  sea.     Not,  perhaps,  until  the  beginning  of  1387  was 

'  FroLssart,  ii.  48G-188 ;  Chnm.  tie  St.  Denis,  i.  -ioi.i,  4;'.T. 

-  Knighton,  2678. 

'  Walsingham  iiays  that  it  was  twenty  feet  high,  and  three  tlnuisand  paces  long, 
with  towers  at  intervals. 

■*  Walsingham  says,  at  Sandwich,  fur  the  defence  of  the  town  (p.  354);  Knighton 
says,  around  Winihelsea  (2G7;i). 

'  'Studies  in  Xav.  Hist.,"  I'D,  27. 


300  MILITABY  HISTOIir,   1154-1399.  [1387. 

a   respectable   fleet,  under  Arundel    and    Sir   Hugh    Bpencer,  in   a 
position  to  essay  the  reconquest  of  the  Channel. 

In  October,  1386,  or  very  early  in  November,  owing  to  various 
delays  and  to  internal  dissensions,  the  French  put  off  the  venture, 
and  again  proceeded  to  lay  up  their  ships.  As  before,  many  of  them 
were  wrecked  or  taken  as  they  dispersed.'  Arundel,  in  the  spring  of 
1387,  captured  nearly  the  whole  of  a  Franco-Burgundian  fleet,  laden 
with  wine  and  other  valuable  merchandise ;  -  bi^t  on  the  way  home 
part  of  the  English  squadron  under  Spencer  fell  in  with  a  French 
flotilla  off  the  Normandy  coast,  and  was  taken  or  destroyed. 
Froissart,  who  says  that  the  enemy  was  under  Jean  de  Bucq, 
Admiral  of  the  Flamand  Sea,  gives  a  detailed  account  of  the  earlier 
action,  which  he  declares  was  fought  off'  Gadzand  (beginning 
probably  on  March  24th  and  lasting  three  tides)  ;  but  his  story 
differs  in  most  respects  from  the  version  generally  adopted,  and,  in 
some  particulars,  is  manifestly  inaccurate.  In  any  event,  the 
success,  although  most  welcome,  can  scarcely  be  regarded  as  a  great 
naval  victory. 

Jean  de  Vienne  and  Olivier  de  Clisson,  Constable  of  France, 
organised  a  more  modest  scheme  of  invasion  for  1387.  They 
assembled  two  fleets  of  moderate  size,  with  the  intention  of  simul- 
taneously directing  one  upon  Orwell  and  the  other  upon  Dover. ^ 
At  the  critical  moment,  however,  Clisson  was  taken  prisoner  by  the 
Duke  of  Bretagne.  Jean  de  Yienne,  who  lay  at  Harfleur,  ready  to 
sail  for  Dover,  was  anxious  to  go  on  in  spite  of  the  misfortune  to  his 
colleague;  but  the  nobles  and  knights  refused  to  support  him.  and, 
although  Clisson  was  soon  liberated,  the  expedition  had  ere  then 
finally  collapsed.* 

In  the  summer  of  1387,  all  the  men-at-arms  and  archers  in  the 
fleet  were  placed  under  the  captaincy  of  Sir  Henry  Percj^  better 
known  in  history  as  Hotspur.^  He  probably  exercised  authority 
only  when  the  men  were  landed.  In  the  course  of  the  3'ear  he 
contributed  to  the  relief  of  the  castle  of  Brest ;  but  it  does  not 
appear  that  he  was  much  afloat.  In  the  autumn  John  Gedney, 
Constable  of  Bordeaux,  convoyed  to  Gascony  the  fleet  bound  thither 

'  Walsingham,  354  ;  Evesham,  Tl.i ;  Cliroii.  de  St.  Denis,  i.  459. 

^  Des  Ursins,  58 ;  Chroii.  de  St.  Denis,  i.  4(i0. 

^  Froissart,  ii.  578. 

'  Ik,  ii.  581,  583,  588. 

•■■  Fr.  Trolls,  156  ;  Kniglitoii,  2090. 


l-JSO.]  THE   COMMANDS  AT  SEA.  301 

for  wine.^  In  October,  as  well  as  in  Februaiy  following,  there  were 
arrests  of  shipping. 

From  the  spring  to  the  autumn  of  1388  an  English  fleet  was  at 
sea  under  the  Earl  of  Arundel,  and  was  contributing,  by  the  general 
character  of  its  operations,  to  the  restoration  of  public  confidence  in 
the  navy.  It  captured  and  pillaged  Marans,  attacked  La  Kochelle, 
fought  an  insignificant  running  action  at  long  gun  shot  with  some 
French  galleys,  and  plundered  several  places  in  Normandy,  taking 
or  sinking,  while  on  the  cruise,  eight  vessels.^  No  great  amount  of 
glory  was  won ;  but  the  English  coasts  were  relieved  for  the  first 
time  for  many  years  from  the  fear  of  the  enemy.  In  the  next 
spring  a  private  merchant  of  Dartmouth  hired  some  Portuguese 
vessels,  which  captured  for  him  thirty-two  craft  laden  with  wine.'' 

The  year  1389  saw  the  temporary  termination  of  official  hostilities 
with  France,  and  the  supersession  of  Arundel  as  sole  Admiral.  The 
changes  in  the  command  of  the  fleet  were  so  numerous  that  the 
successive  appointments  may  best  be  given  together : — 

May   18th:    John,    Earl    of    Huntingdon,    Admiral    of    the 

Western  fleet. ^ 
May  20th :  John,  Lord  Beaumont,  Admiral  of  the  Northern 

fleet.* 
May  31st :  Sir  John  Eoche,  sole  Admiral.* 
June  "i'ind :    John,  Lord  Beaumont,  Admiral  of  the  Northern 

fleet.^ 
June   •22nd :    John,    Earl    of    Huntingdon,    Admiral    of    the 

Western  fleet. ^ 

No  expectation  was  cherished  of  the  permanence  of  the  truce, 
and  both  countries  remained  in  readiness  to  recommence  hostilities 
at  short  notice ;  yet  the  state  of  tension  did  not  prevent  the  forma- 
tion in  1390  of  a  composite  force  of  Englishmen,  Frenchmen, 
Bretons  and  others  to  act  against  the  pirates  and  infidels  of  Tunis. 
In  the  attack  on  that  place  the  Enghsh  archers  are  said  to  have 
fought  boldly,  and  to  have  been  first  on  shore." 

On  March  22nd,  1391,  Edward,  Earl  of  Eutland,  grandson  of 
Edward  III.,  was  appointed  Admiral  of  the  Northern  fleet, ^  and  on 

'  '  t'tedera,'  vii.  5G.'j.  '"  Fiuissart,  ii.  701-705,  7-15,  74G,  754. 

■'  Walsingham,  3G6  ;  Otterlxjunic,  175  ;  Eve^liam,  10.3. 

*  Fr.  EoUs,  12  Rich.  ll.  m.  4.  ~  lb.,  13  Rich.  II.  m.  '26. 

•^  Fioissart,  iii.  57.  '  Fr.  RoUp,  14  Rich.  II.  m.  3. 


302  MILITABY  IIISTOllT,   1154-1399.  [i:Ht9. 

November  "iOth  following  lie  was  made  sole  Admiral.'  He  held  the 
office  until  1398  when,  on  May  9th,  John  Beaufort,  Marquis  of 
Dorset,  succeeded  him  as  Admiral  of  both  fleets  "  for  life,"  being 
already  Admiral  of  the  Irish  fleet  "for  life.'-  The  change  of 
dynasty  materially  curtailed  his  enjoyment  of  his  offices,  but  he 
served  as  Admiral  again  before  he  died. 

The  close  of  the  reign  of  Eichard  II.  was,  navally,  uneventful. 
From  tinie  to  time  ships  were  fitted  out  for  the  conveyance  of  royal 
or  noble  personages  to  Ireland,  to  Guienne,  to  Calais,  and  to  other 
places  ;  but  there  were  no  occurrences  deserving  of  special  mention. 
And  when,  on  July  4th,  1399 — Richard  being  then  employed  in 
Ireland — Henry,  Duke  of  Lancaster,  sailed  from  Boulogne  ^  with 
eight  small  ships  and  two  "passengers"  to  take  nominally  his 
inheritance  but  really  the  Crown,  there  was  no  naval  opposition 
whatsoever.  He  landed  at  Eavensrode,  or,  according  to  Walsingham 
and  Otterbourne,  between  Hull  and  Bridlington,  where  few  had 
ever  landed  before ;  and  in  less  than  three  months  he  was  the 
recognised  King  of  England. 

1  Fr.  Rolls,  15  Rich.  11.  iri.  7. 

"-  Pat,  Rolls,  21  Rich.  II.  p.  ;'.,  iii.  2:!. 

'  Otterbourne,  201. 


(     303     ) 


CHAPTER  IX. 

A-OYAGES    AND    DISCOVErxIES,    1154-18n<,). 

H.  W.  Wilson. 

Welsli  claiiii  tu  tlie  ili.'icoverv  nl'  Aiuerifa— Tlie  story  of  Madoc — Believers  in  the  tale — 
Origin  of  the  tradition — Its  first  aiipearaiice — Karly  autliorities  for  Madoc — 
Pliilological  conjectures — Llwyd — Powel — Ilerliert — Were  the  Mexicans  Welsli  ? 
— Stories  of  Welsh  Indians — Morgan  Jones — The  Doegs — Stcdnian's  figments — 
(iritfiths — Evans — Xo  Welsh  Indians  discovered — Antiquarian  eviilence  lacking — 
iMexican  rites — Explanation  of  the  Madoc  story — Madoc  went  to  Ireland — Early 
navigation  of  the  Welsh — Advance  of  English  sliipping — Kelations  with  Norway 
— Scotland — Marco  Polo  and  Mandeville — Trade  with  Iceland — Continuous  inter- 
course— Did  the  English  get  further? — Macham  discovers  Madeira — Calamities 
hefall  him — First  apjiearance  of  the  story — Improliabilities — Nicholas  of  Lynn — 
Tlie  '  Inventio  Fortunata' — The  liuyschmap — The  Zeni — "/ichinni,"  an  Orkney 
man — Source  of  the  Zeno  storj- — The  story — "Frislanda" — Nicolo  Zeno  goes  to 
"  Engroneland" — Tale  of  the  fisherman — "  Fstotiland  " — "  Drogio  " — Voyage  of 
"Zichnnu" — Difticidties  of  the  narrative — Who  was  "Zichmni"? — Identification 
of  names — "  Frislanda  "  the  Faroe  Islands — Or  Iceland — Mistakes  of  the  yoiniger 
Zeno — The  jieople  of  Drogio — Identification  of  "  Engroneland  "  difiicult— The 
Zeno  map — Its  accuracy — A  plagiarism — Evidence  against  the  narratixe. 


E^ 


I NTHUSIASTIC  Welshmen  liave  claimed  for 
one  Madoc  or  Madog,  the  son  of  Owain 
Gwynedd,  who,  so  far  as  can  be  ascertained, 
flourished  about  1160,  the  discovery  of  America. 
The  story  runs  that  there  were  constant  feuds  and 
contentions  between  the  sons  of  Owain,  and  that  at  this  Madoc's 
heart  was  greatly  troubled,  as  he  foresaw  that  Wales  would  be 
ruined  by  family  discord.  Accordingly,  to  avoid  disputes  and  to 
escape  from  the  impending  fate  of  his  countrj',  he  made  up  his 
mind  to  voyage  in  search  of  some  place  where  he  might  settle 
down  in  safety.  The  celebrated  passage  of  Seneca,  foretelling  the 
discovery  of  a  new  world,  is  said  by  one  of  his  biographers  to  have 
suggested  this  course  to  him.  With  ships,  men,  and  provisions, 
he  at  length  set  out  from  Abergwilley  (Abergele?)  in  1170. 
Favoured  by  wind  and  sea,  after  some  weeks'  sailing  to  the  west, 
he  descried  land,  which  some  have  supposed  to  be  Newfoundland. 


oOi  VOYAGES   AND   DISCOVERIES,   1154-1399.  [1170. 

With  this  country  he  was  greatly  pleased,  and  after  carefully 
examining  the  coast,  discovered  a  convenient  spot  on  which  to 
plant  a  settlement.  Here  he  went  ashore  with  all  his  men, 
fortified  a  post,  and  leaving  one  hundred  and  twenty  of  his 
company  to  protect  it,  once  more  put  out  to  sea.  He  returned 
without  further  adventure  to  Wales,  where  he  told  his  countrymen 
of  his  vo5'age,  the  richness  of  soil  in  the  new  discovered  land,  the 
amiability  of  the  natives,  the  wealth  to  be  found  there;  in  short, 
everything  which  could  attract  settlers.  He  complained  to  them 
that  they  fought  for  barren  lands  when  there  was  all  this  to  be  had 
without  fighting.  Finally  he  succeeded  in  inducing  many  to  join 
him,  and  once  more  put  to  sea  with  ten  ships  loaded  with  provisions. 
The  second  voyage  occupied  eight  months  and  ten  days,  but  in  the 
course  of  time  Madoc  regained  his  settlement.  There  he  found  but 
few  of  his  garrison  left,  and  the  storytellers  ascribe  this  to  their 
incautious  indulgence  in  the  fruits  of  a  strange  country,  or  to  the 
hostihty  of  the  natives.^  Aided  by  his  brothers  Eineon  and  Idwal, 
Madoc  restored  order,  andt  hen  awaited  the  arrival  of  more  Welsh- 
men. Xo  one,  however,  had  the  grace  to  follow,  whether  because 
of  wars  with  England  or  because  courage  was  wanting.  For  one 
generation  the  colony  kept  together,  with  the  Welsh  law  and 
language,  and  the  Christian  religion.  Then,  as  time  went  on,  they 
intermarried  with  the  natives,  and  were  by  slow  degrees  absorbed. - 
This  is  a  very  pretty  story,  and  may  be  said  to  have  been 
universally  accepted  and  believed  in  Wales  at  the  beginning  of  this 
century,  whilst  the  poet  Southey  was  for  a  time  convinced  of  the 
discoveries  of  the  Welsh  prince,  and  Baron  Humboldt  considered 
that  they  deserved  respectful  investigation,  adding,  "I  by  no  means 
share  the  contempt  with  which  some  writers  treat  the  story."  ^     It 


'  The  substance  ol"  tliis  account  is  drawn  from  Sir  Thomas  Herbert's  '  Travels  iuto 
Africa  and  Asia,'  quoted  in  Stepliens'  (T.)  '  Madoc,'  30,  31. 

-  Evans'  '  Drych  y  Prif  Oesoedd,'  quoted  in  '  Madoc,'  39. 

'  'Cosmos'  (Bohn),  ii.  010.  R.  H.  Major — a  good  authority — shares  his  respect. 
Cohimlius,  Letters,  xx.  Otlier  autliorities  wlio  appear  to  have  accepted  tlie  story  with 
some  qualification  are  Torf;eus,  '  Historia  Yiulaudias';  Carte,  'History  of  England'; 
Campbell, '  Admirals ' :  Lyttletou,  '  Henry  the  Second ' ;  Pinkerton, '  A^oyages '  (xii.  157). 
Boweu  (B.  F.),  '  America  Discovered  by  the  Welsh '  (Phila.  187G),  makes  a  very  great 
deal  out  of  a  very  little,  and  seems  over-credulous.  De  Costa,  '  Pre-Columbian  Voyages 
of  Welsh'  (Albany,  1891),  accepts  Madoc's  discovery.  But  all  these  writers  appear  to 
liave  been  deceived  by  the  garbled  renderings  and  citations  of  Powel.  T.  Stephens' 
monograpii  on  Madoc  ('  Madoc,'  by  Thos.  Stephens,  London,  1893)  is  at  once  exhaustive, 
distinguished  by  critical  acumen,  and,  if  sceptical,  convincing.     A  full  bibliogwiihy  is 


llTu.]  THE  MAD 00  LEGEND.  305- 

becomes,  therefore,  iiuportaut  to  examine  the  sources  from  which 
the  story  has  been  derived  and  the  story  itself.  It  is  perfectly 
obvious  that  even  if  it  is  substantiahy  true,  many  of  the  details  must 
have  no  surer  foundation  than  tlie  iinai,'ination  of  writers.  How, 
for  instance,  was  it  possible  to  know  the  length  of  time  occupied  by 
the  second  voyage,  if  with  it  all  intercourse  between  the  new  colony 
and  Wales  had  ceased  ?  But  though  one  historian  has  gone  so  far 
as  to  give  the  exact  strength,  viz.,  eighteen  vessels,  and  three 
thousand  men,  of  the  force  which  sailed  on  the  second  expedition,' 
and  the  exact  date,  1164,  with  the  further  details  that  Madoc  took 
possession  of  the  Mexican  throne,  and  that  the  family  traditions  of 
the  Aztecs,  when  Cortes  arrived,  clearly  showed  their  connection 
with  Wales ;  and  though  another  has  recorded  the  discovery  of 
Madoc's  epitaph  in  the  West  Indies,-  such  things  add  discredit  but 
do  not  wholly  disprove.  It  is  the  nature  of  a  tradition  to  acquii'e 
detail  in  transmission. 

First,  then,  as  to  the  sources  of  the  tradition.  There  is  no 
allusion  to  Madoc  in  the  'Brut  y  Tywysogion,'  or  '  The  Chronicle 
of  the  Princes  of  Wales,'  which  appears  to  have  been  composed  in 
the  twelfth  century,  about  Madoc's  date,  and  which  makes  frequent 
mention  of  Owain  Gwynedd,  his  father.^  Madoc  is  lu'st  mentioned 
by  a  twelfth-century  poet^  as  having  been  slain,  apparently  in 
1)attle.  As  the  poem,  in  which  this  reference  occiu's,  opens  with  an 
appeal  to  Owain,  and  laments  the  death  of  several  of  his  children, 
it  is  only  fair  to  conclude  that  here  is  the  Madoc  who  was  supposed 
to  have  sailed  to  America.  Another  poem,  by  its  reference  to  "  an 
assassin  slaying  Madoc,"  ^  strengthens  this  belief.  It  is  not  till  the 
middle  or  close  of  the  fifteenth  century  that  there  is  any  trace  of 
the  tradition  as  we  now  have  it,  when  Meredydd  ap  Khys  sings, 


given  in  U.  V>.  Autlerson's  'America  not  Discovered  by  Columbus '  (Cliicago,  188.'^), 
jip.  142-14U.  To  this  should  be  added  the  article  "Ma<log"in  the  'Diet.  Xational 
Biography,'  vol.  .'So,  whicli  is  distinctly  unfavourable.  Other  references  are  given  in 
.T.  Winsor's  'History  of  America'  (London,  18H!l),  vol.  i.  Ill,  note  S. 

'  Jlorgan,  '  Hritisli  Kymry,'  166. 

-  Howell,  ((uoted  in  Madoc,  37. 

■'  Moil.  Brit.,  ;i-t,  05.  Vidf  also  text  in  the  same  volume.  The  d:ilc  of  the  MS.  of 
the  Brut  is  fourteenth  century.  It  is  ascril)ed  to  one  t'aradoc.  'i'he  absence  of  all 
mention  of  Madoc  is  not  absolutely  conclusive,  as  the  book  may  have  been  composed 
before  he  became  prominent. 

*  CyiKldelw,  Madoc,  8. 

■"'  Idywardi,  Madoc,  I'J.  The  oft -quoted  passage  from  lilywarch,  "Kcr  aber 
C'ongwy,"  etc.,  seems  to  have  notliing  wliatever  to  ilo  with  Madoc.     Madoc,  20-3,  notes. 

VOL.    I.  X 


30G  VOYAGES  AND   DISGOVEEIES,   11.54-1399.  [1170. 

• 

"  Madoc,.tiTie  whelp  of  Owain  Gw_vnedd,  would  not  have  land  or 
great  wealth,  but  the  broad  sea,"  and  all^^des  to  his  passion  for  the 
sea.^  But  even  here  from  the  context  it  appears  that  the  Madoc 
referred  to  was  a  fisherman  rather  than  a  navigator,  and  there  is  not 
the  slightest  indication  that  he  ever  made  a  great  voyage.-  These 
passages  exhaust  all  that  can  be  found  in  the  AVelsh  bards,  as  they 
now  survive,  which  has  any  relation  to  Madoc  ap  Owain. 

The  Welsh  historians  are  not  more  satisfactory.  A  triad  which 
has  been  often  quoted  speaks  thus :  "  The  three  vanished  losses  of 
the  Isle  of  Britain  :  First,  Gavran,  son  of  Aeddan,  and  his  men, 
who  went  in  search  of  the  Green  Isles  of  Floods  and  were  never 
heard  of  more ;  second.  Merlin  .  .  .  who  went  to  sea  in  the  House 
of  Glass ;  third,  Madoc,  son  of  Owain  Gwynedd,  who  went  to  sea 
with  three  hundred  men  in  ten  ships,  and  it  is  not  known  where 
they  went."  It  is  to  be  noted  that  here  Madoc  is  coupled  with  two 
wholly  mythical  persons,  and  that  no  knowledge  is  expressed  of  the 
place  to  which  he  went.  The  triad  is  by  experts  ascribed  to  the 
sixteenth  century,  and  has  no  sort  of  historic  value, ^  even  if  its 
meaning  were  altogether  clear,  which  it  is  not.  The  next  writer 
cited  is  leuan  Brechva,  who  is  quoted  as  saying  that  "  an  illegiti- 
mate son  of  Owain  Gwynedd  accompanied  Madoc  across  the  broad 
sea  to  lands  which  they  had  found,  and  there  dwelt."  ^  But  as  yet 
the  passage  has  not  been  discovered,  and  the  word  translated  "  broad 
sea  "  might  perfectly  well  mean  the  Irish  Sea.  Guttyn  Owain 's 
chronicle  has  been  as  recklessly  adduced,  as  saying  that  Madoc 
sailed  with  ten  ships,  but  here,  too,  the  passage  cited  cannot  be 
discovered.  Some  have  surmised  that  the  original  manuscripts  have 
perished,  and  that  only  mutilated  copies  have  survived.^  This  is 
doubtless  possible,  yet  what  is  required  is  positive  evidence,  and  the 
uncritical  assumptions  of  perfervid  patriots  and  annalists  cannot  be 
regarded  with  too  great  suspicion. 

In  its  present  form  the  story  obtains  currency  late  in  the  six- 
teenth century,  and  apparently  originates  with  the  discoveries  of 
one  David  Ingram,  who  sailed  with  Hawkyns  to  the  West  Indies  in 
1568,  and  afterwards  travelled  on  the  American  continent.  Finding 
that  the  natives  called  a  certain  bird  "  penguin,"  he  jumped  to  the 
conclusion  that  this  was  the  Welsh  word    "pengwyn"  or  "white 

'  Quoteil  Madoc,  IS,  III.  '-  M.idoc,  205,  206.  ^  Mndoi-,  21,  209. 

*  leuaii  Braliva  liourislicd,  14i-'0.     Madoc,  22,  23. 

''  As  to  tlie  loss  ol'  tlie  AVelsli  MSS.  through  decay,  etc.,  see  Madoc,  217,  218. 


IITU.]      WELSH    OLALMfi    TO    THE  DISCOVEUY   OF  AMEIUCA.       'Ml 

head,"  overlooking  the  important  fact  that  the  penguin  has  a  black 
liead.'  Sir  George  Peckhani,  wlio  pubHshed  in  1583  a  work  on  the 
discoveries  of  Sir  Hmnjihrey  Gilbert,  quotes  the  evidence  of  Ingram, 
and  gives  the  Madoc  legend  in  much  its  present  form.'  He  was 
followed  by  Dr.  Llwyd,  who  left  manuscripts,  which  were  used  by 
Dr.  Powel  in  his  history  of  Wales. ^  According  to  him,  Madog  • 
sought  adventures  by  sea,  sailing  west,  and  leaving  the  coast  of 
Ireland  to  the  north.  He  saw  many  strange  things  in  an  v^nknown 
land,  at  which  in  the  course  of  time  he  arrived.''  This  land  "  must 
needs  be  some  part  of  Nova  Hispania  or  Florida.  Whereupon  it  is 
manifest  that  that  country  was  long  before  by  Brytaines  discovered, 
afore  either  Columbus  or  Americus  Yesputius  led  anie  Spaniardes 
thither."  Though  the  common  folks  have  added  much  that  is 
fabulous,  "  sure  it  is  that  there  he  [Madoc]  was."  He  cites  Lopez 
de  Gomara  to  prove  that  in  Me.xico  at  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards 
the  cross  was  revered,  and  explains  the  almost  entire  disappearance 
of  the  Welsh  settlers  by  the  paucity  of  their  numbers.  The  most 
interesting  fact  in  this  string  of  assertions,  is  that  there  was  a 
general  tradition  extant  of  the  sailing  of  Madoc.  Powel  considers 
that  the  Welsh  must  have  landed  in  Mexico,  and  cites  "Pengwin," 
"Corroeso,"^  "Bryton,"''  "Gwyndor,"'  as  "  Brytish  or  Welsh 
words,  which  doo  manifestlie  shew  that  it  was  that  countrie  which 
Madoc  inhabited."     Hakluyt  simply 'adopted  Powel's  version. 

Sir  Thomas  Herbert,  a  member  of  the  Pembroke  family,  took 
Llwyd's  story  and  added  to  it  further  embellishments,*  for  which  he 
fails  to  give  us  any  authority.  It  is  as  usual  supposed  that  he  had 
access  to  manuscripts  which  have  perished.^  He  appeals  to  evident 
traces  of  the  Welsh  in  America,  to  British  words,  amongst  which  he 
gives  "craigwen,"  "  nev,"  "  llwynog,"  "  wy,"  "  calaf,"  "bara,"' 
"  trwyn,"  "  mam,"  "  tad,"  and  many  more,"  apparently  relying  on 

'  Madoc,  158. 

-  'A  true  reporte  of  the  late  disfoucries  aud  possession  taken  in  the  right  nf  thc' 
Oroime  of  England  of  the  New  Found  Landes  by  that  valiaimt  and  worthye  genlleuian, 
Sir  Humfrey  Gilbert,  Knight,'  by  G.  V.     1583.     4to. 

'  '  Historie  of  Cambria,'  by  Dr.  David  Powel.     1584. 

*  Madoc,  27. 

■'  Curacoa,  island  in  tlie  West  Imlies. 

"  Cape  Breton,  some  hundreds  of  miles  from  Mexico. 

'  It  is  uncertain  to  what  place  this  refei's. 

'^  'Travels  into  Africa  and  Asia  the  Great.'     163-1:. 

^  A  supposed  collection  in  Kaglaii  Castle,  which  was  Ijurned  in  the  Civil  War, 
mentioned. 

'"  "  White  rock,  heaven,  fox,  egg,  quill,  liread,  nose,  mother,  father." 

X  2 


308  VOYAGES  AM)   LISCOVEIilES,   1154-l;'.v;».  [1170. 

Ingram's  information.  Further  inquiry  has  failed  to  discover 
a  single  one  of  these  words  in  use  in  Mexico.  The  consonants, 
b,  d,  f,  g,  r,  s,  do  not  exist  in  the  Mexican  language,  and  even  if 
there  were  a  few  chance  resemblances,  these  prove  nothing  when 
philology  is  decisive  against  the  Celtic  origin  of  the  Mexican  tongue. 
.The  indiscreet  zeal  of  Welsh  enthusiasts  must  indeed  cover  their 
cause  with  ridicule,  when  we  find  them  claiming  Caucasus,  Caspian, 
Crimea,  Danube,  Berlin,  Alleghany,  Potomac,  America,  as  Welsh 
words  ! '  Herbert  was  followed  by  Howell,  who  actually  quoted  the 
lines  of  Meredydd,  which  we  have  given  above,-  as  the  epitaph  on 
Madoc,  discovered  in  the  West  Indies.  For  this  purpose  he  mis- 
translated them.  He  added  that  Madoc  had  embarked  at  Milford 
Haven,  and  emphasised  the  fact  that  his  voj-age  gave  England  a 
claim  to  America.  It  thus  leaks  out  there  were  political  reasons 
for  putting  forward  the  storj%  as  about  the  close  of  the  sixteenth 
century  Englishmen  were  anxious  to  find  any  pretext  to  excuse  their 
trade  with  the  new  comitries. 

Other  historians  have  told  us  the  exact  length  of  Madoc's 
voyage ;  that  he  was,  before  it,  the  commander  of  his  father's  fleet ; 
that  he  defeated  the  English  in  1142  off  the  Menai  Straits,  and  that 
he  left  Wales  because  of  disputes  as  to  the  succession  to  the  throne.^ 
Not  one  of  these  statements  rests  upon  any  good  foundation. 

The  stories  of  travellers  did,  it  is  true,  give  some  countenance  to 
the  tradition — if  indeed  they  did  not  lead  to  its  origin — in  the  first 
instance.  For  if  there  were  Welsh  customs,  Welsh  language,  or 
Welsh  remains  to  be  found  on  the  American  continent,  the  claim 
of  Madoc  would  be  substantiated  triumphantly.  And  thus  when 
one  after  another  the  testimonies  of  voyagers  and  settlers  poured  in, 
to  the  effect  that  amongst  the  Indians  there  were  tribes  speaking 
Welsh,  the  belief  in  the  tradition  grew  stronger  and  stronger. 
After  Ingram,  who  does  not  appear  to  have  been  a  wilful  liar,  came 
others  who  cannot  be  acquitted  of  the  W'ish  to  deceive.  A  clergy- 
man, the  Kev.  Morgan  Jones,  professed  to  have  actually  been 
amongst  the  Welsh  speakers.  His  story  is  to  this  effect.  In  166!) 
he  was  sent  with  two  ships  bj^  the  Governor  of  A'irginia  to  explore 
the  country   in    the   neighbom-hood   of   what   is    now   Port   Koyal. 

'  For  tlie  first  of  these  words  see  that  great  inosazine  of  assertions,  'America 
Discovered  by  the  AVelsh.'     P..  F.  Bowen.     Phila.,  1870. 

^  Page  306. 

'  Doctor  Williams,  '  Fui'tlier  Observations.'  His  references  are  given,  but  do  not 
suiJiiort  liis  text.     Madoc,  40. 


1170.]  '-WELSH  IXDIAS.'i:'  309 

Aniving  there,  iiiul  beiiif^  joined  In-  other  vessels,  he  ascended  the 
river  to  Oyster  Point,  where  he  and  others  settled.  Some  eight 
months  afterwards  food  ran  short,  and  the  colonists  were  obliged  to 
abandon  their  settlement.  They  retreated  into  the  then  unexplored 
territory  fringing  the  sea-coast,  and  came  into  the  country  of  the 
Tuscarora  Indians,  then  at  war  with  the  English.  They  were  seized 
and  condemned  to  death,  whereupon  Mr.  Jones  exclaimed  in  Welsh, 
"  Have  I  escaped  so  many  dangers,  and  must  now  be  knocked  on 
the  head  like  a  dog?  "  On  this  an  Indian  came  to  him  and  told  him 
in  Welsh  that  he  should  not  be  put  to  death.  The  Indian,  who  was 
of  the  "  Doeg  "  tribe,  arranged  for  the  ransom  and  release  of  all  the 
prisoners.  Afterwards,  says  Jones,  he  was  taken  about  with  the 
Indians,  was  well-treated,  and  in  revenge  regularly  preached  to 
them  three  times  a  week.  They  always  consulted  him  about 
matters  of  importance :  the  locality  given  is  near  the  Pantigo 
river.' 

There  is  no  evidence  for  this  statement  except  the  writer's 
assertion.  The  Doegs,  so  far  as  is  known,  never  dwelt  where 
Mr.  Jones  pretends  to  have  found  them  ;  on  early  maps  they  are 
placed  much  more  to  the  north.  The  tribes  near  the  Pamlico — 
which  is  probably  the  original  of  Pantigo — were,  besides  the 
Tuscaroras,  the  Algonquins  and  Iroquois,  whose  language  is  well 
known,  and  had  nothing  AVelsh  about  it.  The  only  spark  of 
confirmation  is  when  George  Fox  records  in  his  journal  that  the 
relations  between  the  English  and  the  Tuscaroras  were  unfriendly 
in  167'2.-  An  English  colony  in  close  proximity  to  the  supposed 
AVelsh  Indians  knew  nothing  of  them. 

About  the  same  time  or  a  little  later,  a  Welshman  called 
Htedman  landed  from  a  Dutch  vessel  on  the  coast  of  America,  and 
foimd  that  he  understood  the  Indians'  language.  They  told  him 
that  they  came  from  Gwynedd,  or  Wales,  in  Great  Britain.^     For 

'  Miir^aii  .IiiiK's  was  an  Oxlui-cl  israduate.  lie  iloe.s  nut  ajiiiear  tu  liave  nientiuneil 
liis  adventures  tu  anyone  till  IfiSli.  The  date  of  his  journey  is  jjiven  diHereutly,  as 
11)1  iO,  in  anotlier  version.  No  exiieilitit>n,  so  far  as  can  be  disctivered,  was  sent  to 
Carolina  in  either  UillO  or  1G(>9,  thouijh  there  were  expeditions  in  lOGM,  KJliC,  and  1(570. 
It  was  at  the  latter  date  that  Oyster  Point,  now  Charleston,  was  settled.  Witli  this 
expedition  Virsjinia  liad  notliing  wliatever  to  do;  moreover,  tliere  was  no  reason  wliy 
the  Ions  journey  of  whicli  Jones  siieaks  should  liave  been  attempted,  as  there  was  a 
settlement  close  at  liand,  at  Cajie  Fear.     Madoc,  128,  12!i. 

2  Journal,  i.  17.".,  174.     Quoted  in  Madoc,  130. 

'  'Prydain  I'awr.'  ITnfortunately  the  name  "Cireat  Britain  "  cinuc  into  use  long 
after  the  miiiration  i<\  Madof.     Jlado.',  r>:',. 


■'!10  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1154-1399.  [1170. 

some  eighty  years  after  this  no  one  seems  to  have  fallen  in  \Yith  the 
Welsh  Indians.  About  1750,  however,  a  "Welsh  trader  named 
Binon,  having  penetrated  to  the  comitry  west  of  the  Mississippi, 
then  remote  and  rmknown,  found  Indians  speaking  Welsh  of  great 
pm-ity.  They  received  him  kindly.^  A  man,  Griffiths,  in  1764 
professes  to  have  made  his  way  with  the  Shawnees  to  Welsh- 
speaking  Indians.-  Beatty,  in  1768,  repeats  a  tale  of  Welsh  Indians 
with  a  Welsh  Bible  in  Pennsylvania  ;  ^  though  this  is  perhaps  only 
another  reminiscence  of  Morgan  Jones.  "  General  Bowles,"  a 
Cherokee  chief,  who  visited  London  in  1792,  asserted  that  there 
were  Welsh  Indians,  who  were  the  same  as  the  Paducahs.  The 
name  meant  "white  face,"  and  was  given  them  because  of  their 
light  complexions.^  They  had  sand}',  red,  or  black  hair,  and  were 
very  warlike.*  Finally,  a  Lieutenant  Roberts  tells  us  that  whilst 
in  a  Washington  hotel  in  1801,  he  made  some  remarks  in  Welsh, 
when  there  were  some  Indian  chiefs  within  hearing.  One  of  these 
came  up  to  him  and  continued  the  conversation.  The  chief  had 
heard  of  Lloegr  [England]  but  not  of  Wales ;  he  talked  much  of 
the  "  Saxons."  His  AVelsh  was  very  free  and  fiiient,  and  he 
explained  that  by  a  tribal  law,  no  other  dialect  could  be  taught  the 
children  till  they  were  twelve  years  old.  This  kept  the  language 
pure. 

The  existence  of  AVelsh  Indians  north  of  Mexico  was  so  strongly 
believed  that  several  Welshmen  went  out  to  visit  them  or  preach 
to  them.  A  John  Evans  in  1792  started  from  Wales,  and  after  five 
years  of  wandering  and  exploration,  reported  that  there  were  no 
Welsh  Indians  in  existence.  The  AA'elsh-speaking  Paducahs  had 
proved  a  fraud.  It  was,  however,  alleged  now  that  these  Welsh 
Indians  were  falling  back  steadily  towards  the  west,  and  that  this 
was  the  reason  wh^'  they  had  not  been  discovered.  Between  1803 
and  1805  the  Mississippi  basin  and  Pacific  slope  were  searched  with 
unsuccess ;  another  expedition  in  1821  was  not  more  profitable. 
With    the  advance  of   settlement   and   exploration   it   has   become 

'  Madoc,  GO. 

-  AViusor,  'History  of  Auici'ica,"  i.  110.  Griffitlii-,  as  usual,  was  taken  prisoner,  ami 
condemned  to  death. 

'  Op.cit. 

*  Bowen,  88.  The  chief  added  that  a  Welshman  who  had  been  with  him  found 
that  he  covild  talk  well  with  the  Paducahs.  Bowles  is  said  to  liave  been  an  Irishman. 
Paducahs,  explains  Mr.  Bowen,  would  be  very  like  Madoc  if  only  the  "P"  were 
-cliansed  to"M."  Others,  bolder,  have  asserted  that  in  l^aducah,  Madogwy,  descendant 
of  Madoc,  can  be  traced.     Others,  a^ain,  foimd  the  reipuied  nan.e  in  l\iej;. 


1170.]  LACK   OF  EVIDENCE.  -311 

certain  that  Welsh  Indians  no  longer  exist  in  this  part  of  the  New 
World,  though  C'atlin  imagined  that  he  detected  traces  of  W'elsh 
in  the  Mandan  tongne,  and  found  that  this  trihe  was  of  lighter 
colour  than  the  other  Indians,  and  that  it  used  skin  coracles,  similar 
to  the  old  Celtic  "curraghs."^  In  certain  of  their  customs  he 
thought  he  could  see  traces  of  a  Welsh  influence.  This,  however, 
has  not  been  confirmed  by  subsccjuent  observation  ;  and  there  is 
no  one  now  who  connects  the  Mandans  with  the  descendants  of 
Madoc. 

The  indirect  evidence  does  not  point  decisively  to  the  Welsh 
settlement.  North  of  Mexico  there  are  no  remains  which  can  be 
referred  to  them  ;  the  pottery  found  in  the  Ohio  tombs  indicates 
the  presence  of  a  civilised  race,  but  the  skulls  found  near  them  are 
Monsolian  not  Caucasian.  There  are  earth  momids  in  the  Ohio 
valley,  which  are  like  those  of  the  Celts,  but  this  resemblance  gives 
no  proof.'  A  silver  crucifix,  with  the  letters  I.S.,  dug  up  in  1844 
near  the  Ohio,  was  almost  certainly  lost  by  some  Frenchman  or 
trader  from  Canada. 

In  Mexico,  we  are  told,  the  Spaniards,  when  they  landed,  found 
that  the  cross  was  revered,  and  that  baptism  was  in  use.  This, 
however,  only  proves  that  certain  religious  rites  are  common  to  all 
civilised  men  ;  it  affords  no  real  grounds  for  the  conclusion  that  the 
Mexicans  were  Welsh.  Their  language  makes  this  in  the  last 
degree  improbable,  unless  the  Celtic  immigrants  were  wholly 
absorbed.  The  Mexicans,  indeed,  held  some  talk  with  the 
Spaniards  to  the  effect  that  white  men  had  visited  them  before  ; 
and  the  same  tradition  has  been  observed  elsewhere  amongst  the 
Indians."  It  may  be  only  a  tradition,  and  does  not  necessarily  point 
to  the  reality  of  the  Welsh  voyages. 

What  evidence  there  is,  is,  then,  by  no  means  strong  in  favour 
of  the  story.  If  clear  traces  of  the  legend  could  be  discovered  in 
Welsh  literature  before  the  Columbian  discovery  of  America,  the 
case  would  be  very  different,  especially  if  the  evidence  were  of  the 
trustworthy  quality  of  the  Icelandic  Sagas.  The  vague,  indefinite, 
and  unprecise  nature  of  what  testimony  we  possess,  is  apparent  on 
examination.     The  story  does  not  ajjpear  in  its  present  shape  till 

'  t'atliii,  '  North  Ameiican  Indiiins,'  i.  94,  207  ;  ii.  21)2. 

-  It  is  well  to  remeiiibei-  that  the  Xorseiiien  who  imlisputably  reached  America  ami 
settled  there,  have  also  left  no  trace. 

'  AiiKiiigst  the  Shawneeii  of  Florida.     Major,  '  Zeui,'  xciii. 


312  rOTAGES   AND   DISCOVERIES,   1154-l:»9.  [1170. 

nearly  a  century  after  Columbus'  voyage,  and  more  than  four 
centuries  after  Madoc's  presumed  disappearance.  It  obtained  its 
great  currency  chiefly  through  fraud  and  misrepresentation.  It. 
was  supported  by  what  can  only  be  characterised  as  impudent  and 
manifest  falsehoods ;  for  the  narratives  of  those  who  caiue  iipon 
Welsh-speaking  Indians  are,  from  internal  evidence,  nothing  else. 

How  then  did  the  story  originate  ?  There  are  traces  of  a 
Madoc  tradition — though  not  such  a  tradition  as  we  find  in  Powel — 
in  Meredydd.  Coupling  these  with  the  statement  that  INIadoc  went 
across  the  broad  sea,  or  "  Morwerydd,"  it  becomes  highly  probable 
that  Madoc's  voyage  was  only  to  Ireland.  In  early  Welsh,  "  iNIor- 
werydd  "  regularly  means  the  Irish  Sea,  and  not  the  Atlantic.  In 
the  Brut  y  Tywysogion,  we  are  told  that  Owain  Gwynedd  married 
an  Irish  lady.  Another  early  Welsh  writer  couples  Eiryd,  Madoc's 
brother,  with  Irish  estates,  and  Eiryd  is  found  in  the  stories  sailing 
with  Madoc  to  America.  The  truth,  perhaps,  is  then  that  Madoc 
retired  from  his  native  land  and  settled  down  for  good  in  Ireland. 
If  he  made  a  journey  back  to  AVales  to  persuade  more  Welshmen 
to  follow  him  there  is  nothing  very  improbable  ;  from  his  absence 
would  easily  arise  the  stories  of  his  disappearance.  The  legend  has 
borrowed  many  details  from  Columbus.  Both  Madoc  and  Columbus 
sail  west,  discover  a  new  country,  leave  a  small  force,  return  home, 
go  back  to  find  the  garrison  mostly  dead,  and  make  speeches  to 
persuade  settlers  to  follow  them.  It  is  to  be  feared  that  Powel 
derived  more  from  Columbian  sources  than  from  his  hypothetical 
manuscripts. 

Nor  are  the  facts  of  the  narrative  in  themselves  probable.  It  is, 
to  say  the  least,  extremely  i;nlikely  that  the  Welsh  should  have 
succeeded  in  crossing  the  Atlantic  in  the  twelfth  century,  before  the 
invention  of  the  compass,'  and  before  the  art  of  navigation  had  been 

'  The  compass,  .according  to  Torfifus,  was  used  l>,v  the  Xorseuieii  al'uut  the  middle 
of  tlie  thirteentli  century  ('Hist.  l{ev.  Norvegicarum '  [Hafn,  1711],  iv.  4,  p.  o-lu),  in 
approximately  the  modern  manner.  Raymond  Lully  [1-72]  was  well  acquainteil  with 
it ;  Gauthier  d'Espinois  (middle  thirteenth  century)  refers  to  its  polarity ;  Brunetto 
liatini  [12(10]  mentions  it  in  his  Encyclopa'di.a.  It  appears  to  h.ave  heen  known  in 
Scotland  at  the  l)eginning  of  the  fourteenth  century,  as  Barhour,  writing  in  1375,  says 
that  King  David,  when  crossing  in  1300  from  Arran  to  Carrick,  "na  neilil  had  na 
stane."  Chaucer,  in  1391,  alludes  to  the  thirty-two  points.  Proliahly  it  was  intro- 
iluced  liy  the  Arahs  and  the  Crusaders,  as  Jacques  de  Vitry,  Bisliop  of  Aeon  in 
Palestine  [1218],  sjieaks  of  the  magnetic  needle  as  "most  necessary  for  seafarers,"  and 
the  Crusader  De  Beauvais  also  alludes  to  it.  A  still  earlier  allusion  is  found  in 
Neckani,  />'■  I'trusilihus  [twelfth  century].     Encyclopa'il.  Brit.,  ed.  ".I,  "  ( 'ouipass."' 


1170.]  THE    WEI. ^11  XO    SEAMEX.  HIS 

perfected.  The  Norseuien,  it  is  true,  made  very  long  voyages  at  an 
early  date,  but  they  usually  coasted  as  much  as  possible,  and  in 
sailing  from  Norway  to  AVinland  would  go  by  Iceland,  Greenland, 
and  Newfoundland,  when  the  tract  of  open  sea  to  be  cro.ssed  was 
comparatively  sniiill .  The  Welsh  had  no  reputation  as  navigators  ;' 
and  their  hards  do  not  mention  other  voyages ;  indeed,  they  hardly 
allude  to  ships.  Norse  literature  is  full  of  ships  and  nothing  else. 
The  ships  of  the  Welsh  are  perfectly  unknown  to  us,  and  therefore 
it  is  useless  to  speculate  upon  thcni.  There  is  no  evidence  to  show 
that  they  had  advanced  much  beyond  the  coracle  at  this  date  :  we  do 
not  often  meet  their  navy  in  English  histoiy  ;  we  do  not  read  much 
of  Welsh  pirates  at  a  time  when  every  seafaring  nation  took  to 
piracy  :  and  Welshmen  were  not  prominent  amongst  our  early  sailors. 
There  is  some  ground  for  thinking  that  the  early  Britons  were  fair 
sailors  ;  there  is  none  for  supposing  that  the  W^elsh  had  a  navy  or 
ventured  upon  long  voyages  in  the  twelfth  century.  The  tale  of 
Madoc's  ship  is  almost  the  only  naval  incident  in  Welsh  archaeology." 
Of  the  great  naval  battle  in  the  Menai  Straits  we  can  find  no  trace  in 
contemporary  authorities  ;  it  seems  as  much  a  figment  as  ^ladoc's 
voyages.^     It  is,  then,  superfluous  to  discuss  the  question  whether 

'  Tliey  ofcasionally  vciyai^t'il  ti>  Iri'l.-nul;  (■/./•  Brut  y  Tywysiioioii :  'Chrcni.  aiul 
Meniiirials  of  Great  liritain,'  ]i.  1)2,  where  the  voya<;e  of  one  Owain  is  noticed.  It  iloe.'. 
not  neees.'iarily  tbyow  tliat  he  went  in  a  Welsli  slii[),  tliougli  this  is  probable,  f^tejiliens, 
Madoe,  209,  is  against  any  voyage,  lie  thns  sums  up: — Tliere  is  no  notice  ot'  any 
naval  expedition  of  the  kind  in  any  contemporary  historian,  though  it  is  incredible  that, 
if  the  voyage  had  taken  jilace,  it  should  not  have  been  recorded.  Giraldus  Canibrensis, 
who  visited  Wales  in  118K,  is  silent,  though  a  lover  of  marvels.  The  Bardic  jwenis 
a>isert  tliat  Madoc  was  slain  by  an  assassin;  that  Llywarcb  was  suspected  of  the 
murder,  and  that  be  was  ]iut  upon  his  trial  for  it.  Assuming  a  mysterious  death  for 
Madoc,  he  explains  the  tradition  from  analogies  in  folklore.     I'p.  218,  219. 

-  Jladoc,  207.  ^ladoc  was  a  great  sailor,  fond  of  travel,  and  built  a  ship  without 
iron,  with  stag-hom  nails,  to  enter  the  vortex  that  the  sea  might  not  swallow  her  up. 
He  called  her  the  l/oin  Lady,  and  voyaged  with  her  to  foreign  lands.  Keturning,  she 
was  wrecked  off  Banlscy.  'I'he  story  in  its  ])resent  form  dates  from  the  close  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  though  we  are  told  that  it  "hail  come  down  from  hand  to  hand 
\mder  creditable  warranty  to  this  day  [1082]." 

■'  There  was  a  battle,  of  course;  but  all  that  the  scanty  allusions  to  it  would  seem 
to  iuqily  is,  that  the  Welsh  stood  on  the  shore  and  strove  to  resist  the  attemjited 
lauding  of  the  English  soldiers.  (T.  Slcphens,  T.,  'Literature  of  the  Kynu-y,"  17,  18. 
In  Matthew  Paris'  't'hroniclcs  and  Memorials  of  fireat  Britain,'  vol.  v.  (i.'i.'i,  uniler  the 
year  12")7,  and  consenuently  a/Irr  the  Knglisb  conquest  of  Wales,  there  is  notice  of 
the  Welsh  troul)rmg  the  English  with  "massacre,  tire  and  rapine."  On  this  Edward 
tii'rcatens  them  with  the  naval  strength  of  the  Irisli ;  and  the  Welsh,  to  resist  the  Irish 
at  Rea,  furnished  themselves,  we  are  told,  with  a  fleet  of  galleys,  "piraticis  armls  et 
victualibus  conimunitas."  From  this  it  woidd  appear  that  they  had  a  fleet 
before    the    mi  Idle    of    the    thirteenth    century.     There    is    in    1212    ((.'lose    Bolls, 


314  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1154-1399.  [1270. 

Madoc  landed  in  Newfoundland,  in  Virginia,  in  Florida,  in  Mexico, 
or  in  the  Azores,  all  of  which  have  at  various  times  been  suggested 
for  his  landfall.  The  Welsh-speaking  Indians  are  as  historical  as 
.the  Hebrew,  Scotch,  and  Gaelic-speaking  tribes  which  have  at 
A  arious  dates  been  discovered  in  America  by  various  enthusiasts.' 

Between  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century  and  the  middle  of  the 
fom'teenth,  English  shipping  made  great  advances,  in  spite  of  the 
pirates  who  haunted  the  Narrow  Seas.  Lundy,  at  the  close  of  the 
twelfth  century,  was  one  of  their  strongholds,  and  more  than  one 
■expedition  was  sent  against  them  by  the  English  kings.-  Continual 
iembargo£;s  on  shipping  must,  however,  have  interfered  gi'eatly  with 
the  development  of  trade.  Vessels  were  wanted  for  the  fleet,  and  as 
there  was  no  great  difference  between  a  ship  of  war  and  a  merchant- 
man in  these  times,  the  vessels  of  traders  were  stopped  and  anued. 
The  Crusades  carried  English  seamen  into  the  Mediterranean  ;  ^  the 
fisheries  took  them  north  to  Scotland  and  the  coast  of  Norway. 
The  treaty  of  friendship  and  reciprocity*  between  England  and 
Norway  in  1217  shows  that  there  was  intercourse  between  the  two, 
in  spite  of  the  terrible  pirates,  amongst  whom  the  men  of  the  Cinqtte 
Ports  were  not  the  least  formidable.  The  merchants  and  subjects 
of  each  power  were  to  pass  to  and  fro  without  let  or  hindrance. 
This  treaty  was  renewed  in  1269.  Yarmouth  at  or  about  this 
time  was  a  flourishing  port  with  a  large  herring  fishery,  and  Lynn 
was  also  a  very  prosperotis  place.  Contemporary  civic  seals 
show  the  merchant  vessel  of  that  time  to  have  been  a  ship  of  some 
size,  carrying  one  mast  and  a  square  sail  furled  aloft,  with  a  long 
boat  on  deck  amidships.  There  are  elevated  stages  at  the  bow  and 
stern. 

Scots  voyages  must  have  been  stopped  for  a  time  by  an  absurd 


Haixly,  '!.  D.,  i.  121,  122)  an  order  of  John  to  De  Lucy,  directing  him  to  send  eigliteen 
galleys  for  the  pui'pose  of  destroying  Llewellyn's  ships,  galleys,  and  boats  {naves,  galeas, 
hnt'-Uos).     See  p.  180,  aiifea. 

'  Madoc,  141. 

-  Dot.  de  PriKstit.,  179. 

'•  'I'lie  following  "voyages"  to  the  lluly  Land — sonic  on  land — arc  recorded  liy 
Hakluyt  in  this  jjeriod: — .John  Lacy,  1172:  William  JIandeville,  1177;  Richard's 
Crusade  (see  p.  165,  etc.),  1190;  Baldwin  Devonius,  1190;  Itichard  Canonicus,  1200; 
Kohert  Curson  [went  to  Damietta],  1218;  Ranulph  of  Chester  and  others,  1218;  I'eter, 
Bishop  of  AVinchester,  1231 ;  Itichard  of  Cornwall  and  others,  1240 ;  William 
Longesjiee,  1248;  Edward,  son  of  Edward  IIL,  1270;  Anthony  Beck,  1305.  In  tlie 
early  fourteenth  century  there  were  also  expeditions  to  'I'unis  and  Barbary. 

'  'Findera,'  ii.  219. 


laoo.]  rOLO    AND    MA2^DEVILLE.  'Mb 

edict  of  Alexander  III.  in  1"24U,  which  forbade  Scots  merchants  to 
export  any  {;;oods  in  their  vessels,  because  "  some  of  them  had  been 
captured  by  pirates,  and  others  lost  by  shipwreck  and  by  seizure  in 
foreign  ports."  Matthew^,  of  Westminster,  in  his  doleful  laments 
on  the  decline  of  England  in  the  fourteentli  century,  speaks  of 
English  ships  as  in  the  past,  "  carrying  aromatics  and  all  precious 
merchandize  through  the  four  climates  of  the  world."  This  is 
probably  a  poetic  exaggeration,  as  no  record  remains  of  such 
voyages. 

Scotland,  as  far  as  can  be  judged  from  fragmentary  allusions, 
had  as  much  commerce  as  England  in  these  times.  Inverness  ships 
were  in  high  repute  in  France,  and  Matthew  Paris  notes  a  wonder- 
ful vessel  whicli  was  built  for  the  Earl  of  Blois  in  1249.'  In  1281 
there  was  an  active  fishery  on  both  sides  of  Scotland  ;  in  128(3 
Berwick  was  so  flourishing  that  it  is  compared  with  a  "  second 
Alexandria,"  and  we  are  told  "that  the  sea  is  its  wealth,  the  water 
its  walls."  In  1271  an  Englishman,  Adam  de  Bedford,  who  had 
formed  one  of  a  Scots  gang  of  pirates,  was  executed  at  Berwick. 
But  during  the  fourteenth  century  Scots  trade  appears  to  have 
declined. 

At  the  close  of  the  thirteenth  century,  Marco  Polo's  travels 
attracted  some  attention,  and  stimulated  the  interest  in  geography. 
They  were  followed,  late  in  the  fourteenth  centurj',  by  the  pre- 
tended voyages  and  travels  of  Sir  John  Mandeville,  who  professed 
in  the  year  1322  to  have  gone  oversea  to  Asia  Minor,  and  thence  to 
Armenia,  Turkey,  Persia,  SjTia,  Egj-pt,  Chaldea,  and  India.  His 
"voyages,"  however,  were  almost  entirely  accomphshed  on  land; 
though,  as  the  critics  have  long  since  abandoned  all  belief  in  their 
credibility,  there  is  no  need  to  discuss  them. 

In  1804,  there  is  a  complaint  made  by  Edward  to  Erik  of 
Denmark  about  his  treatment  of  an  English  ship  loaded  with  wine, 
which  had  apparently  been  seized  by  the  Danish  king.-  Erik 
replied  that  he  would  cause  restitution  to  be  made.  Sanuto 
the  Venetian,  who,  in  1321,  published  a  work  upon  the  trade  of 
Europe,  does  not  say  anything  about  English  commerce  in  the 
Mediterranean,  though  as  he  also  omits  to  mention  the  Catalans, 
who  were  undoubtedly  traders  and  travellers  of  great  enterprise,  this 
does  not  necessaiily  prove  anything.^     He  alludes  to  the  Danish, 

'  Matt,  r.iris,  771.  ^  '  Fanleia,'  ii.  iMii-ltJO. 

■'■  M;u-iiliorsi)ii,  '.\Miials  of  f 'oiamerce,'  i.  4!IO-li;?. 


316  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1154-i:!',i0.  [133C. 

Norwegian,  and  German  sailors  as  good.  In  188(),  during  the  war 
with  Scotland,  we  find  the  English  ships,  which  were  sailing  for 
foreign  coimtries,  proceeded  in  strong  companies,  so  as  to  be 
the    better    able    to    protect    themselves    against    the    Scots    and 

pirates.' 

At  some  date  early  in  the  fourteenth  century  arose  a  flourishing 
trade  between  England  and  Iceland.  There  are  small  traces  of  this 
in  Enghsh  records,  but  fortunately  the  Icelandic  chronicles  leave  no 
possible  doubt.  Thus  the  '  Islenzkir  Annalen,'  under  the  year 
1348,  record  the  fact  of  the  news  of  the  black  death  in  England 
reaching  Iceland,  adding  that  two  hundred  thousand  people  had 
died  of  the  disease.  In  1349,  the  death  of  English  sailors  at  Bergen 
in  Norway,  is  mentioned.  Such  items  of  news  must  have  arrived 
by  the  boats  which  came  to  fish  and  the  ships  which  came  to  barter 
cloth  and  other  English  manufactures  for  dried  fish.  It  is  possible 
that  early  intercourse  with  Iceland  may  be  reflected  in  Giraldus 
Cambrensis'  comparatively  accurate  knowledge  of  the  position  of 
that  island.  He  adds  that  the  people  were  few  but  truthful,  and 
that  the  priests  were  their  kings. - 

Following  out  the  history  of  this  trade,  we  find  in  1354  an 
admiral  appointed  for  the  English  fleet  in  the  "  Boreal,"  or  northern 
parts,  which  may  possibly  have  been  intended  to  protect  our 
fisheries.  In  139'2  we  hear  that  there  was  a  bad  year  in  ship- 
wrecks for  the  Germans,  English,  and  Norwegians,  and  that  many 
cogs  were  wrecked  on  the  Norwegian  coast.  In  1396,  Thord 
Arnisson  was  killed  by  "  outlander  chapmen,""  who  had  come 
ashore,  and  who  were  probably  English.^ 

It  is  somewhat  remarkable  that,  after  sailing  so  far  as  to  Iceland, 
the  English  sailors  and  fishennen  should  not  have  pushed  on  across 
the  comparatively  narrow  strait  which  separates  Iceland  from 
Greenland.  The  memory  of  Greenland  and  Winland  cannot,  at 
the  date  when  the  English  appeared,  have  died  out  ;  and  hence  it 
is  probable  that  English  fishermen  or  adventurers  followed  the 
leading  of  the  Icelanders,  though  record  there  is  none  of  their 
doings.     There  are  supposed  to  be  traces  of  navigators — not  more 

'  Nicolas,  'History  of  the  Koyal  Navy,'  ii.  lil. 

'^  1187  .\.D.  Giralilus  Cambrensis;  ''r<iii.  llibeniica,"  Distinct,  ii.  xiii.;  Hulls 
Series,  v.  tio. 

'Icelandic    Sagas,    Knlls    Series,    iv.     iL'ltT. :    De    Costa,    '  hivontio    Fortunata,' 

11-13. 


Joll.]  MA(  JIA.\rS    VOrAdK    To    MAhElIiA.  317 

diuiii^'  -the  Basques,'  on  the  banks  of  Newfoundland,  in  early  pre- 
Columbian  maps.  If,  however,  legend  and  vague  reports  are  to  be 
credited,  two  very  noteworthy  voyages  were  performed  by  dwellers 
in  the  British  Isles  about  this  date. 

Tlie  hrst  was  that  of  Kobert  Macham,'-  to  Madeira,  in  1344,  or 
therea])outs.  The  story  which  has  accumulated  a  suspiciou-s  amount 
of  detail,  goes  as  follows : — Macham  was  greatly  in  love  with  a 
young  girl  of  rank  and  beauty,  Anne  Dorset.  His  love  was  returned, 
but  the  lady's  family  was  against  the  marriage,  and  by  its 
influence  obtained  the  arrest  of  iNIacham,  till  Anne  could  be  married 
to  a  husband  of  quality.  When  this,  much  against  the  lady's  will, 
had  been  accomplished,  Macham  was  set  free.  Furious  at  his 
wrongs,  he  determined  to  carry  her  off,  and  in  his  project  obtained 
aid  from  several.  Anne  and  her  husband  were  tracked  to  Bristol, 
where  one  of  Macbam's  friends,  insinuating  himself  into  the  house- 
hold of  the  newly  married  couple,  found  the  bride  inconsolable. 
Measures  were  concerted  for  her  abduction.  She  was  to  ride  out 
w'ith  the  friend,  as  groom,  to  take  the  air  ;  and  by  this  pretext  she 
escaped  to  the  shore  of  the  Bristol  Channel,  where  a  boat  lay  ready. 
This  carried  her  on  board  a  ship,  and  the  re-united  lovers  forthwith 
put  to  sea,  anxious  to  gain  France,  and  fearful  of  vengeance  or 
pursuit.  They  stood  down  the  Cornish  coast,  when  a  violent  wind 
set  in,  which  swept  them  out  to  sea.  Having  no  compass,  and 
being  unused  to  navigate  the  ocean,  the  mariners  knew  not  whither 
they  sailed.  For  thirteen  days  they  drove  before  the  tempest  on 
a  stormy  sea,  imagining  that  heaven  was  wroth  with  them  for 
their  misdeeds. 

At  last,  on  the  fourteenth  day,  the  sea  tell,  and  an  island  stood 
up  before  them  from  the  watery  expanse.  The  sun  shone  upon 
primieval  forests  ;  the  trees  were  strange  and  new  to  them  ;  alien 
birds  fluttered  fearlessly  about  their  rigging,  yet  there  was  no  trace 
of  man.  They  forthwith  lowered  a  boat,  and  proceeded  to  land. 
The  shore  was  high  and  craggy,  but  they  found  a  convenient  landing 


o 


'  Winstir,  'Hist,  of  Ainerii-a,"  i.  74,  croilits  the  early  ]iR'seiioe  of  tlie  liascincs  ii|>(iii 
the  liaiiks;  thiiui;li  I'mwse,  'History  of  XewfiiuiKllanil,'  47,  does  not  helievc  in  their 
voyaj;es  to  Xewt'ouiicUaiiil,  whilst  lie  appears  to  think  that  they  sailed  to  Cireenland. 

-  Maeliim,  acconlins  to  the  Madeira  tradition.  'J'aylor,  E.,  'iFaileira'  (London, 
188G),  p.  141.  The  lady  is  also  called  Anna  d'Arfct.  Maihini  or  Machin  is  a  goiHl 
West-country  name,  and  a  Macham  has  been  Mayor  of  Gloucester.  It  would  be  worth 
while  to  examine  genealogies  to  see  wliether  Kohert  Macham  can  be  traced.  So  far  [ 
have  been  unable  to  timl  him. 


318  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVLRIEU,   1104-lo'J'J.  [i34i. 

where  a  Yalle\'  descended  in  rich  verdure  to  the  sea.  Here  there 
was  a  small  stream  of  pure  and  delicious  water,  here,  too,  a  soft 
glade,  encompassed  and  sheltei-ed  hy  the  interwoven  branches  of 
laurel-trees,  in  which  they  determined  to  abide.  They  built  a  hut 
and  scoured  the  island  for  food,  which  they  appear  to  have  obtained 
in  the  forests  ;  they  explored  its  coasts,  and  meantime  watered 
the  ship. 

But  only  a  fortnight  after  their  arrival,  fresh  calamities  befell 
them.  One  night,  when  the  greater  niimber  of  the  crew  were  on 
board  the  ship,  a  violent  gale  arose  and  carried  her  once  more  to 
sea.  jNIacham  and  his  bride  were  left  on  the  island  with  but 
a  handful  of  men ;  and  the  lady  saw  in  this  fresh  evidence  of 
heaven's  anger.  She  abandoned  her  mind  to  despair,  and  in  three 
days  sickened  and  died.  Macham  shared  her  fate.  One  day  only 
he  survived  her ;  on  the  second  after  her  death  he  too  died  in  the 
arms  of  his  horror-stricken  comrades,  entreating  them  with  his  last 
breath  to  bury  him  beside  his  lady  at  the  foot  of  a  tall  tree,  which 
marked  their  bower.  This  they  did,  placing  above  the  solitary 
grave  a  great  cross,  on  which  they  carved  the  story  of  their 
wanderings  and  a  prayer  for  Macham's  sake,  that  whosoever  might 
inhabit  the  place  should  build  there  a  chapel  and  pray  for  the  souls 
of  him  and  his  wife. 

The  handful  of  survivors  took  counsel  what  to  do.  The  place 
seemed  to  them  ill-omened,  and  food  was  very  scarce.  They  found 
upon  the  shore  the  ship's  boat,  and  in  this  detennined  to  put  to 
sea.  Accordingly  they  loaded  her  with  food  and  water  and  set  out, 
ignorant  as  to  what  direction  or  course  to  steer.  The  winds  and 
cm-rents  settled  the  question  for  them,  and  carried  them  to  the 
Marocco  coast,  where  they  were  seized  and  imprisoned  by  the 
Moors.  Here  they  learnt  that  the  same  fate  had  befallen  the  ship. 
In  prison  they  met  a  Spaniard,  Juan  de  Morales  of  Seville,  to  whom 
they  told  their  adventures.  He  presently  was  released  by  purchase, 
Don  Sancho  of  Aragon  having  left  a  considerable  sum  of  money 
with  which  to  redeem  Christians ;  was  then  captured  by  Don 
Gonsalvo  Zarco,  a  gentleman  of  the  court  of  Prince  Henry  of 
Portugal,  and  himself  a  voyager  of  no  mean  intrepidity  and 
experience,  and  was  brought  by  Gonsalvo  before  Prince  Henry,  who 
listened  to  his  tale  and  resolved  to  send  out  an  expedition  of 
discovery.^ 

'  Waf^liiiiiitdii  Trviiis:,  'Voyageis  ol' Culuiiiljus'  (Lumloii,  1828),  iv.  337. 


1344.]  Til  ACES   OF  MACHAM.  319 

The  story  comes  to  us  first  from  the  so-called  Alcaforado's 
'  Relation  of  the  first  Discovery  of  the  Isle  of  Madeira.'  This  work 
purports  to  have  been  translated  with  some  abridgments  from  the 
original  Portuguese  of  Alcaforado,  the  voyager  of  that  natioiialit}', 
who  in  Jmie,  1420,  discovered  Madeira.  So  far  as  is  known  the 
Portuguese  original  does  not  exist,  and  the  work  cannot  be  distinctly 
traced  in  any  form  till  1671,  when  a  French  "  translation  "  appeared. 
In  1675  this  was  done  into  English,^  and  has  been  frequently 
republished.  A  second  source  is  Galvao's  work  -  on  the  historical 
geography  of  the  Poiiuguese  Indies.  This  was  published  in  1563, 
and  translated  by  Hakluyt.  In  this  version  the  story,  whilst 
agreeing  to  some  extent  with  the  Alcaforado  version,  is  far  less 
circumstantial,  simpler  and  shorter.  Macham  does  not  die,  but 
himself  builds  a  chapel  for  his  bride,  and  makes  a  canoe  out  of  u  tree 
trimk,  in  which  he  puts  to  sea  and  comes  without  sail  or  oar  to 
INIarocco.  The  Moors  I'egard  this  as  a  miracle,  and  receive  him 
with  high  honour. 

Galvao  fails  to  give  us  any  authority  for  his  statements,  nor  does 
he  explain  how  the  story  reached  him.  Washington  Irving  has 
pointed  out  that  the  dates  in  the  Alcaforado  version  are  ditticult  to 
reconcile. •'  The  voyage  is  said  to  have  occurred  in  the  reign  of 
Edward  III.,  or  between  the  dates  1327  and  1378.  An  interval  of 
forty  years  separates  this  last  date  from  1418  or  1420,  when  the 
Portuguese  discovered  Madeira.  Morales  was  not  released  till  1416, 
when  he  must  have  been,  at  the  very  least,  nearly  forty  years  in 
prison,  and  must  also  have  been  old  and  ht  for  little  work  at  sea. 
Morales's  expedition  was  delayed  four  years,  till  1420,*  when  he 
sailed  under  Gonsalvo  Zarco  and  discovered  the  island.  Here, 
landing  in  the  same  place  as  Macham,  the  footsteps  of  the  English 
were  discovered,  trunks  notched  -with  hatchets,  and,  in  the  forest, 
a  great  tree  beneath  which  was  the  cross.  There  are  wild  and 
obvious  improbabilities  in  this  narrative.  It  is  absolutely  impossible 
to  suppose  that  the  prints  of  the  English  feet  would  remain  forty- 
two  years  in  the  sand  or  mud  of  the  Madeira  shore,  especially  as 
there  are  very  heavy  rains  in  the  autumn.'^     It  is  added  that  the 

'  'Historical  lielatiun  ol'  tlie  Discovery  of  the  Isle  of  Mailcira.  Written  orij;iiiaily 
in  Portuguese  by  Don  Francisco  Alcafor.ado.'     London,  l(!7r>. 

^  'Discoveries  of  the  Worlil.'     A.  Galvao.     Hakluyt  Society.     Lomlon,  l,s(iL'. 

■''  Irving,  op.  eit.  iv.  84."). 

*  By  court  jealousies  and  intrigues,  says  tlie  xVlcaforado  story. 

^  Taylor,  E.  M.,  '!JFadeii-a'  (London,  it^H'J),  xv.     Tliere  is  also  a  vei-y  heavy  surf. 


320  VOYAGES   AND   DISCOVERIES,    11.J4-1399.  [1344. 

Portuguese,  respecting  the  last  wishes  of  Machani,  built  a  chapel 
above  the  grave.  At  Machico,  if  the  story  can  be  believed,  the 
original  wooden  cross  was  still  to  be  seen  as  late  as  1820,'  and  even 
to-day  the  remnants  of  it  are  shown  to  credulous  tourists.^  Some 
accounts  represent  the  Capella  de  N.S.  da  Visitacjao  at  Machico  as 
occupying  at  least  the  site  of  the  original  chapel,  but  this  again  is 
disputed.^ 

Galvao  omits  Morales  altogether  from  his  tale,  and  mentions  a 
Spanish  expedition  of  discovery  in  1393  or  1395  on  the  news  of 
Macham's  doings  reaching  Henry  III.  of  Castille.''  This  expedition, 
we  are  told,  fell  in  with  the  Canaries.  Barros,  the  early  Portuguese 
historian,  records  the  discovery  of  Madeira  in  1420  by  Zarco  and 
Vaz  Teixera,  and  informs  us  that  the  explorers  found  on  the  island 
"the  chapel,  and  the  stone  and  tomb  whereupon  the  foresaid 
Macham  had  graven  his  name."  ^  Here  be  it  noticed  the  monument 
is  of  stone. 

It  is  probable,  on  the  whole,  that  the  story  had  some  basis  in  fact, 
but  the  romancers  have  clearly  embellished  it  with  details.  There  is 
no  large  demand  upon  our  credulity  in  supposing  voyagers  driven  by 
storm  to  Madeira.  Unless  the  tradition  had  been  widely  prevalent 
at  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  and  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  centuries 
the  national  pride  of  the  Portuguese  historians  would  surely  have 
prompted  them  to  suppress  it.  We  may  take  it  that  some  trace  of 
civilised  inhabitants,  who  had  come  and  gone,  was  found  by  the 
Portuguese,  and  that  the  rmnour  of  English  discovery  was  current. ° 
At  the  same  time  there  is  no  first-hand  or  really  authentic  evidence, 
and  it  is  practically  certain  that  the  laame  Machico  has  as  little  to 
do  with  Macham  or  Machin  as  the  remnant  of  the  cross  now  shown 

'  Taylui-,  '  Mcadeira,'  145. 

-  lb.  51. 

^  lb.  145.  I  have  not  lieen  able  to  tiixl  any  close  aii<l  detnileil  (lescription  of  the 
Machico  auchorage  and  liailiour,  so  as  to  compare  it  with  the  Ak-aforailo  account.  He 
mentions  a  rock,  steep-to,  and  not  marked  on  the  charts.  This,  il'  it  ever  really  existed, 
is  not  shown  on  the  Admiralty  chart,  nor  is  allusion  made  to  it  in  what  sailing 
directions  t  liave  been  able  to  discover.  At  Funchal  is,  of  course,  the  Loo  Rock 
[Purdy,  Memoir  ....  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean  (London,  1825),  pp.  204-208] ;  but  then 
Funchal  is  not  Machico. 

■*  Cialvao,  Hakl.  Soc.  Ed.,  ji.  50.  Aihiiiral  I'etliune,  flic  editor,  (|neries  the  date 
1395. 

■'  Barros,  14!"K)-15T0,  in  his  'Asia'  (Lisbau,  1552-53):  '•  jui^e  impartial  et  en  memo 
temps  patriote  entluisiaste"  ('(irande  Encyclopedic"). 

'^  Was  the  island  of  O'Brazil,  which  ajipcars  tirst  in  the  Medicean  portulano  of  1351, 
Madeira?     If  so,  it  may  have  reflected  Macham's  discovery. 


laoo.]  2^  10 HOI. A  fi    OF    JAWS.  o21 

with    the   original    of    tlie   fourteenth    centurj' — if   the    hitter   over 
existed. 

On  the  strength  of  a  mention  in  Hakhiyt  and  an  aUusion  in 
Fuller,  one  Nicholas  of  Lynn  has  been  credited  with  a  voyage 
towards  the  Arctic  regions  about  13(50.  Nicholas  of  Lynn  is  known 
to  have  been  a  Canuelite  and  lecturer  in  theology  at  Oxford,  where 
in  1886  he  composed  a  calendar  and  elaborate  astronomical  tables.' 
He  is  supposed,  on  not  veiy  satisfactory  evidence,  to  have  been  the 
author  of  a  work  known  as  '  Inventio  Fortunata,'  or  '  Inventio 
Fortunae.'  No  copy  of  the  book  exists,  whether  in  manuscript  or 
print,  and  it  is  indeed  not  altogether  certain  that  it  ever  existed. 
The  mention  in  Hakluyt  resolves  itself  into  a  quotation  from  two 
other  authorities,  Gerardus  Mercator,  and  John  Dee.''  Mercator 
refers  to  a  description  of  the  North  Pole  which  he  had  taken  out  of 
a  voyage  by  Cnoyen  of  s"  Hertogenbosch,^  who  had  met  a  priest  at 
the  King  of  Norway's  court  in  1364,  and  from  him  derived  much 
infonnation.  The  priest,  we  are  told,  was  descended  from  those 
whom  Arthur,  the  mythical  King  of  Britain,  had  sent  to  inhabit 
"  these  islands  "  (probably  Iceland),  and  he,  again,  reported  that  "  in 
1360  a  certain  English  friar,  a  Franciscan  and  a  mathematician  of 
Oxford,  came  into  these  islands ;  who,  leaving  them,  and  passing 
farther  by  his  magical  art,  described  all  those  places  that  he  saw,  and 
took  the  height  of  them  with  his  astrolabe." 

This  is  very  fourth  or  fifth-hand  evidence.  On  what  Cnoyen  said 
the  priest  had  said  that  the  friar  said  to  him,  Mercator  based  the 
idea  that  there  were  "  four  indraughts  into  an  inward  gulf  or 
whirlpool  with  so  great  force  that  the  ships  which  once  entered 
therein  could  by  no  means  be  driven  back,"  round  about  the  North 
Pole.  And  John  Dee,''  who  is  also  quoted  by  Hakluyt,  tells  us  that 
in  1360  "  a  friar  of  Oxford,  being  a  good  astronomer,  went  in 
company  with  others  to  the  most  northern  islands  of  the  world." 
There  he  left  his  companions  and  proceeded  yet  farther  to  the 
north  himself.  He  described  the  islands  and  "the  indrawing  seas" 
in  a  book  which  he  called  '  Inventio  Fortunata  '  or  '  Fortuna\'     Dee 

'  '  Diet.  Nsit.  Biograpliy,"  Xiclmlas  of  Lyune. 

-  Hakluyt,  B.  L.  i.  122. 

"  Ciioyeu's  bouk  is  lost,  tlioiii,'li  extracts  from  it,  sent  by  Merc-ator  to  .lobii  Dee. 
survive  in  Cotton  MSS.  Mercator  adils  tbat  "it  contained  liis  voya<;e  all  through 
Asia,  Africa,  ami  the  North;  that  it  had  been  lent  him  by  a  friend  in  .-Vntwerii,  and 
restored  Viy  him ;  but  that  wanting  it  again,  it  could  not  be  found."' 

■*  The  mathematician  ami  astrologer,  1527-1608. 

VOL.  I.  Y 


322  VOTAOES   AND   BISCOVEniES,   1154-1300.  [l^flO. 

goes  on  to  ask  whether  this  fiiar  was  not  Hugo,  the  Irish  Minorite, 
who  is  mentioned  as  a  traveller,  hnt  of  whom  nothing  definite  is 
known.  He  states,  however,  that  from  Lynn,  irJicnce  the  friar 
sailed,  was  only  a  fortnight's  voyage,  with  a  fair  wind,  to  Iceland. 

Hakluyt,  without  any  apparent  authority,  identifies  the  unknown 
friar  with  Nicholas  of  Lynn,  though  the  latter  was  of  a  different 
religious  order.  Fuller,  in  his  '  Worthies,'  says  of  Norfolk  in  his 
own  pumiing  way,  "  No  county  doth  carry  a  top  and  a  gallant  more 
high,"  and  warns  "  none  to  be  offended  if  a  friar  be  put  before 
the  rest,"  but  does  not  tell  us  to  what  friar  he  is  referring. 
Supposing  the  identification  to  be  accepted,  Chaucer  appears  to 
allude  to  him  and  his  navigations.  The  Nicholas  of  the  "  Miller's 
Tale "  owns  an  astrolabe,  and  his  navigations  may  be  jestingly 
alluded  to  in  the  incident  of  the  tub.^  This  is  all  the  more  probable 
as  the  Oxford  Nicholas  was  a  friend  of  John  of  Gaunt,  a  distinction 
which  Chaucer  also  shared. 

A  i^riori  there  is  nothing  improbable  in  the  voyage  of  Nicholas, 
-especially  since  there  was  during  the  fourteenth  century,  as  we  have 
seen,  a  thoroughly  established  trade  between  England  and  Iceland. 
Eanulfus  Higden,  however,  who  wrote  his  '  Polychronicon  '  in  1363, 
does  not  allude  to  Nicholas's  voyage.  His  book  may,  of  course,  have 
been  composed  before  the  return  of  the  voyager.  Nor  is  there  any 
mention  in  the  contemporary  records  of  Lynn.  Here  again  their 
silence  is  not  absolutely  decisive,  as  very  scanty  trace  remains  of  the 
many  voyages  to  Iceland  which  we  know  from  excellent  authorities 
did  really  take  place.  Lynn  was  a  port  with  great  trade  throughout 
the  middle  ages,  and  the  sailing  of  every  ship  could  not  be  recorded. 

The  '  Inventio  Fortunata  '  is  mentioned  on  the  margin  of  a  map 
of  the  world  by  John  Euysch,  and  dated  1508.  "It  is  written  in  the 
book  of  the  '  Inventio  Fortunata '  that  there  is  a  very  lofty  rock 
of  loadstone  beneath  the  Arctic  Pole,  thirty-three  German  miles  in 
circuit.  Kound  this  flows  an  indrawing  sea,  fluid  like  a  vase, 
pouring  water  through  openings  belo\\-.  About  are  islands,  of  which 
two  are  inhabited.  Huge  and  broad  mountain  chains  surround 
these  islands,  of  which  twenty-four  will  not  allow  of  settlement 
by  man."  - 

'  As  De  Costa  has  suggested.     'Inventio  Fortimata,'  M,  18. 

^  " Legere  est  ilibro  de  ivetione  fortvnati  svb  polo  arctieo  r\pc  esse  excelsa  ex  lapide 
magnete .  33  .  iniliarivm  Germanorvm  ambitv.  Hvnc  cOplectitvr  mare  svgenvm  flvidvni 
instar  vasis  aqvfi  deorsv  per  foramina  emittOtis .  circv  lanle  svt .  &■ .  e  qvilws  incolvtor  dvc 
amliivnt  avtciii  lias  iusidas  continvi  niontes  vasti  latiq:  dietis  .24.  qbu  iiegut  liondnvni  . 


"i't ; 


\/ 


^^^■■■:'>^W 


.:^.-^Wa 


^ 


Sss?^- 


UUYSCH'S  CHART,  1308. 


CHART  FROM  THE   PTOLEMCEAN   CODEX   OF   CIIiCA   1407. 
(Tnscrixd  in  the  Zamuiski  Librarij  at  IViirsaic.     t'ruin  Xiirclnixlii'iihl's  '  Fiicsimile  Allan,') 

[To  faec  moe  3-'-'. 


13(J0.]  THE  '  IN^ENTIO   FOSTUNATA:  323 

« 

The  map  of  Kuyscli,  which  is  substantially  the  same  as 
Mercator's,  shows  in  a  sector  of  about  240  degrees  round 
the  Pole  four  large  islands,  and  then  an  outer  fringe  of  nine- 
teen islands  or  peninsulas,  covered  with  mountains  and  parted 
by  narrow  channels.  The  "  Mare  Sugenum  "  lies  nortli  of  a  line 
from  Norway  to  "  Gruenlant."  The  map  and  the  fantastical 
currents — which  have,  however,  some  small  basis  in  nature — are 
evidently  founded  upon  the  topography  of  Giraldus  Cambrensis. 
There  is  nothing  in  them  either  to  prove  or  disprove  the  voyage  of 
the  supposed  Nicholas,  as  the  early  voyagers  were  proverbially  fond 
of  drawing  the  long  bow.  The  magnetic  rock  is  a  common  feature 
in  such  stories,  though  it  does  not  appear  to  warrant  the  conclusion, 
which  has  been  drawn,  that  Nicholas  had  approached  the  magnetic 
pole.' 

Even  this  entry  of  Euysch  contains  nothing  to  prove  that  he  had 
seen  the  book  ;  and  if  he  had  seen  it  there  is  nothing  to  show  that 
he  reproduced  Nicholas's  ideas  correctly.  It  is  improbable  that 
Nicholas  would  have  drawn  Greenland  as  incorrectly  as  in  this 
map,-  that  is,  supposing  him  to  have  made  his  voyage  to  the  North. 
At  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century  there  was  still  intercourse 
between  Iceland  and  Greenland,  and  that  intercourse  must  have  been 
reflected  in  the  charts  of  English  traders  to  Iceland.  The  four 
islands  reappear  in  Orontius  Fine's  map.' 

Finallj',  Las  Casas,  the  historian  of  America,  mentions  burning 
islands  which  are  to  be  seen  in  the  sea  near  the  Cape  Verde  Islands 
and  the  Azores,  adding  that  these  are  spoken  of  in  the  book  of 
'  Inventio  Fortunata '  ;  and  the  author  of  Columbus's  life  tells  us 
that  "  Juventius  Fortunatus  relates  that  there  is  an  account  of  two 
islands  to  the  west  and  a  little  to  the  south  of  the  Cape  Verde 
Isles  which  skim  over  the  water."*     The  book  cannot,  however,  I^e 


lia1>itatio."  This  is  obviously  corrupt;  probably  "dictis"  or  "e  dictis"  sliould  be  read 
for  "dietis,"  and  "qvi"  or  "qvae"  for  "qbo."  "Svgenvm"  is  apparently  the  Latini/.cil 
Dutch  word  "zuigeud,"or  "indrawing."  The  general  meaning  is  fairly  clear,  and  is 
made  clearer  b.y  the  map.     See  De  Costa,  '  Arct.  Expl.,'  22,  23. 

■  The  dipping  of  the  needle  e.xcited  great  alarm  amongst  early  navigators.  Vide 
the  inscription  on  the  Cabot  ma]i :  "  Here  the  compass  loses  its  power,  and  no  ship  witli 
iron  on  board  can  get  away." 

-  1531  A.D.  Reproduced  in  De  Costa,  'Arct.  Expl.,'  28.,  and  in  Nordcnskjiild's 
'  Facsimile  Atlas,'  plate  xxxii. 

^  Nordenskjiild, '  Facsimile  Atlas,'  plate  xli. 

■*■  Op.  cit.  ?,:;. 

T  2 


o24  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,    115-i-1.3tl0.  [1390. 

fonnd  in  the  Columbus  library  or  catalogue.  If  it  ever  existed,  it 
has  perished,  leaving  only  these  traces. 

If  the  narrative  of  Nicolo  Zeno — which  professes  to  relate  the 
voyages  and  travels  of  two  of  his  ancestors  about  the  end  of  the 
fourteenth  century — be  true  or  substantially  founded  on  fact,  it 
becomes  probable  that  the  half-Norse,  half-Scotch  inhabitants  of 
the  Orkneys  and  Shetlands  had  rediscovered  Greenland,  and  that 
they  had  some  vague  knowledge  of  the  American  mainland.  It  is 
usually  assumed  that  the  "  Zichmni  "  of  the  Zeno  narrative  was  the 
same  as  Henry  Sinclair,  Earl  of  Orkney  and  Caithness,  and  the 
grounds  for  that  identification  will  be  discussed  later  on.  The 
authorities  who  accept  the  substantial  truth  of  the  narrative  are 
sufficiently  numerous  and  impartial  to  compel  a  careful  investigation 
of  the  facts.^ 

The  travels  of  the  Zeni  were  first  published  in  1558  at  Venice  by 
Kicolo  Zeno.'-  His  story  is  that  when  a  boy  he  tore  up  or  mutilated 
some  ancient  documents  in  the  Zeni  Palace  at  Venice,  ignorant  of 
their  value.  Some,  however,  of  the  papers  escaped ;  and  in  later 
years,  on  examination,  he  found  they  were  an  accoi;nt,  by  an 
ancestor  of  his  named  Antonio  Zeno,  of  certain  voyages  which  had 
been  made  by  this  same  Antonio  and  an  older  brother  Nicolo,  about 
the  close  of  the  fourteenth  century.  The  account  had  been  based 
by  Antonio  upon  letters  of  his  own  to  a  third  brother.  Carlo,  and 
letters  of  Nicolo  to  him.  Nicolo  the  younger  found  this  account 
damaged  by  the  act  of  bis  childhood,  and  proceeded,  as  far  as  he 
could,  to  put  it  in  order  and  copy  it  out.  With  it  was  an  old  chart 
in  a  dilapidated  condition,  which  also  he  copied,  aiid  which  is 
said  to  display  a  very  accurate  knowledge  of  Greenland  and  northern 
geography. 

The    story  of   the  voyage   is   as   follows  :    Nicolo    Zeno   was   a 

'  The  most  euiinent  authoritieK  favouralile  are:  Toifanis,  T.,  '  Histoiia  Vinlaii(lia\" 
(ITO.o),  preface ;  Forster,  J.  E., '  History  of  Discovery  and  Voyages  in  the  Xorth '  (178G), 
]ip.  178-209;  Zuria,  Cardinal  I'lacido,  '  Dissertazione  intorno  ai  Viaggi  e  Scoperte 
settentrionali  di  N.  ed  A.  Zeni,'  1808 ;  Malte-Brun,  '  Annales  des  Voyages '  (Paris, 
1810),  X.  72-87;  Barrow,  Sir  J.,  'Voyages  into  the  Arctic  Eegions'  (1818),  pp.  13-2(j ; 
Humboldt,  A.  von,  '  Examen  Critique  de  I'Histoire  de  la  Geographie  du  Nouveau  Con- 
tinent' (Paris,  1837),  ii.  120-24;  Major,  E.  H.,  'Voyages  of  the  Zeni,'  with  facsimile 
of  the  Zeno  map,  Hakluyt  Society  (1873),  Introduction ;  Kordenskjiild,  '  Studier  och 
Forskningar'  (Stockholm,  1883-i).  A^iews  are  summe<l  up,  '  Compte  Rendu,  Congres  des 
Ainericanistes '  (Copenhagen,  188-1),  pp.  120-23. 

-  Major,  R.  H.,  op.  cit.,  gives  tlie  Italian  and  a  translation.  From  his  text  the 
narrative  is  abridged. 


l;190.]  ZENO'S    STORY.  325 

Venetian  of  great  courage,  and  after  the  war  between  bis  country 
and  Genoa,  which  terminated  with  the  victory  of  Cbioggia,'  he 
determined  to  travel.  He  equipped  a  ship  and  sailed  through  the 
Straits  of  Gibraltar  to  the  north."  A  terril)le  stonu,  however,  arose, 
and  carried  him  for  many  days  out  of  bis  course,  at  last  wrecking 
him  iipon  an  island,  which  he  calls  "Frislanda."  He  was  saved 
with  his  crew  and  the  greater  part  of  the  merchandise  which  he 
was  carrying  with  him.  The  date  be  gives  as  1380.^  The  in- 
habitants of  the  island  proved  unfriendly  and  came  out  in  numbers 
to  attack  him,  but  fortunately  a  great  chief  named  "  Zichmni  " 
appeared  on  the  scene  with  an  armed  retinue,  conversed  with  him 
in  Latin,  and  hearing  that  he  came  from  Italy  and  was  a  "  fellow- 
countryman,"  at  once  gave  him  his  protection.  "  Zichmni  "  was  the 
ruler  of  certain  islands  known  as  "  Porlanda,"  to  the  south,  and  he 
was  also  "  Duke  of  Sorano,  lying  near  Scotland." 

The  year  before  Nicolo's  coming  "  Zichmni  "  bad  defeated  the 
King  of  Norwaj',  who  was  lord  of  the  island,  and  who  had  made  an 
expedition  against  "Frislanda."  "Zichmni"  took  Zeno  on  board 
his  fleet  and  made  him  bis  general.  The  fleet  consisted,  we  are 
told,  of  thirteen  vessels,  two  only  of  which  were  rowed.  The  naval 
forces  captured  "  Ledovo  "  and  "  Ilofe,"  wbich  are  small  islands  in 
the  Gulf  of  "  Sudero,"  and  put  into  a  harbour  known  as  "  Sanestol," 
after  sailing  through  a  reef-encompassed  sea,  where  Nicolo's  know- 
ledge of  navigation  stood  him  in  good  stead.  Meantime  "  Zichmni," 
with  the  anuy,  had  subdued  the  island,  and  rejoined  the  fleet  at 
"  Bondendon."  Thence  the  combined  forces  proceeded  to  "  Fris- 
landa," the  chief  city  of  the  island,  where  there  was  great  plenty  of 
fish,  and  whither  ships  resorted  from  Flanders,  Brittany,  England, 
Scotland,  Norway,  and  Denmark.  From  here  Nicolo  wrote  to  bis 
brother  Antonio,  asking  him  to  repair  to  "Frislanda,"  which  Antonio 
forthwith  did.  They  were  soon  sent  by  "  Zichmni "  to  attack 
"  Estlanda,"  wbich  bes  "between  Frislanda  and  Norway";  but 
part  of  tbe  fleet  was  wrecked  by  a  storm,  and  the  ships  which  were 
not  injured  were  driven  to  "  Grislanda,"  a  large  uninhabited  island. 
In  the  storm  tbe  King  of   Norway's  fleet,   which  was  coming   to 

'  A.D.  1377-1381. 

-  Italian  voyages  to  the  British  seas  were  far  IVuiu  uiRuiamon.  CT.  Major,  '  Letters 
of  Columbus,'  xxiv.     Genoese  ships  we  meet  with  often. 

^  This  must  be  a  mistake  for  1390.  Major,  '  Zeni,'  xlvii.  Ortelius  gi\es  the 
date  as  1380;  Hakluyt,  copying  from  Ortelius,  13'JO,  showing  that  the  mistake  is  easily 
made. 


326  VOYAGJiS  AND  DISCOVEEIES,   1154-1399.  [1390. 

attack  "  Zichmni,"  suffered  very  severely.  After  this  "Zichmni" 
repaired  his  fleet  and  attacked  "  Islanda,"^  which  was  subject  to 
Norway,  but  faiHng  in  his  attempt  here,  mastered  "  the  other  islands 
in  those  channels,  which  are  called  Islande,  Talas,  Broas,  Iscant, 
Trans,  Mimant,  Dambere  and  Bres,"  and  built  a  fort  on  "  Bres," 
where  he  left  Nicolo.  Next  summer  Nicolo  set  out  from  "  Bres  " 
on  a  voyage,  and  sailing  north  came  to  "  Engroneland,"  where  he 
found  a  monastery,  a  church  dedicated  to  St.  Thomas,  a  volcano, 
and  a  hot  spring.  The  water  of  this  spring  was  used  to  heat  the 
church  and  monastery,  and  also  to  cook  food.  Moreover,  the  monks, 
watering  their  garden  with  it,  in  spite  of  the  cold  climate,  grew  the 
flowers  and  fruits  of  temperate  countries.  The  monastery  was  built 
of  lava  from  the  volcano,  and  mortar  made  from  pumice-stone 'was 
used.  Close  to  the  settlement  was  a  harbour  into  which  the  hot 
spring  flowed  and  raised  the  temperature  of  the  water,  with  the 
result  that  fish  and  fowl  resorted  to  it.  The  houses  were  hive- 
shaped  with  holes  at  the  top,  and  there  was  much  trade  in  the 
summer  with  Norway.  Of  the  friars  many  came  from  Norway  and 
Sweden,  but  most  from  "Islande.""  The  fishing-boats  of  the 
people  were  shaped  like  a  weaver's  shuttle  made  of  fish-skins 
sewn  together.  The  friars  for  the  most  part  spoke  Latin." 
Finally,  in  "Engroneland,"  Nicolo  discovered  a  river.  The  cold, 
however,  had  affected  him,  and  on  his  return  to  "  Frislanda," 
he  died. 

Meantime  "  Zichmni "  had  decided  to  make  discoveries.  He 
had  found  a  fisherman  who  had,  twenty-six  years  before,  been 
carried  by  a  storm  a  thousand  miles  or  more  west  of  "  Frislanda," 
to  an  island  called  "  Estotiland."''  Of  the  four  boats  in  company 
one  was  wrecked  and  six  men  from  it  were  captured  by  the  inhabit- 
ants and  led  to  a  large  city,  where  they  were  brought  before  the 
king,  who  conversed  with  them  by  means  of  an  interpreter  in  Latin. 
They  remained  five  yeai-s  in  the  island  and  learnt  its  language. 
The  people  were  intelligent,  had  Latin  books  which  they  did  not 
understand,  possessed  abundance  of  gold,  and  traded  with  Greenland. 
They  sowed  corn,  drank  beer,  and  built  ships,  but  did  not  know  of 

'  "Islanda,"  apparently  the  capital  of  " Island "*r  "Islande,"  which  is  seemingly 
the  same  as  "  Estland  "  and  Shetland.     Vide  page  330. 

-  Here  must  stand  for  Iceland,  not  Shetland. 

^  So  at  the  present  day  Latin  is  spoken  by  the  upper  classes  in  Iceland. 

*  Others  read  "  Escociland."  The  map  has  "Estetiland."  Possibly  this  is  some 
tale  Virought  by  the  Basques. 


l^ilO.]  V0rAO£   OF    THE  ZESI.  327 

the  compass,  which  the  fishermen  showed  them.^  Towards  the 
south  was  a  great  country  rich  in  gold.  Presently  the  fishermen 
were  sent  to  the  south  with  twelve  hoats  to  a  country  called 
"Drogio";"  and  on  the  way  they  were  wrecked  and  fell  into  the 
hands  of  cannibals.  These  devoured  the  "  Estotilanders,"  sparing 
the  "  Frislanders,"  because  of  their  skill  in  fishing  with  nets.  For 
thirteen  years  the  fisherman  was  a  prisoner  amongst  tribes  who 
went  naked,  suffered  much  from  the  cold,  and  fought  savagely 
amongst  themselves.  They  did  not  know  the  use  of  metals,  having 
only  wooden  lances  and  bows  and  arrows.  To  the  south-west 
dwelt  a  more  civilised  race  with  cities  and  temples.  These 
people  sacrificed  human  beings  and  afterwards  ate  them. 

The  fisherman  was  fortunate  enough    to  make  his  escape,  and 
alter  many  wanderings  reached  "Drogio,"  where  he  remained  three 
more  years,  until,  finding  a  boat  from  "  Estotiland,"  he  returned  in 
it  to  that  island,  and  trading  there  grew  very  rich.     Then  at  last  he 
came  home  to  "  Frislanda,"  and  told  "  Zichimii "  all,  who  at  once 
resolved  to  start  with  a  large  fleet.     Three  days,  however,  before 
sailing   the  fisherman  fell   ill   and   died,   and   his   place  had  to  be 
taken    by   sailors   who    had    come   with    him   from    "  Estotiland." 
Leaving  "Frislanda,"  "  Zichmni "  and  Antonio  Zeno  came  first  to 
"  Ledovo,"  where  they  stayed   seven  days  to  obtain  provisions  for 
the  fleet,  and  then  to  "  Ilofe."     Afterwards  putting  to  sea,  a  great 
wind   caught  them  and  swept  them  eight   days  from  their  course, 
till  they  came  to  land  on  the  west.^     Entering  a  harbour,  a  host 
of   armed    men   rushed    down   to   the   shore   and   menaced    them. 
"  Zichmni,"   by  means  of   a  man  amongst  these  savages  who  was 
from  "  Islanda,"  talked  with  them  and  discovered  that  the  country 
was  called    "  Icaria,"  and  that  they  would  allow  no  one  to  land. 
Upon  this  he  departed  and  sailed  along  a  mountainous  coast,  but 
the  natives  followed  him,  shouting  and  yelling  on  the  hill-tops  and 
attacking   his  men  whenever   they  landed.     "Zichmni"  was  com- 
pelled to  abandon  his  attempt  to  land,  and  sailed  first  six  days  to 
the  west  and   then  four  to    the  north-west,  when   land  came  into 
sight.     Entering   an  excellent  harbour,   Zeno  saw  a  volcano,   and 
"  Zichmni  "  dispatched  a  hundred  of  his  men  towards  it;  fish  and 
fowl  and  birds'  eggs  were  abundant,  and  there  was  firewood  to  be 

'  On  tlie  date  of  tlie  discuvei'V  oi  the  conipans,  sec  page  312,  iwfv. 

-  Others  read  "  Drogeo." 

'  Da  ponente,  "  on  tlie  westward  side  of  it,"  or  "  on  the  westward  side  of  them." 


328  VOYAGES   AND   DISCOVEIUES,   1154-13ri[i.  [IStiO. 

found.  The  climate  was  mild  and  pleasant,  but  there  were  no 
inhabitants  to  be  seen  near  the  harbour,  which  "  Zichmni ""  named 
"  Trin."  After  eight  days  the  soldiers  returned  with  news  that 
they  had  visited  the  volcano  and  found  wild  men  of  small  stature 
who  dwelt  in  caves.  There  was  a  large  river  and  a  good  harbour 
at  this  place,  they  reported.  On  this  "Zichmni"  conceived  the 
idea  of  settling  there,  but  his  people  were  not  willing,  and  wanted 
to  go  home ;  therefore  he  sent  back  Antonio  Zeno  with  the  ships, 
himself  retaining  the  row-boats  and  a  few  of  the  people.  On  his 
homeward  voyage  Zeno  sailed  twenty  days  to  the  east,  and  then 
five  days  more  to  the  south-east,  when  he  came  to  the  island  of 
"  Neome,"  which  was  beyond  "  Islanda,"  and  subject  to  "  Zichmni."  - 
Hence  in  three  days  more  he  reached  "  Frislanda." 

If  the  substantial  truth  of  the  narrative  be  accepted  there  are 
many  difficulties  to  be  explained  away.  What,  for  instance,  was 
"  Zichmni,"  an  Italian,  doing  in  these  northern  islands,  and  how 
had  he  obtained  his  sovereignty  ?  How  is  it  that  the  annals  of 
Norway  contain  no  reference  to  him  ?  Such  awkward  questions  are 
avoided  by  those  who  hold  that  Nicolo  Zeno,  the  younger,  mis- 
understood much  and  interpolated  a  little.^  This  does  not  necessarily 
involve  bad  faith  on  his  part.  Moreover,  granted  the  truth  of  the 
Zeni's  account,  the  voyages  of  the  fishermen  to  "  Estotiland  "  and 
"  Drogio  " — by  far  the  most  marvellous  part  of  the  story — are  not 
necessarily  true.  Their  authenticity  has  little  to  do  with  the  Zeni 
voyages  and  must  be  considered  separately.  ^ 

First,  as  to  "  Zichmni."  Northern  names  would  natin-ally  be 
somewhat  distorted  in  the  Italian  attempt  at  a  phonetic  equiva- 
lent, and  "Zichmni"  is  something  like  "Sinclair."  Still,  as  the 
Zeni  professed  to  have  resided  some  years  in  "Frislanda,"  we 
should  certainly  have  expected  greater  accuracy  from  men  of 
consideralile  knowledge,  who  were,  as  it  appears,  well  acquainted 
with  Latin.     Henry  Sinclair,  Earl  of  Orkney,  is  the  only  individual 

'  (.)n  the  Zt'HO  map  "  'I'liii "  is  marked  as  the  e.xtreme  southei'ly  poiut  of  Greenlaml, 
equivalent,  in  fact,  witli  Cape  Hvarf,  or  "  turning  point."  Bredsdorff  connects  "  Trin 
Prom  "  with  Kuingingek  ('  Proc.  Geogr.  Society,'  London,  1879,  xHx.  410). 

-  "  Xeome  "  is  by  Forster  identified  with  tlie  island  of  Naalsoe,  one  of  the  sriiallcr 
islands  of  the  Faroe  group.  Chi  tlie  map  it  ajipears  considerably  to  the  west  of 
"Frisland,"  midway  between  the  latter  and  "Estland." 

^  Major,  "unquestionable  blunder"  [of  Nicolo],  'Zeni,'  xxii. ;  "misplacement  of 
localities,"  ih.  xxiii. ;  "misreading,"  ih.;  Nicolo,  junior,  "cause  of  all  perplexity," 
«6.  XXV. ;  "  hyperbole,"  )'6.  xxviii. ;  "deplorable  confusion,"  xxxvii. ;  "this  excrescence 
work  of  Nicolo,  junioi-,"  ib.  xcix.,  etc. 


1390.]  SINCLAIR   AND   "  ZICEMNI."  329 

in  Orcadian  or  Northern  history  who  can  possibly  be  connected  with 
'■  Zichmni,"  and  for  this  reason  the  two  are  usually  identified  as  one 
and  the  same/  The  ancient  Earls  of  Orkney  had  become  extinct  in 
the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century.  About  1357  one  Malise  Sperre 
had  claimed  the  earldom,  but  though  from  his  name  he  appears  to 
have  been  of  Norse  descent,  his  title  was  not  recognised  by  the 
Norwegian  king  Hakon.  Instead  the  islands  were  granted  to  Henry 
Sinclair,  whose  mother  was  the  daughter  of  Malise,  Earl  of  Orkney 
and  Caithness,  and  grand-daughter  of  the  last  Scandinavian  earl  of 
Orkney,  Magnus.  In  1379  he  made  his  declaration  of  loyalty  to 
the  King  of  Norway,  promising  amongst  other  things  to  build  no 
forts  upon  the  islands.  The  conditions  of  his  tenure  were  indeed 
very  exacting,  but  in  exchange  he  required  from  the  Norwegian 
king  a  guarantee  against  vexation  by  "our  cousin  Malise  Sperre.J' 
As  the  sequel  to  this  we  learn  that  in  1391  "  the  Earl  of  Orkney 
killed  Malise  Sperre  in  Hialtland  "  (Shetland)  "  with  seven  others, 
but  a  certain  youth  with  six  others  found  a  boat  at  Scalloway  and 
escaped  to  Norway."-  In  this  event  has  been  discerned  a  historic 
corroboration  of  the  attack  which  Zeno  mentions  as  made  by 
"  Zichmni  "  upon  "  Estlanda  "  and  "  Islande."  It  is  not  in  the  least 
likely  that  Sinclair,  after  solemnly  promising  to  support  in  every 
possible  way  the  King  of  Norway,  to  furnish  him  with  a  hundred 
men  when  required,  to  defend  the  Orkneys  and  Shetlands,  or  to  aid 
against  foreign  aggression,  would  turn  round  at  once  upon  his  liege 
lord.  He  did  indeed  break  his  oath  by  building  a  fort  at  Kirkwall,^ 
but  this  did  not  involve  a  war  with  his  suzerain.  The  struggle 
between  Sinclair  and  Sperre  might  possibly,  to  Zeno,  wear  the 
aspect  of  a  struggle  with  Norway,  as  there  is  some  slight  ground 
for  associating  Sperre  with  the  Norwegian  party.* 

Sinclair's  lordship  included  the  Orkneys,  Shetlands,  and  Faroes. 
"  Sorano  "  is  identified  by  Mr.  Major  with  the  islet  of  Swona  in  the 
Pentland  Firth,  and  "  Podanda  "  or  "  Porlanda  " — for  both  are  read 

'  Zalirtiiiami  (Major,  '  Zeni,'  xxvi.,  xxvii.)  denies  that  Sinclair  and  "Zicinnni " 
are  tlje  same,  as  Sinclair  witnesseil  certain  Norwegian  acts  in  1388  and  138tt.  As  a 
matter  of  fact  the  travels  could  not  have  taken  place  before  1390,  and  this  date 
removes  the  difficulty.  Vide  Skene,  '  Celtic  Scotland,'  iii.  452,  453 ;  Sir  W.  Douglas, 
Peerage  of  Scotland,  ii.  388 ;  '  Chronicles  and  Memorials  of  Scotland,'  Exchequer  Rolls, 
vol.  viii.  pp.  xxxv.-xxxvii.  Orkney  (apparently  with  Shetlands  and  Faroes)  was  held 
by  the  Earl  as  a  fief  of  Norway,  whilst  Caithness  was  a  Scotch  tief. 

-  Barry,  '  History  of  the  Orkneys,'  liMi.     See  also  TortWus,  '  Orcades." 

^  Excheq\ier  Rolls,  Scotlaml,  viii.  p.  xxxvii. 

■*  His  name,  and  the  fact  that  his  adherents  fled  to  Norway. 


330  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1154-1309.  [1390. 

— with  Pentland,  a  barren  skerry.  "  Islande  "'  he  regards  as  a 
misreading  for  "  Estlanda,"  and  identifies  it  with  Shetland,  which 
is  probable  and  reasonable,  as  the  names  are  very  much  alike  and 
correspond  geogi^aphically.  "  Islanda,"  according  to  the  old  custom 
of  naming  capitals  after  the  country,  was  the  chief  town  of 
"Estland"  or  Shetland.  "  Grislanda  "  is  the  same  as  Gross  Ey  or 
Gross  Island,  as  the  mainland  of  the  Orkneys  was  called  in  the  past. 
So  "  Talas  "  is  Yelli ;  "  Broas,"  Barras  ;  "  Iscant,"  Unst ;  "Trans," 
St.  Eonans  ;  "  Mimant,"  the  mainland  of  the  Shetlands  ;  "  Dambere," 
Hamna ;  and  "  Bres,"  Bressay.  These  identifications,  too,  seem 
not  unlikely.  Gross  Ey  has  a  very  Avild  coast  and  would  naturally 
appear  to  be  uninhabited. 

The  main  difficult}' is,  however,  with  "  Frislanda."  Some  have 
supposed  that  this  island,  or  group  of  islands,  has  disappeared 
through  some  cataclysm  of  nature,^  for  which  supposition  geologj' 
and  surveys  give  no  ground  whatever.  Others,  and  Mr.  Major 
amongst  them,  consider  that  "  Frislanda  "  is  the  Faroe  Islands. 
The  old  name  in  Danish  was  "  Faeroisland,"  -  which  very  easily 
becomes  "  Frislanda."  The  expedition  of  "  Zichmni  "  against  "  Fris- 
landa," with  which  the  story  opens,  would  then  be  explained  by 
Sinclair's  occupation  of  the  islands,  which,  considering  the  turbulent 
character  of  their  Norse  inhabitants  at  that  date,  and  the  opposition 
of  Sperre,  might  have  been  a  matter  of  some  little  trouble.  The 
identification  of  the  names  mentioned  in  and  near  "Frislanda"  is 
not  easy.  "  Monaco  "  may  be  Monk  Isle,  a  skerry  of  most  insignifi- 
cant size  to  the  extreme  south;  "  Ilofe  "  may  be  a  misreading  for 
"  Slofe,"  and  this  again  the  Italian  for  "  Skuoe  "  ;  and  "  Bondendon  " 
may  be — though  the  resemblance  is  very  faint — Norderdahl.  But 
it  is  very  difficult  to  see  how  "  Ledovo  "  can  be  Little  (or  Lilla) 
Dimon  ;  or  "  Sanestol,"  Sandoe.  For  at  "  Ledovo  "  the  fleet  of 
"  Zichmni "  lies  to  and  refreshes.  But  Little  Dimon  is  a  small 
rocky  island,  steep-to,  with  no  anchorage,  no  haven,  but  only 
breakers  dashing  against  an  iron  coast,  which  rises  precipitouslj" 
1300  feet.^     It  is  uninhabited   and   can   only  be  approached   with 

'  This  was  Forster's  first  suggestiun.     So  also  Zui'la. 

-  Zalirtmann;  Major,  '  Zeni,'  ix.-xiii.;  Steeustrup  ('Conipte  Iveudii,  Congres  cles 
AiiiOricanistes' (Copen.,  1883),  150-180)  holds  that  the  "  Frislanda "'  of  the  map  is 
unquestionahh'  Icel.and,  and  not  the  Faroes ;  that  the  "  Frislanda  "  of  the  text  is  Korth 
FriesUvnd;  in  part  Admiral  Irminger  agrees  with  him  ('Proceed.  Geog.  Soc.,'  London, 
vol.  xlix.  pp.  398-412).     Major,  following  (pp.  412-420),  controverts  his  views. 

^  "Like  a  haycock"  (Adm.  Irnnngcr).  For  a  woodcut  of  the  island,  viih  op.  cif.,  402. 


1390.]  IDENTIFICATION   OF  NAMES.  331 

the  utmost  difficulty ;  on  landing  "  almost  perpendicular  rocks " 
have  to  be  scaled.  Nor  is  it  clear  how  "  Zichmni,"  liavinj^ 
been  put  ashore  at  "  Sanestol "  or  Sandoe,  managed  to  meet 
the  fleet  at  "  Bondendon "  or  Norderdahl,  seeing  that  the  latter 
place  is  situated  on  another  island.  Sandoe  is  described  as  a  small, 
barren,  and  thinly  populated  island,  and  the  Bay  of  Sand,  where 
the  fleet  apparently  landed  him,  is  exposed  to  the  south  wind,  and 
is  therefore  a  dangerous  anchorage  for  sailing  ships.  Nor  is  the 
navigation  from  "  Sanestol  to  "Bondendon  "  perilous  in  actual  fact, 
as  Zeno  describes  it.  There  are  only  three  rocky  islands  on  the 
way,  and  these  are  steep-to,  with  d^ep  water  round. 

For  these  and  other  reasons  the  Danish  Admiral  Irminger  has 
argued  that  Iceland  is  the  "  Frislanda  "  of  the  Zeni.  He  considers 
that  the  progress  of  "  Zichmni,"  as  described  in  the  story,  must 
have  taken  place  in  an  island  greater  and  more  populous  than  any 
of  the  Faroes.  The  English  and  the  Scotch,  as  we  have  seen 
already,  from  quite  an  early  date  resorted  to  Iceland,  whilst  we 
hear  nothing  of  their  trafiic  with  the  Faroes.^  In  1394,  moreover, 
a  fight  between  the  Icelanders  and  the  foreigners  took  place  at 
Budarhofdi,  in  Iceland,  which  may  be  the  war  described  by  Nicolo 
Zeno.  In  that  case  "  Zichmni  "  would  be  some  unknown  and 
obscui's  piratical  chief.  Of  the  names  in  the  narrative  and  map 
many  suit  Iceland  better  than  the  Faroes.  Thus  "  Sudero  Gulf" 
is  identified  with  Faxe  Bught ;  "  Sanestol '"  with  Buden  Stad  or 
Hval  Fiord;  "Monaco"  with  Westmano ;  "Porlanda"  with 
Portland;  "Bondendon"  with  Budardalr.  "Frislanda"  is  also 
described  in  the  narrative  as  larger  than  Ireland,^  which  Major 
supposes  is  a  mistake  of  the  younger  Zeno  for  "  Islande "  or 
Shetland.  Iceland,  it  need  scarcely  be  said,  is  larger  than  Ireland, 
and  the  description  fits  it  well.  On  the  one  hand,  "Frislanda"  is 
marked  on  the  Zeno  map  quite  separate  from  Iceland,  and  con- 
siderably to  the  south-west  of  that  island ;  ^  on  the  other,  there  is 
a  somewhat  close  correspondence  in  size  and  outline  with  Iceland. 
This  has  been  explained  by  the  behevers  in  the  Zeni  as  due  to  the 

'  On  tlie  other  hand  the  Farues  lie  on  the  voyage  from  Enghinil  to  Icehiml,  and 
would  naturally  be  visited. 

-  Ireland,  Iceland,  and  "Islande"  or  "Estland,"  or  Shetland,  appear  to  he  coUKtantly 
confused. 

^  Early  maps  often  repeat  a  covuitry,  ''.//.,  Greenland  apjiears  twice  on  the  Ortelius 
map  of  1570  (Nordenskjold,  'Facshnile  Atlas,'  Stockholm,  jil.  xlvi.,  Orocland  and 
Groenlant),  so  pi.  .xlvii.,  etc. 


332  VOYAGES   AND   DISCOVEIHES,    Ur,-l-13y9.  [1390. 

mistake  of  Isicolo  Zeno,  the  younger,  who  foiind  the  original  map 
much  damaged,  and  perhaps  ran  together  the  outhnes  of  the 
archipelago.  This  explanation,  however,  is  not  altogether  satis- 
factory. It  is  also  suggested  that  the  size  of  "  Frislanda  "  was 
exaggerated  because  it  had  to  receive  a  great  number  of  names,  and 
because  it  was  a  comfortable  habit  of  early  cartographers  to  adjust 
areas  on  their  maps  to  this  requirement.  The  name  of  "  Frislanda," 
in  approximatelj'  the  same  position  as  it  occupies  on  the  Zeno 
chart,  occurs  as  "  Fixlanda  "in  a  sea  chart  of  the  fifteenth  century 
at  Milan,  and  as  "  Frixlanda  "  in  a  Catalan  chart  of  the  same  date. 
Columbus  mentions  an  island  south  of  Iceland  known  as  "Fris- 
landa." The  Zeno  chart  affected  the  cartography  of  the  northern 
seas  till  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century,  when  at  last 
"  Frislanda  "  began  to  vanish  from  the  map.'  It  is  to  be  noted  that 
this  chart  does  not  mark  the  Faroes,  which  slightly  confirms  the 
identification  of  "  Frislanda  "  with  them. 

Of  the  other  names,  "  Icaria  "  is  identified  with  Kerry  in  Ireland 
and  not  with  any  part  of  America.  If  the  records  of  the  voyage  are 
true  the  distance  sailed  would  have  brought  "  Zichmni "  with  his 
fleet  to  the  west  coast  of  Ireland  ;  and  the  "  pursuit  r  long  the  hill- 
tops, and  the  howling  of  the  strangers  oft'  the  coast,  are  Irish  all 
over,"  says  Mr.  Major,-  who  falls  back  upon  his  usual  explanation  of 
the  statement  in  the  text,  that "  Icaria  "  derived  its  name  from  Icarus, 
son  of  Daedalus,  King  of  Scotland,  as  being  "  an  interpolation  of 
Nicolo  Zeno  the  younger."  There  was  probably  a  certain  amount  of 
intercourse  between  the  Norsemen  of  the  Scotch  Isles  and  Norway, 
and  the  Norsemen  of  Ireland;  and  that  "Zichmni"  should  have 
sailed  or  been  driven  to  Kerry  is  not  unlikely,  though  there  are 
difficulties.  "  Zichmni "  is  described  as  sailing  in  search  of 
"  Estotiland,"  which  lies  a  thousand  miles  to  the  west  of  "  Fris- 
land."  Kerry  lies  not  to  the  west  of  the  Faroes  but  almost  due 
south, ^  and  six  hundred  miles  distant.  There  is  no  notice  in  the 
narrative  of  so  extraordinary  a  divergence  from  the  course  which 
would  naturally  be  steered.  "  We  were  driven  we  knew  not  where 
for  eight  days,"  are  the  words,  which  suggest,  indeed,  a  divergence, 
but  hardly  a  voyage  in  a  totally  different  direction.     And  the  Zeni 

'    Vide  maps  collected  in  Xonleiiskjokrs  '  Facsimile  Atlas.' 
^  '  Zeni,'  .\cix. 

'  The  position  of  "  Icaria"  on  the  chart  is  also  against  Kerry,  miless  this  is  one  of 
the  younger  Zeno's  "interpolations."' 


1390.]  BOMBASTIC  NATURE   OF   THE   STORY.  333 

knew  of  the  compass,  so  that  we  should  expect  them  to  have  at 
least  recoi-ded  such  a  change  of  course. 

The  story  of  the  fisherman  hardly  concerns  us,  as  he  was  not  an 
Orkneyman  but  a  Faroe  islander.  His  "  Estotiland "  has  been 
identified  with  Newfoundland,  his  "  Drogio "  with  Nova  Scotia. 
The  civilised  people  he  found  dwelling  in  the  "  fair  and  populous 
city  "  are  assumed  to  have  been  the  descendants  of  the  Norse  colony 
planted  centm-ies  before  by  Leif  Eriksson  and  his  followers.  There 
are,  however,  no  clear  traces  of  a  Norse  settlement  in  Newfoundland 
or  Nova  Scotia ;  no  ruins  of  a  city  and  no  indisputably  Norse  relics 
have  been  disinterred.  The  ocean  of  time  has  closed  upon  the 
Norseman  and  does  not  give  up  its  dead.  Yet  the  evidence- of  some 
settlement  appears  indisputable.^  Others  again  have  seen  in  this 
people  the  remnants  of  the  Irish  colonisation  with  even  less  prol)a- 
bihty.  The  fact  that  the  people  drank  beer  points  to  a  Norse 
origin.  Yet  at  no  time  before  the  coming  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  were 
the  gold  mines  in  Newfoundland  and  Nova  Scotia  worked  ;  and  we 
are  expressly  told  that  the  strange  people  had  "  abundance  of  gold." 
It  is  far  from  improbable  that  some  vague  report  of  a  strange  new 
world  had  reached  even  the  Faroes,  from  Iceland,  at  the  close  of  the 
fourteenth  century,  when  the  traditions  of  Winland  and  Markland 
had  not  been  forgotten. - 

But  it  is  more  probable  that  Nicolo  Zeno  intei-polated  much 
of  the  fisherman's  narrative,  or  at  least  wrote  it  up  from  the 
tales  of  Columbus  and  Cortes,  than  that  the  fisherman  ever 
sailed  where  he  says  he  did.  Indeed,  the  intei-polation  of  Nicolo 
the  younger  is  a  convenient  deus  ex  machind  to  fall  back  upon 
in  difficulty.  Mr.  Major  holds  that  the  "rich  and  populous 
city  "  is  only  a  piece  of  bombast  on  a  level  with  the  mention  of 
"the  Duchy  of  Sorano,"  or  Swona,  and  so  also  he  explains  the 
"  king's  library,"  where  Latin  manuscripts  wei-e  seen  by  the  fisher- 
man, and  the  "temples."  "Estotiland"  some  have  supposed  is 
Scotland,  but  the  particulars  do  not  fit.  "  Drogio  "  would  appear  to 
be  some  part  of   the  American   mainland :    the  wild  tribes  are  in 

'  For  the  Xorse  settlements,  vid,'  Winsor,  'History  of  America,'  i.  H7-10T,  ami  the 
numerous  authorities  there  quoted.  Winsor  is  sceptical,  but  the  evidence  npiiears 
strong  to  the  writer. 

2  According  to  the  Sagas,  Bishop  Eric  of  Greenland  went  to  Winland,  1121; 
Adallirand  and  Helgason  are  said  to  have  rediscovered  Newfoundland,  from  Iceland,  in 
1285.  Tlie  last  recorded  voyage  to  Winland  was  from  Greenland  in  l-i47.  Major, 
'  Letters  of  Columbus,'  xviii.  5. 


334  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1154-1399.  [1390. 

that  case  Eed  Indians,  and  the  ci\dHsed  people  to  the  south  the 
Mexicans. 

The  voyage  of  "  Zeno  "  from  "Bres"  to  "  Engroneland "  has 
fewer  traces  of  the  fabulous,  though  here  also  there  are  many 
difficulties.  The  monastery  of  St.  Thomas  is  supposed  to  be  a 
mistake  of  one  or  other  of  the  Zeni  for  St.  Olaus,^  which  is  men- 
tioned by  an  early  Norse  geographer,  Ivar  Bardssen.  That  there 
were  monasteries  and  Norse  settlements  on  Greenland  is  a  fact 
proved  by  numerous  remains,  ruins  of  churches  and  buildings,  runes 
and  traditions.  The  lonely  church  of  Katortok  bears  silent  testi- 
mony to  a  civilisation  which  has  long  since  passed  away.  We 
should  then  expect,  if  the  narrative  is  true,  that  the  place  described 
by  Zeno  could  be  identified.  Mr.  Major  places  the  monastery  at 
Tasermiutsiak  on  the  Tessermiut  in  southern  Greenland,"  and  finds 
an  extinct  volcano  in  the  remarkable  mountain  of  Suikarssuak, 
which  rises  nearly  four  thousand  feet  above  the  fiord.  Unfortun- 
ately subsequent  exploration  has  made  it  certain  that  Suikarssuak  is 
not  an  extinct  volcano ; "  it  is  a  granite  rock.  Nor  are  there  hot 
springs  on  the  Tessermint  fiord,  though  it  is  true  that  such  springs 
now  exist  at  no  great  distance,  on  the  island  of  Ounartok,  where  are 
also  very  plain  traces  of  a  Norse  settlement.  Here,  however,  the 
volcano  is  wanting,  and  Admiral  Irminger  asserts  that  volcanoes 
have  never  existed  in  south  Greenland.^  If  this  be  so,  and  Zeno  is 
in  this  passage  romancing,  what  value  can  be  attached  to  the  rest  of 
his  story  ?  Or  is  this  another  interpolation  of  Nicolo  the  younger  ? 
The  use  of  hot  water  for  the  purposes  which  Zeno  describes  was 
possibly  common  in  Iceland  during  his  time :  there  are  traces  of  it 
still.  If  he  visited  Iceland,  which  is  highly  probable,  he  may  have 
heard  stories  of  Greenland,  and  of  the  strange  boats  used  b}'  the 
Greenlanders,  which  agree  so  closely  with  the  Eskimo  boats  of 
to-day  that  they  can  scarcely  be  the  product  of  his  vmguided 
imagination. 

The  voyage  of  "  Zichmni "  to  Greenland — if  "  Trin  "  was  in 
Greenland — presents  the  same  difficulty  of  the  volcano.  There  is 
nothing  intrinsically  improbable  in  the  voyage  itself :  to  the  daring 

'  St.  Tommaso  and  St.  Olaus  have  in  the  Italian  and  Xorse  resiiectively  a  \'ery 
faint  phonetic  resemblance. 

^   Vide  map  of  Greenland.     '  Zeni,'  Ixxxii. 

"  So  Irminger. 

■*  Hot  springs,  however,  as  Major  justly  says,  are  clear  indications  of  volcanic 
activity,  and  glacier  action  may  have  oliscurcd  the  traces  of  volcanic  action. 


THE    ZENO    CHART 
(Published  1558.) 


[To  faa:  mt/c  334. 


i;j!)0.]  THE  XJiNO   MAR  -J-J^ 

Norseman  it  was  a  fairly  conniion  mulertakiii^^ ;  and  if  ships  sailed 
from  England  and  Scotland  to  Iceland,  there  is  no  reason  why  they 
shonld  not  have  pnshed  a  little  farther  and  made  Greenland.  Some 
of  the  details — which  look  as  if  they  had  come  from  hearsay— alone 
cause  suspicion/  We  should,  too,  have  expected  to  meet  with  some 
mention  of  Sinclair's  Greenland  colony  in  either  Scotch  or  Orcadian 
history.  Some  doubt  apparently  hangs  over  his  death,  as  the  writer 
has  not  been  able  to  discover  whether  he  died  in  any  portion  of  his 
Scotch  domains  or  where  he  is  buried.  All  we  are  told  of  his  end  is 
that  he  "is  supposed  to  have  died  about  1410."  It  is,  then,  just 
possible  that  he  never  returned  from  his  Greenland  expedition — 
presuming  that  he  really  made  it. 

The  strongest  evidence  for  the  "foundation  on  fact"  of  the 
narrative  was,  till  recently,  the  Zeno  map,  though  here,  as  usual,  it 
was  necessary  to  suppose  much  carelessness  and  interpolation  on  the 
part  of  Zeno  the  younger.  Nordenskjold  considered  in  1883  that 
the  topography  of  the  chart  was  on  the  whole  much  in  advance  of 
the  knowledge  of  the  time  when  it  aj)peared,  and  accepted  the 
general  truth  of  the  narrative.-  The  mistakes  ascribed  to  Zeno  the 
younger  are  the  misplacing  of  numerous  islands  which  should  be  in 
the  Shetlands,  and  which  in  the  chart  appear  on  the  east  coast  of 

'  E.;/.,  tlic  volcanic  stories,  which  woulil  come  nat\irally  enough  from  a  romancing 
Icelander,  or  from  a  Venetian  who  had  visited  Icelanil. 

^  Nordenskjold,  '  Congres  des  Arnericanistes'  (1883),  p.  121  ft".,  is  thus  summarised: 
'riie  map  in  the  1558  edition  of  the  /eni  is  based  upon  an  old  chart  of  northern  origin, 
anterior  in  date  to  1-182,  and  probably  brought  back  from  his  voyages  by  Antonio  Zeno. 
Of  this  map  no  faithful  copy  is  kno\TO,  but  tliere  are  two  examples  with  more  or  less 
alteration — the  map  of  Zeno  the  younger,  printed  1558,  and  of  Nicolas  Donis,  printed 
1482  (in  '  Facsimile  Atlas,'  text  p.  61,  a  reduced  representation),  which  has  not  many  of 
the  arbitrary  modifications  of  the  younger  Nicole,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  places 
Greenland  far  too  much  to  the  north.  The  common  origin  of  the  two  maps  is  proved 
Ijy  tlie  identity  of  a  great  number  of  names.  Zeno's  chart  has,  then,  "an  immense 
importance,"  equal  almost  to  Andrea  Bianco's  map  of  the  Mediterranean.  It  is  evidently 
the  tVuit  of  many  years  of  experience,  which  has  been  acquired  by  active  navigation  on 
the  coasts  delineated.  It  must  have  taken  place  anterior  to  the  Columbian  age,  as  then 
for  a  time  knowledge  of  Greenland  was  lost.  He  concludes  that  there  was  then  less  ice 
to  the  west  of  Greenland ;  that  voyages  were  often  made  to  Greenland ;  and  that  those 
voyages  occasionally  extended  southward  to  Canada,  etc.  Nordenskjijld's  opinion  must 
carry  weight;  but  AVinsor  ('America,'  i.  127)  is  nnfavom-able  to  the  map,  and  Irminger 
totally  denies  that  Zeno  had  ever  been  in  Greenland.  The  old  Olaus  Magnus  map, 
which  Zahrtmann  conjectured  to  have  existed,  has,  since  Major's  and  Nordenskjiild's 
•  ipinion  was  given,  turned  up.  It  is  evident  that  Zeno  the  j'ounger  copied  much  from 
tins  map,  and  thus  the  only  strong  argument  for  his  veracity  has  passed  away.  I  have 
this  fact  from  Mr.  C.  H.  Coote,  of  the  Map  Department,  British  Jluseuni,  who  dis- 
believes in  the  Zeno  story:  I  must  take  tliis  opportunity  of  thanking  him  for  much  kind 
assistance. 


336  VOYAGES   AND   DISCOVERIES,    1154-1399.  [1390. 

Iceland ; '  the  dubious  outline  of  "  Frisland " ;  the  removal  of 
"  Grislanda  "  from  the  Orkneys  to  the  south  of  Iceland  ;  the  placing 
of  St.  Thomas's  monastery  in  a  situation  to  the  extreme  north-east  of 
Greenland,  a  position  which  does  not  suit  the  narrative  and  which 
can  certainly  have  never  been  reached  by  the  ships  of  1410 ;  and 
some  other  inaccuracies.  The  date  1380  on  the  map,  as  in  the  text, 
is  also  supposed  to  have  been  a  mistake  of  his  or  of  some  copyist  for 
1390,  and  such  an  error  is  quite  possible.  The  best  points  about 
the  map  are  its  comparative  accuracy  in  depicting  the  coast  of 
Greenland,  though  if  the  Zeno  outline  be  compared  with  a  map  of 
1467 "  a  certain  resemblance  will  be  detected.  The  outline  of 
Iceland  is  moderately  accurate  to  the  west  on  the  Zeno  map,  but 
here  again  a  comparison  with  the  Olaus  "Magnus"  map  of  1539,^ 
which  was  prepared,  though  not  printed,  at  least  ten  years  before  the 
Zeno  map  was  known,  will  show  a  slight  correspondence.  Xicolo 
Zeno  the  younger  may  have  seen  copies .  of  this  map  before  it  was 
printed.  The  names  given  in  the  Shetland  archipelago — supposing 
Estland  to  be  Shetland — are  ahead  of  Italian  knowledge  in  1558, 
when  Zeno's  map  was  published.  "  Podalida "  was  perhaps  a 
perversion  of  Pomona  in  the  Orkneys. 

Against  the  narrative,  in  its  present  form  at  any  rate,  much  can 
be  urged.  At  the  very  best  we  must  suppose  Nicolo  Zeno  the 
younger  guilty  of  altering  and  interpolating.  His  story  of  the  torn 
documents,  musty  with  age,  is  a  very  common  pretext  of  the  fable- 
monger.  The  original  documents,  which  would  compel  belief,  have 
never  been  produced  or  discovered.  His  work  was  not  published 
till  1558  by  Francesco  Marcolini,  and  this  was  more  than  a  century 
and  a  half  after  the  death  of  the  voyagers.  In  a  damp  climate  such 
as  that  of  Venice,  there  would  be  no  small  probability  of  neglected 
and  carelessly  treated  documents  becoming  quite  illegible  after  such 
long  neglect.  It  has  been  noted  by  every  critic  that  the  text  and 
the  map  disagree  almost  hopelessly,  which  looks  as  though,  in  one 
or  other,  there  had  been  much  interference  with  the  original.  At 
the  date  when  the  work  was  published  Venice  was  extremely  eager 
to  claim  for  herself  some  share  in  the  credit  of  Columbus's  discoveries 
as  against  her  old  rival  Genoa,  from  whom  Columbus  had  sprung. 

'  Owing  to  confusion  between  "Islande"  (Shetland)  and  "Island"'  (Iceland). 

-  '  Facsimile  Atlas,'  pi.  xxx.    See  also  AVinsor,  '  America,'  i.  121. 

^  Winsor,  '  America,'  i.  123.  The  map  is  reproduced.  See  also  '  Facsimile  Atlas," 
p.  59.  The  map  dated  1572,  Roma,  is  virtually  the  same  as  the  old  Olau.s  map  of  1539, 
reproducel  in  Brenner,  0.,  '  Karte  des  Olaus  Jlagnus"  (Christiania,  1880). 


i* 


1390.]  VEBDICT   ON   THE  ZENI   CASE.  337 

It  was  a  time  when  fraudulent  tales  were  in  the  air,  synchronising 
closely  with  the  date  of  the  origin  of  the  Madoc  myth  in  England. 
There  was,  then,  every  inducement  to  foist  upon  the  world  a  tale 
which  would  win  glory  for  Venice  and  in  particular  for  the  family 
of  the  Zeni,  who  were  amongst  Venice's  greatest  men.  It  is,  how- 
ever, true  that  Nicolo  Zeno,  the  compiler,  bore  a  high  character 
in  Venice.^  There  may  have  been  a  voyage  to  Iceland,  and  even 
to  Greenland,  but  it  will  be  well  to  suspend  our  judgment  till  some 
trace  of  the  original  documents  is  discovered.  The  "  Drogio  "  and 
"  Estotiland "  of  the  map  give  no  ground  for  concluding  that  in 
1390  or  1410  the  Zeni  knew  of  America,  as  these  names  may  easily 
have  been  interpolated  from  the  discoveries  of  Columbus  and  the 
Cabots  to  suit  the  story  of  the  fisherman,  which  only  reaches  us,  it 
is  to  be  remembered,  at  third  hand.'^ 

'  Major,  '  Letters  of  Columbus,'  xxiv.  quotes  Patrizio.  Nicole  Zeno  the  younger  was 
born  in  1515.  There  is  a  trace  of  the  story  in  1536,  as  Marco  Barbaro  says  of  Antonio 
Zeno :  "  He  wrote  with  his  brother  Nicolo  the  voyages  of  the  islands  under  the  Arctic 
jjole  and  of  those  discoveries  of  1390,"  and  "  by  order  of  Zicno,  King  of  Frisland,  he 
went  to  the  continent  of  Estotiland  in  North  America."  Vide  Major,  '  Zeni,'  xlv. 
Zahrtmann  holds  that  Nicolo  the  younger  might  have  interpolated  this  statement. 

^  The  imfavourable  authorities  are,  amongst  others :  De  Laet,  '  Notae  ad  disserta- 
tionem  .  .  .  de  origine  gentium  Americanarum '  (Paris,  1643),  20-22 ;  Daru,  '  Histoire 
de  Venise '  (Paris,  1821),  vi.  295-98 ;  Irving,  Washington,  '  Voyages  of  Columbus ' 
(London,  1828),  iv.  217-2-i;  Biddle,  R.,  'Cabot'  (London,  1831),  328-32;  Zahrtmann, 
Proc.  Roy.  Geogr.  Society,  v.  102 ;  Bryant  and  Gay,  '  Popular  History  of  United  States ' 
(New  York,  1876),  i.  76-85 ;  Irminger,  Proc.  Roy.  Geog.  Soo.  (London),  slix.  398,  etc. ; 
Steenstrup,  '  Compte  Rendu,  Congres  des  Amerioanistes '  (1880),  p.  ISO,  etc. ;  AVinsor,  J., 
'  History  of  America,'  i.  74:  (somewliat  doubtfvd).  Many  authorities  accept  a  portion  of 
the  voyages  as  true.  A  fairly  full  bibliography  will  be  found  in  Anderson,  R.  B., 
'  America  not  Discovered  by  Columljus '  (Chicago,  1883). 


''% 


VOL.   I. 


(      338     ) 


CHAPTEE  X. 

CIVIL   HISTORY   OF   THE    NAVY,    1899-1485. 

Accession  of  the  House  of  Lancaster — New  types  of  vessels — Antiquity  of  English 
nautical  tenus — Cabins — Ornamentation  of  ships — Flags — Guns — Officers — An 
early  passenger  vessel — Cost  of  the  Navy — Wages — Names  of  ships — The  Navy 
List  of  Henry  V. — Lancastrian  neglect  of  the  Navy — Sale  of  the  fleet — Policing 
the  seas  by  contract — The  '  Libel  of  English  Policie ' — The  Hansa  league — The 
value  of  the  sea  to  England — The  re-creation  of  a  navy. 


H' 


'ENRY  IV.,  of  Bo.lingbroke,  eldest  son  of 
John  of  Gamit  by  Blanche,  daughter  of 
Henry,  Duke  of  Lancaster,  began  his  reign  on 
September  29th,  1399.  Under  him  and  his 
two  successors  of  the  House  of  Lancaster, 
there  seem  to  have  been  comparatively  few 
changes  in  the  material  of  the  navy,  though  ships  grew  steadily 
larger  and  though  the  new  weapons,  which  had  been  introduced 
early  in  the  fourteenth  century,  and  which  were  the  outcome  of 
the  application  of  gunpowder  to  the  purposes  of  war,  were  gradually 
developed  and  improved,  and  yearly  became  more  potent  factors  in 
the  determination  of  actions  by  sea  as  well  as  by  land.  But  the 
period  was  one  of  exceedingly  slow  progress.  Engines  of  more 
ancient  type  continued  to  be  employed  side  by  side  with  cannon, 
and  bows  and  cross-bows  side  by  side  with  hand-guns.  Indeed, 
such  was  the  conservatism  of  the  navy,  that  not  until  towards  the 
close  of  the  sixteenth  century  did  artillery  finally  assume  the 
position  of  dominant  arm  in  the  service,  and  musketry  fire 
altogether  displace  the  arrow  and  the  bolt. 

The  opening  of  the  fifteenth  century  introduces  us  to  one  or  two 
types  of  vessels  which  may  possibly  have  then  been  new  ;  but  more 
probably  it  was  the  names  and  not  the  types  which  were  really 
novel.  The  "fare-coast,"  for  example,  was,  in  all  likelihood,  the 
earlier  "  passager  "  or  packet-boat;  the  "  helibot "  seems  to  have 
been  the  "  hoc-boat  "  ;  and  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  "  collett  " 


1300.] 


TYPES    OF    VESSELS. 


339 


possessed  special  qualities  (listinfj;uisliinf^  it  from  some  pre-existent 
small  craft.  As  for  the  "  skiff,"  it  may  have  been  a  fresh  type,  but 
small,  light,  swift  vessels  were  used  by  EngUsh  seamen  in  all  ages. 
Carracks  and  dromons  figure  as  bcroro  in  the  chronicles  of  maritime 
occurrences ;    but   these  vessels  were  never   characteristic   English 


SIIU',    XlVTil    ClvNTUliV. 
iFrutii  Umidaii  MSN.,  i-im.foUu  149.) 


types,  and  though  they  occiisionally  fought  for  England,  they 
generally  appeared  either  as  mercenaries,  or  as  prizes  which  had 
been  won  from  a  continental  enemy. ^  Some  of  the  carracks  of  the 
time  were  large.  In  the  reign  of  Henry  V.  one,  building  at 
Barcelona,    was    of    1300    "  botts  "    or  tons,  and  another  of   1000. 

^  '  Nicuks,  ii.  441,  442. 


340  CIVIL   HISTOBY,    1399-1485.  [1400. 

These,  however,  were  quite  exceptional.'      Vessels   of   more  than 
300  tons  were  still  uncommon. 

Nor  was  it  usual  for  a  ship  to  have  more  than  one  mast.  In 
this  respect,  England  was  certainly  behind  many  foreign  countries. 
As  in  the  previous  period,  a  few  vessels  had  two  masts  ;  but  there 
is  some  ground  for  suspecting  that  most  of  these  had  been  built 
abroad.  Not  until  the  first  years  of  Henry  VII.  do  three-masters 
seem  to  have  been  known.  Many  nautical  terms  that  are  now 
familiar  were  already  in  use.  "  Junk"  had  become  a  synonym  for 
pieces  of  old  cable ;  and  "  blocks "  for  pulleys ;  and  the  words 
"rigging,"  "  capstanspokes,"  "tacks,"  and  "fore-lock"  are  met 
with.^  Cabins  in  big  ships  were  the  rule  ;  and  pantries,  butteries, 
and  other  domestic  offices  were  constructed  "under  the  hatches."^ 
Vessels  were  caulked  or  "  calf  acted  "  with  taUow  and  tow,  and  some 
had  pumps  and  "  poupes."  Some  also  were  very  splendidly 
decorated.  In  the  year  1400,  one  of  the  king's  barges  with  ker  mast 
was  painted  red,  and  the  ship  was  ornamented  with  collars  and 
garters  of  gold,  each  collar  containing  a  fleur-de-lys,  and  each  garter 
a  leopard,  together  with  gold  "lyames"  or  leashes,  having  within 
each  of  them  a  white  greyhound  and  a  gold  collar.  The  ship  Good 
Pace  of  the  Toioer  was  likewise  painted  red,  but  her  bulwarks,  cabin, 
and  stern  were  of  other  colours.  On  the  bowsprit  was  a  large 
gold  eagle  with  a  crown  in  its  mouth.  The  Trinity  of  the  Tower 
was  red,  too ;  on  her  stern  were  effigies  of  St.  George,  St.  Anthony, 
St.  Katherine,  and  St.  Margaret,  with  four  shields .  of  the  king's 
arms  within  a  collar  of  gold,  and  two  of  the  arms  of  St.  George 
within  the  garter.  Two  large  eagles  were  painted  in  the  cabin 
on  a  diapered  ground.  The  king's  barge,  Nicholas  of  the  Tower, 
was  painted  black,  and  covered  or  "  powdered "  with  ostrich 
feathers,  the  scroll-work  being  gilt.  In  one  part  of  her  cabin  were 
escutcheons  bearing  the  king's  arms  and  the  arms  of  St.  George, 
and  in  another  part  was  an  image  of  St.  Christopher.*  The  Holy 
Ghost,  built  at  Southampton  for  Henry  V.,  was  adorned  with 
figures  of  the  supporters  of  his  arms,  a  swan  and  an  antelope.^ 
The  same  monarch's  own  ship,  the  cog  John,  was  distinguished 
with   a   crown   and   sceptre,    and   his   crest,    the   lion   of    England 

'  Ellis's  Letters,  2nd  series,  i.  71. 

''  Nicolas,  citing  various  Carlton  Hide  papers,  ii.  443. 

"  Roll  C.A.  (Carlton  Kide  papers),  356. 

*  KoU  W.N.  (Carlton  Ride  papers),  1441. 

^  Issue  Roll,  2  Hen.  V.  338,  339  (Devon). 


1400.] 


FLAGS. 


a4i 


crowned,  on  the  truck  of  the  mast.  Her  capstan  was  "  ad 
modum  trium  florium  dehciarum  operatum " — probably  capped 
with  a  model  of  three  fleurs-de-lys — and  she  had  five  smaller  and 
one  greater  lanterns.  The  sails  of  ships  were  embroidered  with 
badges  or  arms  in  colours.^  The  sail  of  the  cog  John  had  the  king's 
arms  ;  that  of  the  Nicholas,  the  royal  badge  of  a  swan  ;  that  of  the 


>1111'-,    MS  1  u    '  INI  L"l:V. 
(From  Harleian  MSS.,  iiSoJolio  159.) 

Katrine  of  the  Toioer,  another  royal  badge  of  an  antelope  chmbiug 

up  a  beacon.^ 

The   flags   used   were   various.     The   cog  John,  of  Henry  V., 

flew,  besides  the  royal  banner,  two  streamers,  one  of  the  Trinity, 

and  one  of  Our  Lady,  and  eight  guidons,  one  of  the  Trinity,  one  of 

Our  Lady,  one  of  St.  Edward,  one  of  St.  George,  two  bearing  the 

king's  arms,  one  with  a  swan,  and  one  with  ostrich  feathers.     She 

'   Her  auchor  was  tlie  gift  of  Sir  John  Blount. 
^  IJoll  of  For.  Accounts,  temp.  Hen.  V. 


342  CIVIL   HISTORY,   1399-1485.  [1418. 

also  had  eight  standards  or  other  flags  similarly  charged,  and  one 
"banner  of  council."  The  Nicholas  flew  one  streamer  of  St. 
Nicholas,  and  four  guidons,  one  of  St.  Edward,  one  of  St.  George, 
one  of  the  king's  arms,  and  one  with  the  ostrich  feathers.  And 
the  Katrine  flew  four  guidons,  four  standards,  and  a  streamer  of 
St.  Katherine.^  It  will  have  been  noticed  that  the  names  of  saints 
were  very  commonly  given  to  ships.  Then,  as  now,  the  naming 
of  a  king's  vessel  was  accompanied  by  a  religious  ceremony  or 
benediction,  for,  in  July,  1418,  the  Bishop  of  Bangor  blessed  the 
Grace  a  Dieu,  then  lately  built  at  Southampton ;  and  received  for 
his  expenses  £5.^  But  it  is  probable  that  the  practice  of  permitting 
a  layman  or  a  lady  to  "  christen  "  the  ship  is  a  much  more  modern 
one,  and  there  is  no  trace,  in  the  fifteenth  century,  of  ship-baptism 
with  wine. 

Eeferences  to  artillery  and  artillery  stores  become  more  and 
more  frequent  in  the  accounts  and  other  papers  of  the  period. 
There  were  guns  of  brass  and  of  iron,  hand-guns,  and  guns  with 
chambers ;  and  stone  as  well  as  iron  or  leaden  shot  were  employed.^ 
"With  the  compass  there  seems  to  have  been  less  progress.  The 
accounts  tend  to  indicate  that  not  every  ship  carried  anything  of 
the  sort ;  and  it  may  be  that  only  flagships  or  leading  vessels  were 
suppUed  with  "  dials  "  and  "  sailing-needles."  The  needle  itself 
appears  to  have  been  sometimes  called  the  compass ;  for  the 
Christopher  is  said  to  have  had  "  iij  compas  and  j  dyoU."  Nicolas 
is  of  opinion  that  the  ballinger  Gabriel  of  the  Tower  may  have 
carried  an  instrument  closely  resembling  a  compass  in  the  modern 
acceptation  of  the  word,  seeing  that  among  her  stores  were  "  j  dioU, 
j  compasse,"  and  "  j  boxe."* 

The  officers  and  crews  of  ships  remained  as  before.  There  were 
masters,  constables,  carpenters,  sailors,  and  boys  ;  and  there  was  a 
"clerk"  in  the  king's  ships,  corresponding  with  the  purser  and 
paymaster  of  later  days.  But  there  were  changes  in  the  system 
of  appointment  to  the  office  of  admiral.  It  has  been  already  noted 
that  under  the  Angevins  it  was  usual  to  appoint  an  admiral  of  the 
north,  and  another  of  the  west,  and  that  only  occasionally  was 
there  a  commander-in-chief,  or  Admiral  of  England.     From  1406, 

'  Roll  of  For.  Accounts,  temp.  Hen.  V. 

2  Issue  Roll,  5  Hen.  V.  35G  (Devon). 

"  Various  Carlton  Ride  Rolls,  cited  by  Nicolas,!  ii.  444. 

*  Roll  of  For.  Accounts,  temp.  Hen.  V. 


1440.] 


A   BALLAD    OF  A   rASSENGER-BOAT. 


343 


however,  there  was  always  an  Admiral  of  England,  who  commanded 
in  chief  the  fleets  of  England,  Ireland,  and  Aquitaine.  As  this 
exalted  officer  could  not  be  in  two  places  at  once,  subsidiary  flag- 
officers  or  commanders  of  fleets  or  squadrons  were  from  time  to 
time  appointed  to  sei-ve  under  him,  their  commissions  always 
providing  that  they  should  not  be  prejudicial  to  the  rights  of 
the  Admiral  of  England.  These  subsidiary  officers  were  not 
always  styled  aduiirals,  even  when  they  commanded  ships  and 
seamen  as  well  as  soldiers  and  men-at-arms  afloat.  Sometimes 
they  were  designated  "  captains  and  leaders  of  men-at-arms  and 
archers  on  the  sea,"  or  "the  king's  lieutenants  on  the  sea"; 
and  occasionally  an  admiral  commanded  the  fleet,  while  a  king's 
lieutenant  commanded  the  men-at-arms  and  archers  in  it ;  whereas 
on  other  occasions  the  captain  and  leader,  or  the  king's  lieutenant, 
acted  with  the  powers  of  a  modern  admiral,  commanding  both  the 
seamen  and  all  soldiers  serving  in  the  ships. ^ 

In  1836,  Mr.  Thomas  Wright  copied  from  an  ancient  MS. 
(B.  8-19)  in  Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  and  sent  to  Monsieur  A. 
Jal  for  use  in  his  '  Arch^ologie  Navale,'  the  following  nautical 
song  or  ballad,  which  may  be  taken  as  referring  to  experiences  on 
board  an  early  passenger  vessel,  and  which  dates  from  the  reign  of 
Henry  VI.  It  was  afterwards  printed  in  the  first  part  of  '  EeliquiEe 
Antiquae,'  edited  by  T.  Wright  and  J.  0.  Halhwell  : — 


Men  ma.y  leve  all  gamys 
That  saylen  to  Seynt  Jamys ; 
For  many  a  man  liit  gramys 

When  thej'  begyn  to  saj'le. 
For  wlien  they  have  take  the  see 
At  Sandwyche  or  at  Wynchylsee, 
At  Brystow,  or  where  tliat  hit  he, 

Theyr  herts  begyu  to  fayle. 

Anone  the  mastyr  commandeth  fast 
To  his  shj-p-men,  in  all  the  hast, 
To  dresse  hem  soue  about  the  mast 

Theyr  takeling  to  make. 
With  "  howe,  hissa !  "  then  they  cry : 
"  What  howe,  mate,  thou  stondyst  to  ny ; 
Thy  fellow  may  nat  hale  the  by ! " 

Thus  they  begyn  to  crake. 


A  boy  or  tweyn  anone  up  styen, 
And  overt-whart  the  sayle-yerde  lyeu : 
"  Y  how  talya ! "  the  remenaimt  cryeu, 

And  pull  with  all  theyr  myght. 
"Bestowe  the  bote,  bote-swayne,  anon. 
That  our  pylgryms  maj'  pley  thereon, 
For  Bom  ar  l^-ke  to  cowgh  and  grone 

Or  hit  be  fid  raydnj-ght. 

"Hale  the  bowelyne!  Now,  vere  the  shete! 
Coke,  make  redy  anone  our  mete. 
Our  pylgryms  have  no  lust  to  ete: 

I  pray  God  give  hem  rest. 
Go  to  the  helm  !    What  howe  !    No  here  ? 
Steward,  felow,  a  ix)t  of  here ! " 
"  Ye  shall  have,  ser,  with  good  chere 

Anone,  all  of  the  best." 


'  Fcedera,'  ix.  202. 


344 


CIVIL   EISTOBT,   1399-1483 


[1440. 


Som  layde  theyr  bookys  on  theyr  kne, 
And  rad  so  long  they  myght  nat  se. 
"  Alas !  mj-ne  hede  woU  cleve  on  thfe  !  " 
Thus  seyth  another,  "  certayne !  " 

Then  commeth  owre  owner  lyke  a  lorde, 
And  speketh  many  a  royall  worde, 
And  dresseth  hym  to  the  hygh  horde 

To  see  all  thyngs  be  well. 
Anone  he  calleth  a  carpentere. 
And  biddeth  hym  bring  with   h.yni   hys 

gere, 
To  make  the  cabans  here  and  there 
With  many  a  febyll  cell. 

"  A  sak  of  strawe  were  there  ryglit  good," 
For  som  must  lyg  theym  ni  theyr  hood. 
I  had  as  lefe  be  in  the  wood 

Without  mete  or  drynk : 
For  when  that  we  shall  go  to  bed, 
The  pumjie  was  nygh  our  bedde  hedde : 
A  man  were  as  good  to  be  dede 

As  smell  therof  the  stvnk. 


"  Y  howe !  Trussa !  Hale  in  the  brayles ! 
Thow  halyst  nat !  Be  god !  Thow  fayles ! 
0  !  se  howe  well  owre  good  shyp  sayles  !  " 

And  thus  they  say  among,      [done !  " 
"Hale  in  the  wartake!"     "Hit   shall  be 
"Steward,  cover  the  boorde  anone, 
And  set  bred  and  salt  thereone, 

And  tar}'  nat  to  long." 

Then  cometh  oone  and  seyth,  "  Be  mery ; 
Te  shal  have  a  storme  or  a  pery." 
"  Holde  thow  thy  pese !     Thow  canst  no 
whery ; 

Thow  medlyst  wondjr  sore." 
Thus  mene  cohile  the  p3dgryms  ly. 
And  have  theyr  bowlys  fast  theym  by, 
.And  cry  aftyr^hote  malvesy 
Theyr  helpe_^for[;lo  restore. 

And  som  wold  have  a  saltyd  tost, 
For  they  myght  ete  neyther  sode  ne  rost. 
A  man  myght  sone  pay  for  theyr  cost 
As  for  00  day  or  twayne. 

Freely  traiislafed.— They  who  sail  to  St.  James  may  bid  good-bye  to  all  pleasures; 
for  many  a  man  suffers  when  he  begins  to  sail;  and  when" he  has  put  to  sea  from 
Sandwich,  from  Winchelsea,  or  from  Bristol,  no  matter  whence  it  be,  his  heart  begins 
to  fail.  Presently  the  master  briefly  orders  his  men  to  take  up  their  positions  in  all 
haste  about  the  mast  in  order  to  handle  their  tackle.  With  "  Ho !  Hoist !  "  then  they 
cry,  "  What  ho !  mate ;  you  stand  too  near :  your  comrade  cannot  haul  when  he  is  so 
close  to  you !  "  Thus  they  begin  to  crack  on.  Presently  a  boy  or  two  goes  aloft,  and 
lies  out  on  the  yard.  The  others  cry,  "  Y  ho  !  talya  1 "  and  pull  with  all  their  might. 
"  Now  give  us  the  boat,  boatswain,  that  our  passengers  may  ply  therein ;  for  some  of 
them  are  like  to  cough  and  groan  ere  it  be  full  midnight.  Haul  the  bowline !  Kow, 
veer  the  sheet !  Cook,  make  haste  to  make  ready  our  meal.  Our  passengers  have  no 
desire  to  eat.  I  pray  God  to  give  them  rest.  Go  to  the  helm !  AVliat  ho  !  Do  you 
not  hear  ?  Steward,  fellow,  a  pot  of  beer  !  "  "  Sir,  you  shall  have  of  all  the  best  directly, 
with  good  cheer."  "|0h,  ho !  Trussa !  Haul  on  the  brails !  You  are  not  hauling ! 
By  God !  You  are  a  weakling  1  Oh,  see  how  well  our  good  ship  sails ! "  And  thus 
they  talk  among  themselves.  "Haul  in  the  warp  tackle!"  "It  shall  be  done!" 
"  Steward,  lay  the  table  at  once,  and  set  bread  and  salt  on  it,  and  do  not  be  too  long 
about  it."  Then  one  comes  and  says,  "Be  merry;  you  will  have  a  storm  or  other 
peril ! "  "  Hold;_yoiu-  tongue  I  You  can  know  nothing  about  it !  You  are  a  sorry 
meddler ! "  In  the  meanwhile  the  passengers  lie  about,  and  have  their  basins  close  by 
them,  and  cry  out  for  hot  malvoisie  to  put  them  right.  And  some,  who  could  eat 
neither  boiled  nor  roast,  called  for  a  salted  toast.  It  would  not  cost  more  to  keep  them 
for  two  days  than  for  one.  Some  laid  their  books  on  their  knees,  and  read  until  they 
could  see  no  longer.  "  Alas  !  my  head  will  split  in  three  beyond  all  doubt ! "  So  says 
another.  Then  our  owner  comes  up  like  a  lord,  and  says  many  a  patronising  word, 
and  takes  the  head  of  the  table,  to  see  that  aU  things  go  well.  Presently  he  summons 
a  carpenter,  and  bids  him  bring  his  tools  with  him,  to  make  cabins  here  and  there,  with 
a  number  of  small  bunks.  "  A  sack  of  straw,"  says  the  master,  "  would  be  well  there ; " 
for  some  have  to  lie  down  in  their  cloaks.  I  would  as  soon  be  in  a  wood  without  meat 
or  drink  ;  for  when  we  turn  in,  the  pvimps  will  be  close  to  our  bed  head,  and  a  man 
who  breathes  the  I  stench  of  it  were  as  good  as  dead. 


1410.] 


COST   OF   TEE  NAVY. 


345-. 


The  approximate  cost  of  such  navy  as  was  maintained  by  the 
Lancastrian  kings  may  be  estimated  from  the  fact  that  diu-ing  one 
quarter  of  the  year  1410,  the  tonnage  allowance  paid  to  shipowners, 
together  with  the  wages  and  rewards  of  the  men-at-arms,  masters, 
constables,  and  mariners  amounted    to  £8240  17s.  M.     This  would 


^  Ktlr'' 


FROM   THE    MS.    LIFE   OF   RICHARD   BBAUCHAMP,    EARL    OF 
WARWICK,    BY   JOHN    ROUS,    WHO    DIED    1491. 

CCulloJI  MSS..  j/llilis  E.  il\  6.) 


be  equivalent  to  about  £33,000  a  year,  assuming  fleets  to  be  kept  in 
commission  for  so  long  a  period.  In  the  same  year,  the  safe  guarding 
of  the  sea — which  may  have  been  expenditure  under  a  different 
heading — cost  £6241  17s.  6f7.  for  one  quarter  and  half  a  quarter. 
This  was  at  the  rate  of  about  £16,700  a  year.  The  total  expenditure 
may  possibly  therefore  have  been  as  much  as  £50,000  or  there.abouts 


846 


CIVIL   HIBTOST,   1399-1485. 


[1417 


in  years  when  the  unofficial  wars  with  France  and  Spain  were 
at  their  height. 

Wages  in  the  navy  remained  throughout  the  Lancastrian 
period  as  they  had  been  under  Edward  III.  ;  but,  in  addition  to 
their  wages,  most  persons  employed  by  the  Crown  received  a  sum 
called  a  "  reward,"  which,  in  the  case  of  a  seaman,  was  sixpence  a 
week.  Exactly  what  "reward"  then  signified  is  imknown,  nor  is 
it  known  under  what  rules  and  regulations  the  gi-atuity  was  granted. 
But  it  was  probably  derived  from  the  wages  of  fictitious  men,  not 
actually  borne. 

On  August  12th,  1417,  being  then  at  Touques,  near  Honfleiu', 
Henry  V.  granted  an  annuity  to  the  master  of  each  of  his  ships, 
carracks,  barges,  and  baUingers.  The  enclosure  with  the  letters 
missive  addressed  upon  the  occasion  to  the  chancellor,  the  Bishop 
of  Dm'ham,  seems  to  show  that  the  king's  ships  at  that  time,  and 
the  names  of  their  commanders  or  masters  were  as  foUows  : — 


DESCRrmos. 
Great  sliip 


Carrack 


Sbip 


Barge 
Ballinger 


Xame.  ilASTEK. 

Jesu .Juhn  AVilliam 

Trinitij  Royal      .      .      .  Stephen  Thomas 

Holy  Ghost      ....  Jordan  Brownyng 

•Peter John  Gerard 

Paul William  Payne 

Andrew     ....'.  John  ThornjTig 

Cliristoplier      ....  Tendrell 

Mark- William  Hethe 

Marie William  I'icheman 

Georye John  Mersh 

Agues  or  Ayase  (?)     .      .  

Nicholas William  Eobynson 

Katherine Juhn  Kyngeston 

Marie Richard  Walsh 

Flaward  (?)    .      ...  Thomas  Martyn 

Marie William  Cheke 

Chrisfojjher     ....  William  Yalton 

Petite  Trinite.      .      .      .  John  Piers 

Ann P.alph  Hoskard 

Nicholas Robert  Shad 

Oeorrje Edward  Hoper 

Cracchere Stephen  Welles 

Gabriel Andrew  Godefrey 

Little  John      ....  John  BuU 

James Janyn  Cossard 

Su-aii Ruwe 

Katherine Janvn  Dene 


The  annuity  for   each  master  of  a  great  ship  or  carrack  was 
£6  13s.  4d. ;  that  for  each  master  of  a  ship,  £5  ;  and  that  for  each 


1421.] 


NAVY  LIST  OF  HENRY   V. 


347 


master  of  a  barge  or  ballinger,  £3  Gs.  8c7.  The  James  and  Swan 
were  attached,  probably  as  tenders,  to  the  Holy  Ghost  and  the 
Trinity  respectively/ 

It  is  noteworthy  that  the  revolution  which,  in  14G0,  deposed  the 
House  of  Lancaster,  and  set  up  the  House  of  York,  was,  to  a  large 
extent,  a  naval  one.  The  attitude  of  the  navy  was  the  almost 
inevitable  result  of  the  commercial  policy  which  had  been  pursued 
by  the  Lancastrian  kings,  and  especially  by  the  last  two  of  them. 
With   the   exception  of   a  decreasing   number  of   king's    ships,  all 

'  Mr.  JI.  ()piiciiheim  ('History  of  the  Administr.ition  of  tlie  lioyal  Navy,'  vol.  i. 
p.  12)  has  compiled  from  the  accoimts  of  William  Cattou  and  William  Soper,  succes- 
sive keepers  of  tlie  ships,  a  list,  which  he  believes  to  be  the  fullest  so  far  printed,  of  the 
navy  of  Henry  V.  This  list  is  given  below,  but,  for  the  sake  of  brevity,  the  affix  "  of 
the  Tower,"  whicli  is  therein  applied  to  each  of  the  vessels,  except  the  Marie  Hampton 
and  Marie  SaiuUrich,  and  which  is  simply  equivalent  to  the'-modern  prefix  "H.M.S.," 
is  omitted.  The  list  is,  of  course,  of  a  date  a  few  years  later  than  tlie  one  given  in 
the  text :— 


Bum. 

Taken. 

Tons. 

BuUt. 

Taken.!  Tone. 

Ships : — 

Carracks  (cont.) : — 

Jesus  . 

1000 

Aqase 

, , 

n416     .. 

Holiijost 

1414 

760 

Peter  . 

, . 

'1417:   .. 

Trinity  Eoyal 

1416 

540 

Paid  . 

n417    .. 

Grace  Dieu  . 

1418 

400 

Andreiu 

n417 

Thomas '      . 

1420 

180 

Orande  Marie 

n-iie 

420 

Barges : — 

Little  Marie 

140 

Valentine    , 

1418 

,   , 

100 

Katrine 

Marie  Bretton 

,  . 

,  , 

,  , 

Christopher  Spayne 

*ilii 

600 

Marie  Spayne 

*1417 

,   . 

Ballingers : — 

Holiijost  Spayne   . 

n4i7 

290 

Katrine  Bretton   . 

"1416 

Philip 

■ " 

James 

14i7 

Little  Trinity 

120 

Ann    . 

1417 

120 

Oreat  Gabriel 

Swan . 

1417 

120 

Co<i  John 

Nicholas 

1418 

120 

lied  Cog       . 

, , 

George 

* ' 

120 

Margaret     . 

•• 

Gabriel 

Gabriel  de  Harfleur 

Carracks : — 

Little  John  . 

,   . 

Marie  Hampiton  . 

n4i6 

500 

Fawcon 

80 

Marie  Sandwich  . 

n4i6 

5.50 

Boos  . 

. . 

30 

George 

"- 1416 

600 

Cracchere     . 

56 

'  Kelmilt. 

-  Captured  by  the  Duke  of  Belford. 


3  Taken  in  .Suutbampton  "Water  or  at  Dartmouth, 
-t  Captured  by  the  Earl  of  Htmtingdou. 


The  Holigost  seems  to  have  carried  six,  the  Thomas  four,  the  George  and  Grace 
Dieu  each  three,  and  the  Katrine  and  Andrew  each  two  guns.  The  Grace  Pirn  was 
accidentally  burnt  at  Bursledon  in  1439.  The  Georges,  both  carrack  and  ballinger, 
Christopher,  Katrine  Bretton,  Thomas,  Grande  Marie,  Holigost  Spayne,  Nicholas, 
Swan,  and  Cracchere,  were  all  sold  in  1423.  Only  two  of  the  vessels,  the  Trinity  and 
Holigost,  seem  to  have  remained  in  1452 ;  when  they,  rotten  and  useless,  practically 
constituted  the  entire  Royal  Kavy  of  England. 


348  CIVIL   HISTORY,    1399-1485.  [1424. 

vessels  used  for  war  in  those  days  had  been  built  for  merchantmen, 
served  as  merchantmen  in  peace-time,  belonged  to  merchants,  and 
were  manned  by  persons  nominally  in  the  pay  of  merchants.  The 
connection  between  the  navy  and  the  general  mercantile  prosperity 
of  the  country  was  consequently  very  intimate.  If  the  merchants 
were  discontented,  the  navy  was  apt  to  be  inchned  to  disaffection  ; 
and,  under  Henry  V.  and  Henry  YI.,  the  merchants  of  England 
were  nearly  ruined.  Indeed,  it  was  said  that  the  frequent  and 
often  unreasonably  protracted  arrests  of  shipping,  the  undue  favour 
accorded  to  foreigners,  and  the  hea\'y  exactions  of  various  kinds, 
brought  about  such  a  decline  of  commerce  that  the  people  became 
poorer  than  they  had  ever  been  within  the  memory  of  persons  then 
living.  The  natural  course  of  trade  was  interfered  with ;  as,  for 
example,  by  Henry  VI.,  who,  not  satisfied  with  mortgaging  the 
customs  of  London  and  Southampton  to  the  Cardinal  of  AVinchester, 
engaged  by  indenture  to  turn  sea-borne  commerce  chiefly  to  those 
ports.  And  the  security  of  personal  property  was  outraged  by  the 
same  king,  when,  in  his  thirty-first  year,  he  seized  all  the  tin  at 
Southampton,  and  sold  it  for  his  own  purposes.  The  business  that 
drifted  away  from  the  merchants  of  England  fell  into  the  hands 
first  of  those  of  the  Hanse  Towns, ^  and  then  of  those  of  Italy  ; "  and 
as  the  commercial  classes,  probably  with  good  reason,  imagined  that 
the  transfer  was  aided  by  the  corrupt  intrigues  of  the  Court  and 
particularly  by  those  of  Queen  Margaret  of  Anjou,  they  were  not 
slow  to  welcome  the  Yorkists,  among  whose  professed  principles 
were  the  encom-agement  of  trade,  the  revival  of  the  navy,  and 
distrust  of  foreigners. 

And,  indeed,  the  navy  sadly  needed  revival,  for  the  fleet  had 
practically  ceased  to  exist.  Under  Hem-y  VI.,  one  of  the  first 
orders  of  the  Council  ^  had  directed  the  sale  of  most  of  it,  apparently 
to  pay  the  late  king's  debts.  How  little  of  national  feeling  there 
was  in  the  land,  and  how  entirely  the  navy  was  regarded  as  the 
personal  possession  of  the  sovereign,  will  appear  from  the  fact  that 
the  Council  parted  from  the  fleet  without  a  qualm,  and  that  the 
people  quietly  siifl'ered  the  iniquity.  For  the  two  years  ending 
August  31st,  1439,  the  whole  outlay  on  the  Eoyal  Navy  was  only 
£8  9.S.  Id. 

After  the  sale  of  the  navy,  the  police  of  the  Karrow  Seas,  so  far 

*  MoUoy :  '  De  Jure  Maritime,'  341.         -  Fabiau,  459.    See  also  Grafton  and  Hall. 
^  Acts  of  the  P.C,  Mar.  Srd,  1423. 


14-10.]  NAVAL   DEFENCE  BY    CONTRACT.  3-19 

as  it  was  carried  out  at  all,  was  carried  out  by  contractors.  In 
1440,  the  seamen  employed  by  one  of  these,  Sir  John  Speke, 
received  Is.  &d.  a  week  as  pay,  and  a  similar  amount  for  victuals.^ 
A  few  years  later,  and  until  14.50  or  afterwards,  the  Nicholas,  which 
up  to  1423  had  belonged  to  the  Eoyal  Navy,  was  doing  duty  on 
behalf  of  the  contractors.  In  1445  the  contractors'  seamen  received 
Is.  9d.  a  week,  and  a  weekly  reward  of  6cl. ;  boys  were  paid  Is.  l^d. ; 
and  masters  obtained i6(Z.  a  day.  At  times,  the  contractors  seem  to 
have  done  their  work  fairly  well ;  though  one  has  no  means  of 
saying  how  far  they  were  assisted,  seeing  that,  for  example,  in 
1444-45,  a  Cinque  Ports  fleet. of  twenty-six  vessels  was  in  com- 
mission. But  the  contract  system  was  identified  with  the  Lancas- 
trian dynasty  ;  and  as  soon  as  the  Yorkists  gained  sufficient  power, 
they  vigorously  set  about  ending  it.  As  early  as  1454,  measures 
with  this  object  were  adopted. 

It  may  be  said  that,  upon  the  whole,  the  promises  foreshadowed 
by  the  advent  of  the  Yorkists  were  fairly  performed.  Edward  IV. 
did  much  to  encourage  trade,  and  under  him  it  grew  greatly ;  he 
devoted  steady  attention  to  the  recovery  and  maintenance  of  the 
dominion  of  the  sea ;  and  he  was  essentially  an  English  king, 
though  a  profligate,  and  sometimes  a  cruel  one.  Nor  did  he  greatly 
oppress  his  subjects.  He  drew  from  them,  it  is  true,  benevolences 
to  meet  his  most  pressing  needs,  and  so  raised  money  without  the 
assistance  of  Parliament ;  but  these  aids  came  chiefly  from  the  rich, 
and  they  were,  at  least  nominally,  of  a  voluntary  nature.  The  poor 
were  not  taxed  beyond  the  bounds  of  reason,  and  it  is  not  recorded 
that  the  rich  were  ruined.  Edward  V.  reigned  only  for  a  few 
months.  Richard  III.  called  but  one  parhament,  and  levied  but  one 
regular  tax — a  tenth  upon  the  clergy ;  and,  no  matter  what  may 
have  been  his  private  character  and  motives,  he  was  neither  in- 
capable nor  unpatriotic  as  a  king.  In  1484  he  formally  abohshed 
benevolences  as  "new  and  unlawful  inventions,"  though  it  is  more 
than  suspected  that  he  continued  to  raise  them  until  the  close  of  his 
short  reign.  On  the  other  hand,  he  was  not  particularly  extor- 
tionate, and  he  was  an  undoubted  friend  to  commercial  development. 

Under  the  Yorkists  there  were  even  fewer  changes  in  the  material 
and  management  of  the  navy  than  under  the  Lancastrians.  But 
the  period  is  remarkable  as  having  witnessed  the  first  publication, 
apparently  in  manuscript,  of  a  little  anonymous  verse  treatise,  the 

'  Roll  of  For.  Accts.  xi. 


350 


CIVIL   HISTORY,   1399-1485. 


[1430. 


spirit  breathed  by  which  has  ever  since,  and  with  ever-increasing 
power,  influenced  the  EngHsh  I'ace. 

Entitled  '  De  PoHtia  Conservativa  Maris,'  and  as  such  printed 
in  Hakhiyt,^  it  is  more  generally  known  as  '  The  Libel  of  English 
Policie.'     It  is  in  English  ten-syllabled  rhymed  couplets.     Although 


PROM   THE   MS.   LIFE   OF  BICHABD   BKAUCHAMP,    EAEL    OF 
WARWICK,    BY   JOHN   SOUS,    WHO    DIED    1491. 

{Cotton  MSS.,  Julius,  E.  iv.  li.) 

its  authorship  is  a  matter  of  doubt,^  it  is  known,  from  statements 
in  the  work  itself,  that  it  was  revised  and  approved  of  by  Walter, 
■first  Baron  Hungerford,  during  the  lifetime  of  the  Emperor  Sigis- 
mund ;  and,  as  Hungerford,  who  had  served  as  admiral  of  a 
squadron  in  1416,  was  not  summoned  as  a  baron  until  1426,  and 

'  Voyages,  i.  187. 

^  It  has  been  attributed,  with  some  show  of  reason,  to  Bishop  Adam  de  Moleyns, 
who  was  murdered  at  Portsmouth  iu  1450. 


1430.]  'LIBEL    OF  ENGLISH  FOLICIE.'  351 

Sigismund  died  in  1437,  the  date  of  the  '  Libel '  must  He  between 
those  years.  It  is  divided  into  an  introduction  and  twelve  chapters, 
and  is  of  sufficient  importance  to  merit  some  analj'sis  here,  seeing 
that  the  writer  was  perhaps  the  first  to  fully  grasp  the  importance 
to  England  of  commerce  and  sea-power. 

The  general  introduction  runs  : — "  Here  beginneth  the  prologue 
of  the  processe  of  the  Libel  of  English  Pohcie,  exhorting  all 
England  to  keep  the  Sea,  and  namely  the  Narrow  Sea  ;  shewing 
what  profite  cometh  thereof,  and  also  what  worship  and  salvation 
to  England,  and  to  all  Enghshmen." 

After  demonstrating  both  the  usefulness  and  the  nscessity  of 
England's  preserving  the  dominion  of  the  sea,  and  stating  that 
the  Emperor  Sigismund,  who  had  been  in  England  in  1416,  and 
who  had  gone  to  France  with  Henry  V.,  had  advised  that  king 
to  keep  the  two  towns  Dover  and  Calais  as  carefully  as  he  would 
keep  his  two  eyes,  the  author  explains  the  device  on  the  gold 
noble  ^  struck  by  Edward  III.,  after  Sluis,  his  text  being : — 

"  Four  thiugs  our  nuble  sheweth  unto  me, 
King,  ship,  and  swoi'd,  and  power  of  tlie  sea." 

The  first  chapter  contains  an  account  of  the  commodities  of 
Spain  and  Flanders,  and  insists  that  neither  country  could  live 
without  the  other,  while  Spanish  wool  could  not,  without  an 
admixture  of  Enghsh,  be  worked  by  the  Flamands.  Trade  between 
Spain  and  Flanders  must  be  precarious  unless  both  countries  were 
at  peace  with  England ;  so  that,  with  Calais  and  Dover  in  English 
hands,  and  the  sea  under  English  dominion,  Spain  and  Flanders 
flom-ished  only  by  the  permission  of  England. 

The  second  chapter  deals  with  the  commodities  of  Portugal,  and 
points  out  that  Portugal  had  always  been  friendly  to  England, 
and  that  a  valuable  trade  had  always  subsisted  between  the  two 
countries,  although  the  current  of  the  commerce  had  begun  to 
turn  so  as  to  benefit  Flanders.  Another  chapter  treats  of  the 
commerce  of  Brittany,  and  of  the  general  interruption  occasioned 
to  trade  by  the  piracies  of  the  Bretons,  whenever  England  failed 
to  assert  her  dominion  of  the  Narrow  Seas.  In  the  fourth  chapter, 
the  commerce  of  Scotland  is  reviewed,  the  conclusion  being  that 
Scotland  might  be  ruined,  should  England,  strong  at  sea,  see  fit 
to  prevent  her  from  drawing  her  household  stuffs,  her  haberdashery, 

'  Illustrated,  a7ite,  p.  1-15. 


352  CIVIL   BISTORT,    1399-1485.  [1430. 

her  agricultui'al  tools,  and  even  her  wheel-barrows  and  cart-wheels 
from  abroad. 

The  fifth  chapter  relates  to  Germanj'^  and  the  Hanse  Towns  ; 
the  sixth  to  Genoa ;  the  seventh  to  Venice  and  Florence  ;  and  the 
eighth  to  the  non-German  Hanse  Towns,  especially  those  of  the 
Low  Countries.  These  chapters  mainly  insist  upon  the  evils 
resulting  from  Enghsh  encouragement  of  foreigners,  and  iipon 
the  advantage  to  England,  should  she  secure  the  trade  carried  on 
by  others,  as  she  might  do,  were  she  strong  at  sea.^ 

The  ninth  chapter  contains  a  survey  of  the  commerce  of  Ireland, 
with  a  suggestion  that  Enghsh  trade  would  be  more  benefited  by 
a  thorough  reduction  of  that  island  than  by  all  the  efforts  to 
conquer  France  by  mihtary  methods.  The  tenth  chapter  speaks 
of  the  trade  from  Scarborough  and  Bristol  to  Iceland,  and  includes 
an  excm-sus  on  the  importance  of  Calais.  The  eleventh  chapter  is 
devoted  to  recalling  the  naval  power  of  Edgar  and  of  Edward  III., 
and  to  setting  forth  the  progress  made  under  Henry  V.  in  the  con- 
struction of  larger  ships  than  had  been  previously  built  in  England. 

The  twelth  and  final  chapter  is  recapitulatory,  and  it  closes  with 
a  strong  exhortation  to  the  people  of  England  to  consider  the 
importance  of  the  author's  pleas,  and  in  particular  to  bear  in  mind 
the  necessity  of  maintaining  the  sovereignty  of  the  seas,  whereon 
the  peace,  plenty,  and  prosperity  of  the  island  chiefly  depend.  The 
spirit  of  the  conclusion  strangely  recalls  the  wording  of  the  preamble 

'  The  evils  complained  of  were  already  in  process  of  correction.  Mr.  Oppenheim 
says  :  "  If  the  Ivorman  conquest  gave  the  first  great  impulse  to  English  over-sea  trade, 
the  events  of  the  close  of  the  fourteenth  and  the  first  half  of  the  fifteenth  centuries  may 
be  held  to  mark  the  second  important  era  in  the  development  of  merchant  shipping  by 
the  ojiening  up  of  fresh  markets.  Hitherto,  the  products  of  the  countries  of  the 
Baltic  had  been  mainly  obtained  through  the  agency  of  the  merchants  of  the  Hansa, 
who  had  their  chief  factory  in  London,  with  branches  at  York,  Lynn,  and  Boston.  In 
the  same  way,  English  exports  found  their  way  to  the  north  only  through  Hansa 
merchants  and  in  Hansa  ships.  For  two  centuries  they  had  held  a  monopoly  of  the 
purchase  and  export  of  the  products  of  the  north,  by  virtue  of  treaties  with,  and 
payments  made  to,  tlie  northern  powers,  and  an  unlicensed,  but  very  effective,  warfare 
waged  on  all  ships  which  ventured  to  trade  through  the  Sound.  But  the  war  against 
AValdemar  III.  of  Denmark,  the  depredations  of  the  organised  pirate  republic  known  as 
the  Victual  Brothers,  followed  by  the  struggle  with  Eric  XIII.  of  Sweden,  were  times  of 
disorder  lasting  through  more  than  half  a  century,  from  which  the  Hansa  emerged 
nominally  victorious,  but  with  the  loss  of  the  prestige  and  vigour  that  had  made  its 
monopoly  possible.  While  it  was  fighting  to  uphold  its  pretensions,  the  Dutch  and 
English  had  both  seized  the  opportimity  of  forcing  their  way  into  the  Baltic,  and  when, 
in  1435,  the  Hansa  extorted  from  its  antagonists  a  triumphant  peace,  the  real  utility  of 
the  privileges  thus  obtained  had  passed  away  for  ever." — '  Admin,  of  Koy.  Navy,'  10, 11. 


1430.]  THE  INFLUENCE    OF  SEA    POWER.  353 

to  the  modern  Naval  Discipline  Act,  and  may  have  originally 
sngcrested  it,  though  a  very  similar  expression  occurs  in  a  com- 
plaint of  the  Commons  in  1416.' 

The  doctrine  of  the  influence  of  sea-power  is,  therefore,  no  new 
one.  It  has  been  analysed,  and,  so  to  speak,  codified  by  nineteenth- 
century  writers,  such  as  Mahan  and  Colomb ;  but  in  all  its  most 
essential  bearings  it  was  fully  grasped  by  this  anonymous  fifteenth- 
century  rhymester.  In  the  following  century  it  was  familiar  to 
Bacon,-  who,  in  his  essay,  '  Of  the  True  Greatness  of  Kingdoms 
and  Estates,'  wrote  :  "  To  be  master  of  the  sea  is  an  abridgment 
of  a  monarchy . . .  He  that  commands  the  sea  is  at  great  liberty, 
and  may  take  as  much  and  as  little  of  the  war  as  he  will ;  whereas 
those  that  be  strongest  by  land  are  many  times,  nevertheless,  in 
gi-eat  straits.  Surely  at  this  day,  with  us  of  Europe  the  vantage 
of  strength  at  sea,  which  is  one  of  the  principal  dowries  of  this 
kingdom  of  Great  Britain,  is  great,  both  because  most  of  the 
kingdoms  of  Europe  are  not  merely  inland,  but  girt  with  the  sea 
most  part  of  their  compass,  and  because  the  wealth  of  both  Indies 
seems  in  great  part  but  an  accessory  to  the  command  of  the  seas." 
And,  in  the  seventeenth  century,  Ealegh  understood  the  doctrine, 
when,  in  his  '  Discourse  of  the  Eirst  Invention  of  Ships,'  he 
declared:  "Whosoever  commands  the  sea,  commands  the  trade; 
whosoever  commands  the  trade  of  the  world,  commands  the  riches 
of  the  world,  and  consequently  the  world  itself." 

Yet  even  the  unknown  author  of  the  '  Libel '  preached  an 
ancient  and,  in  theory,  a  long-accepted  gospel.  Cicero  wrote  to 
Atticus :  "Consilium  Pompeii  plane  Themistocleum  est;  putat 
enim,  qiii  mari  potitur,  eum  rerum  potiri." 

The  reconstitution  of  the  Eoyal  Navy  was  a  slow  process.  At 
first  it  seems  to  have  been  attempted  by  the  process  of  buying 
and  adapting  merchantmen.  As  early  as  July,  1461,  a  ship,  the 
Margaret,  of  Ipswich,  which  carried  cannon,  was  spoken  of  as  "  our 
great  ship."  ^  In  1463  a  caravel  was  bought  for  ±'80,  and  a  partial 
or  entire  share  in  the  John  Evaiitjelist  was  similarly  secured.^  In 
1468,  the  Marij  of  Grace  was  purchased ;  and  in  1470  a  ship  called 
the  Martin  Garcia  was  acquired  from  Portugal.^     A  St.  Peter  was 

•  Pari.  Rolls,  iv.  79. 

"  Altliougli  this  essay  was  not  actually  published  until  1G12. 
•'  Excheq.  Warr.  for  Issues,  July  20tli. 
•■  Ik,  .July  5th,  14G3. 
'•  lb.,  Dec.  14th,  1408;  July  18th,  1470. 
VOL.   I.  2  A 


354 


CIVIL   HISTORT,   1399-1185. 


[1485. 


bought  from  Spain  at  about  the  same  time.  The  first  ship  to  be 
built  for  the  new  navy  seems  to  have  been  another  Grace  Dieu^  in 
1473  ;  though  it  is  not  quite  certain  that  one  of  the  vessels  pre- 
viously purchased  had  not  been  so  re-named.  Other  king's  ships 
mentioned  prior  to  the  fall  of  Richard  III.  are  the  Triniti/,  Falcon, 
Mary  of  the  Tower  (a  carrack  acquired  from  France),  Mary  Ashe 
(which  may,  however,  be  another  form  of  Mary  of  Grace),  Goi^ernor, 
and  Nicholas,  the  last  two  being  bought  at  the  beginning  of  1485. 

'  Called  also  Grace  a  Dk-u,  Grace  de  Dieit. 


o.ja 


CHAPTEE  XI. 

MILITARY    HISTOIiY    OF   THE    NAVY,  1399-1485. 

Unollicial  war  with  France — Fenrs  of  iuvasion — The  Scots  in  tlie  Narrow  Seas — 
Henry  IV.  illegally  attenijits  to  raise  shipping — Operations  against  the  Welsh — 
Piracy  in  the  (."hannel — Naval  discontent — English  pirates  defeated — French 
de-scents  upon  the  coast — The  English  retaliate — The  French  in  the  Isle  of  Wight — 
The  English  in  Brittany  and  I'icardy — The  French  at  Portland — And  at  Dart- 
mouth— Attack  on  I^alnioutli — Prince  James  of  Scots  captured  by  Prendergast — 
Difficulties  of  a  royal  adniiral-in-chief — .attempt  upon  Sluis — The  English  on  the 
Norman  Coast — French  invasitm  of  Wales — Exploits  of  Harry  Pay — Spain  assists 
France — Exploits  of  Don  Pedro  Nino — The  merchants  undertake  the  guard  of  the 
sea — Jersey  attacked — Sea  fight  with  the  French — Death  of  the  Earl  of  Kent — 
Truce  with  Burgundy — 'J'ruce  with  Spain — Successes  of  Umfravill — Excesses  of 
Prendergast  and  Long — Henr\-  V.  and  tlie  Navy — Costliness  of  Henry's  naval 
glory — A  question  of  international  law — Insecurity  of  the  Channel — Attempts  to 
]iut  down  piracy — Henry  asserts  his  claim  to  France — Naval  preparations — Alarm 
of  France — Capture  of  Hartleur — Wrongful  prizes — Merchantmen  in  consort — The 
Fuiperor  Sigismund  in  England — Harfieur  invested — Pienewed  attempts  on  the 
English  coast — British  victory  off  Harfieur — Death  of  Lord  West — Temporai'y 
truce  with  France — Preparations  for  a  renewal  of  war — The  Earl  of  Huntingdon's 
victor}' — Henry  invades  France — The  treaty  of  Troves — Henry  enters  Paris — 
Provisioning  the  army  in  France — Relief  of  Calais — Collapse  of  the  English  power 
there — Reduction  of  Harfieur — Truce  with  France — A  disastrous  French  alliance 
— Protectorate  of  the  Duke  of  York — Treason  of  Queen  Margaret — Sandwich 
]iillaged — Warwick  the  king-mal<er — His  naval  prowess  and  popularity — Clever- 
ness of  Sir  John  Dinham — Warwick  invades  England  and  surprises  Sir  Simon 
Montfort — A^ictory  of  the  Yorkist  cause — Successes  of  the  Earl  of  Kent — Warwick's 
intrigues — Prompt  action  of  the  king — Death  of  'Warwick — Piracies  of  the 
Bastard  of  Fauconberg — War  with  France — Tlie  jieace  of  Amiens  in  1475 — The 
fleet  employed  against  Scotland — Accession  of  Richard  III. — Richmond  intrigues 
in  Brittany — England  invaded — Death  of  Richard. 


H' 


"ENKY  IV.,  at  his  accession,  found  England 
officially  at  peace  with  France ;  and  at 
peace  she  officially  remained  until  the  day  of  his 
death.  The  long  truce  continued,  and,  in  theory 
at  least,  it  stood  unbroken  during  the  whole 
thirteen  years  of  the  reign.  Yet  most  of  the  period  was  charac- 
terised by  great  naval  activity.  In  the  first  place,  war  with  France 
was  yearh',  and  often  dailj',  expected ;  in  the  second  place,  unofficial 
hostilities,  sometimes  on   a   large   and   serious  scale,  were  of   very 

2  A  2 


356  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1399-1485.  [1399. 

frequent  occurrence.  Charles  of  France  never  ceased  to  resent  the 
fate  of  his  son-in-law,  Eichard  of  England  ;  Henry  of  England  never 
shut  his  eyes  to  the  fact  that  Charles  of  France  steadily  encouraged 
domestic  attempts  to  dethrone  him.  An  atmosphere  thus  over- 
charged could  not  fail  to  produce  sparks  and  even  lurid  flashes, 
truce  or  no  truce. 

On  November  15th,  1399,  Thomas,  Earl  of  Worcester,^  was 
appointed  sole  admiral,  with  jurisdiction  over  the  Irish  as  well  as 
over  the  northern  and  western  fleets  ;  and  early  in  the  following  year 
measures  were  debated  for  the  defence  of  the  kingdom,  of  Calais, 
and  of  the  sea.  As  taxation  was  unpopular,  and  Henry's  position 
was  not  very  secure,  the  spiritual  lords  agreed  to  submit  to  the  levy 
of  a  tenth  upon  their  property,  and  numerous  temporal  peers 
undertook  to  raise  and  support  soldiers  and  seamen.  Lords  Lovell, 
Berkeley,  Camoys,  Powys,  St.  John,  Burnell,  Willoughby,  and  Eoos 
fm-ther  consented  each  to  find  a  ship  with  twenty  men-at-arms  and 
forty  archers,  besides  a  crew,  and  Lords  Fitzwalter,  St.  Maur,  and 
D'Arcy  each  to  defray  the  expense  of  half  a  ship,  and  of  ten  men-at- 
arms  and  twenty  archers.^  Such  navy  as  there  was  was  ordered  to 
assemble  at  Sandwich,  and  a  small  craft,  the  Kafherine,  of  Guernsey, 
was  sent  to  bring  in  the  king's  ships  and  the  other  vessels.^ 

The  activity  of  the  French  gave  rise  to  alarms  of  invasion,  and 
in  consequence  soldiers  were  collected  at  various  points ;  *  but 
Henry,  anxious  not  to  provoke  any  breach  of  the  truce,  directed  his 
vessels  to  commit  no  acts  of  war  against  any  people  save  the  Scots, 
who  had  begun  to  make  aggressions,^  and  who  were  rendering  the 
Narrow  Seas  so  unsafe  that  a  Venetian  galley,  which  had  been 
detained  at  Plymouth  pending  the  settlement  of  a  commercial 
dispute,  dared  not  come  on  to  London  until  ships  were  dispatched 
thence  for  her  convoy.*  In  the  lueantime,  Henry  proceeded  against 
the  Scots,  and  charged  Eichard  Clyderow "  with  the  organisation  and 
conduct  of  a  squadron  of  armed  storeships  destined  to  co-operate 
with  him.* 

'  Previijusly  Sir  Tliomas  Percy.     See  note,  ante,  ji.  12111. 
-  Pro.  and  (3rd.  of  Prjvy  Coimeil,  i.  103,  lOi. 

•'  Her  master  was  paid  60s.  for  the  service.     Issue  lioll,  Miciiaelmas,  1  Hen.  IV. 
<  '  Fcedera,'  viii.  123,  138.  •'■  lb.,  viii.  142,  147. 

"  Pro.  and  Ord.  of  Privy  Council,  i.  120. 

'  Clyderow  was  made  Admiral  of  the  Western  fleet  in  140(1,  when  the  merchants 
undertook  the  defence  of  the  Narrow  Seas. 
'  Scots  Polls,  ii.  153. 


1402.]  PIRACY.  357 

In  1401,  to  counteract  the  fear  of  invasion,  Henrj'  ordered  certain 
ports  and  towns  each  to  build  him  a  barge  or  baUinger.^  Parliament, 
which  had  not  been  consulted,  demanded  the  cancelling  of  the  order, 
and  the  king  was  obliged  to  submit.-  In  April,  Eichard,  Lord  Grey 
of  Codnor,  was  made  Admiral  of  the  Northern,  and  Sir  Thomas 
Kempston,  Admiral  of  the  Western  fleet,  and  they  appear  to  have 
gone  to  sea  in  June  ;  ^  but  naval  forces  other  than  theirs  were  simul- 
taneously employed  in  the  Bristol  Channel  against  the  AVelsh,  who 
were  led  by  Owen  Glendower.  Hotspur  was  in  command  against 
him.  At  Bardsey  Island  Hotspur  took  a  Scots  ship  which  had 
probably  been'  sent  with  supplies  to  the  Welsh,  and  near  Milford  he 
captured  another  Scots  vessel  full  of  men.*  Few  details,  however, 
of  the  naval  campaign  in  that  quarter  have  been  preserved.  In  the 
same  year  a  remission  of  service,  to  the  extent  of  five  ships,  one 
hundred  men,  and  five  boys,  for  the  five  next  occasions  of  the  calling 
out  of  the  fleet  of  the  Cinque  Ports,  was  granted  to  the  town  of 
Hythe,  in  consideration  of  damage  caused  there  by  a  fire  and  a 
pestilence,  and  of  five  Hythe  ships  and  a  hundred  men  having  been 
lost  at  sea.'' 

The  year  1402  witnessed  several  acts  of  piracy  by  both  English 
and  French.  According  to  the  chronicler  of  St.  Denis,''  the  initial 
fault  lay  with  the  Enghsh.  Three  thousand  of  the  most  skilful 
sailors  of  England  and  Bayonne,  it  was  supposed  with  the  approba- 
tion of  Henry,  were  banded  together  for  piratical  ends,  and  they 
incessantly  harassed  the  French  coasts.  Among  other  acts  of 
theirs,  if  the  chronicler  may  be  trusted,  were  the  ravaging  of  the 
Isle  of  Ehe,  and  the  kidnapping  of  a  hundred  poor  fishermen  of 
Picardy.  Obtaining  permission  to  make  reprisals,  the  French  made 
incursions  on  the  coasts  of  England,  and  fought  two  or  three 
small  actions  at  sea,  sometimes  being  successful,  and  sometimes 
being  beaten. 

The  disorganisation  of  the  navy  at  the  time  is  well  shown  by  the 
complaints  of  some  peers  and  others  who  were  sent,  at  the  end  of 
1402,  to  bring  to  England  Joan  of  Navarre,  the  aflianced  wife  of 
King  Henry.  After  saying  that  they  had  been  eleven  days  at  sea^ 
and  were  in  sight  of  Brittany,  when  contrary  winds  obliged  them 
either  to  enter  the  Spanish  Sea  (the  Bay  of  Biscay)  or  to  return  to 

'  'Foedera,' viii.  172.  *  Pro.  ami  Oril  .of  Privy  Council,  i.  153. 

2  Pari.  Kolls,  iii.  458.  '-  Patent  Rolls,  2  Hen.' IV. 

^  Pro.  and  Ord.  of  Privy  Council,  ii.  5(j.        '^  Chron.  of  St.  Denis,  iii.  52. 


358  MILITARY  EISTOllY,   i;J'J'J-1485.  [1403. 

England,  they  declared  that  no  arrangements  had  been  made  for 
paying  the  wages  of  the  crews  of  their  ships,  and  that,  had  not 
most  of  the  lords  paid,  or  undertaken  to  pay,  the  men  for  fifteen 
days,  the  vessels  could  not  have  quitted  port.  They  were  then  at 
Plymouth,  and  would  sail  again  as  soon  as  the  wind  permitted; 
but  if  the  queen  should  not  be  ready  to  embark  upon  their  arrival, 
or  if  bad  weather  should  protract  the  voyage,  the  lack  of  money 
might  imperil  the  issue  of  the  expedition.  Joan  embarked  at 
Camaret  on  January  13th,  1403,  intending  to  make  Southampton, 
but  after  a  rough  passage  of  five  days,  she  was  glad  to  land  at 
Falmouth.' 

In  the  interval  the  piratical  warfare  went  on.  In  the  course  of 
the  winter,  several  persons  of  Plymouth  or  Cornwall,  including  the 
celebrated  freebooter  Harry  Pay,^  were  summoned  before  the  Council 
for  having  captiired  a  ship  of  Castille,  and  a  few  weeks  later  some 
men  of  Dover,  Portsmouth,  Fowey,  Hull,  and  Eye  had  to  explain 
their  conduct  to  certain  aggrieved  Flamands.^ 

In  July,  1403,  similar  proceedings  brought  about  a  regular  sea 
fight,  ending  in  an  English  defeat.  An  Enghsh  force  was  cruising 
off  the  coast  of  Brittany,  and  committing  various  enormities,  when, 
by  the  advice  of  Olivier  de  Clisson,  the  Bretons  determined  to 
intercept  the  passage  home  of  the  marauders.  AVith  the  Sire  de 
Penhert,  Admiral  of  Brittany,*  and  Guilleau'me  du  Chatel  as  their 
commanders,  they  embarked  twelve  hundred  men-at-arms  and  a 
large  body  of  hght  troops  in  thirty  vessels  at  St.  Pol  de  Leon,  near 
Morlaix,  and  put  to  sea,  having  previously  sent  scouts  ahead  of 
them.  Next  day  the  scouts  returned  and  reported  the  English  off 
St.  Mathieu,  on  the  coast  near  Finistere,  and  the  Bretons,  proceed- 
ing, sighted  their  enemy  at  about  sunset.  In  the  night,  the  Enghsh 
got  under  way,  as  if  steering  for  home,  and  at  dawn  each  fleet  was 
formed  into  two  divisions,  and  the  Bretons  attacked.  After  six 
hours   of  hot   fighting,   the   English,  finding   their   formation   dis- 

'  Pro.  and  Ord.  of  Trivv  Council,  i.  lilO. 

-  Or  Henry  Pay :  the  same  who  assisted  in  the  taking  of  twenty-nine  French 
vessels  in  1405.  He  is  said  to  have  lived  at  Poole,  Ijut  is  believed  to  have  been  a 
Sussex  man.  He  is  sometimes  called  a  knight.  In  1-114  he  was  paid  £5  (Js.  Sd.  for 
going  to  Calais  to  ascertain  the  position  of  affairs  there.  Beyond  the  account  given 
here  and  elsewhere  in  the  text,  little  is  known  of  him. 

^  Close  Polls,  4  Hen.  IV. 

*  There  was  tlien  an  admiral  of  each  maritime  duchy  in  France.  In  1G25  the 
Duke  de  Guise  called  himself  Admiral  of  Provence,  and  only  in  1695  was  the  office  of 
Admii-al  of  Brittany  abolished. 


1403.]  WILFORD'S   SUCCESSES.  359 

advantageous,  re-formed  their  fleet  into  one  body.  The  Bretons  did 
the  same,  and  the  action  was  renewed  lantil  the  English  had 
exhausted  all  their  missiles,  and  had  five  hundred  men  killed  or 
drowned.  Then  forty  of  their  ships  and  one  carrack  surrendered. 
Those  Englishmen  who  had  flung  their  weapons  overboard  were 
thrown  after  them  by  the  Breton  commanders.  The  rest,  a  thousand 
in  number,  were  carried  into  Breton  ports. ^ 

Another  notable  French  exploit  of  the  year  was  a  descent  upon 
Haverfordwest  by  a  hundred  and  twenty  ships,  with  twelve  hundred 
soldiers,  under  De  Tries,"  Admiral  of  France,  who  subsequently 
joined  the  Welsh  i;nder  Owen  Glendower ;  but  after  the  Battle  of 
Shrewsbm-y,  the  contingent  went  back  to  St.  Pol  de  Leon.^  In 
August  a  force  under  Du  Chatel — perhaps  the  same  squadron  which 
had  defeated  the  English  at  sea — threw  a  body  of  men  ashore  near 
Plymouth  and  pillaged  and  burnt  the  towu,  subsequently  departing 
unhindered.* 

In  retahation  for  the  affair  at  Plymouth,  a  squadron,  with  six 
thousand  men  on  board,  sailed  across  to  Brittany  in  November, 
burnt  St.  Mathieu,  and  massacred  a  great  number  of  the  in- 
habitants. A  French  force  which  assembled  by  the  following  day 
was  defeated  in  a  bloody  battle,  and  most  of  the  Breton  vessels  on 
the  coast  were  taken,  and  their  crews  murdered.  From  St.  Mathieu 
the  Enghsh  went  to  Guienne,  and  captured  in  the  Gironde  a  number 
of  French  vessels  laden  with  wine.=*  This  Enghsh  squadron  seems 
to  have  been  commanded  by  a  gentleman  named  William  Wilford ; 
but  its  success  did  not  free  the  coasts  of  England  from  the  attacks 
of  French  pirates,  and  in  September,  when  Winchester  appeared  to 
be  threatened,  special  means  were  adopted  to  provide  for  its  defence.'' 
On  November  5th,  Thomas,  fifth  Lord   Berkeley,'  was   appointed 

'  Monstrelet;  Chron  of  St.  Denis;  Des  Ursins;  Gucrin,  'Hist.  Marit.  de  Fiance,' 
i.  31.5. 

'^  Some  authorities  saj',  under  Cliateaubriand  and  De  la  .Jaille. 

^  Monstrelet,  xv. 

*  Walsinghani,  412  ;  Chron.  of  St.  Denis,  iii.  113 ;  Fabian  (Ellis),  o71 ;  Otterbourne, 
245.  Many  French  historians  appear  to  confuse  the  various  attempts  made  at 
about  tills  time. 

^  Des  Ursins,  1.57  ;  Chron.  of  St.  Denis,  iii.  llli,  113. 

«  Close  Rolls,  4  Hen.  IV. 

'  His  ancestors  had  been  barons  by  tenure  since  the  Conquest.  He  succeeded  his 
father  Maurice  in  13C8,  being  then  lifteen.  He  subsequently  served  ashore  iu  France 
and  Wales.  This  seems  to  have  been  his  only  naval  command.  He  died  in  1415. 
His  daughter  Elizabeth  married  Richard,  Earl  of  Warwick. 


360  MILITARY  EISTOBT,   1399-1485.  [1404. 

Admiral  of  the  Western,  and  Sir  Thomas  Beaufort/  Admiral  of  the 
Northern  fleet,  and  at  about  the  same  time,  an  embargo  was  laid 
upon  shipping  in  all  the  ports, ^  and  troops  were  levied  to  resist  an 
apprehended  attack  bj^  the  Count  de  la  Marche  upon  Southampton. ^ 
That  winter,  when  the  usual  convoy  went  to  Bordeaux  for  wine,  it 
was  directed  to  return  to  England  at  the  earliest  possible  moment, 
and  the  best  ships  and  barges  were  not  permitted  to  form  part  of  it/ 

Soon  after  Christmas,  the  French  landed  in  the  Isle  of  Wight ; 
but  while  carrying  off  booty,  they  were  attacked  by  a  superior  force, 
and  driven  back,  with  the  loss  of  some  of  their  spoil.^ 

In  view  of  all  this,  it  is  astonishing  that  Parhament,  in  1404, 
instead  of  taking  notice  of  the  illegalities  of  the  French,  turned  its 
attention  rather  to  English  breaches  of  the  law,  and  complained  of 
unjust  prosecutions  in  the  Admiralty  and  other  courts.'* 

The  French  renewed  their  attempt  upon  the  Isle  of  Wight  in 
February,  and  lying  off  with  a  large  fleet,  sent  ashore  to  demand 
tribute  in  the  names  of  King  Eichard  and  Queen  Isabella.  The 
inhabitants  replied  that  Eichard  was  dead,  that  Isabella  had  been 
sent  home  in  peace  without  stipulations  for  the  payment  of  any 
ribute,  and  that  they  would  pay  nothing,  but  that  if  the  French 
cared  to  fight  the  matter  out,  they  might  land  and  first  refresh 
themselves  for  six  hours  without  molestation.  This  curious  offer, 
similar  to  one  which,  jt  may  be  remembered,  had  been  made  on  a 
previous  occasion,  was  not  accepted ;  and  the  enemy,  probably 
because  he  had  news  of  an  English  fleet  in  his  neighbourhood, 
departed  without  doing  anything  further.' 

In  the  spring,  the  English  again  laid  waste  part  of  the  coasts  of 
Brittany  and  Picardy,  behaving,  according  to  the  French  account, 
with  detestable  cruelty.  As  a  counterstroke,  the  French  resolved 
upon  a  regular  siege  of  Calais,  by  sea  as  well  as  by  land ;  and  not 
having  suflicient  ships  for  that  purpose  and  for  other  necessary 
objects,  they  obtained  a  promise  of  a  contingent  of  vessels  and 
cro^bow-men  from  Spain.' 

'  A  natural  son  of  John  of  Gaunt  by  Katherine  Swinford,  and  so  half-brother  to 
the  king.  He  was  Admiral  of  England  from  1408  until  his  death  in  142G.  In 
1410-1412  he  was  also  Chancellor.  Created  Earl  of  Dorset,  1411,  and  Duke  of 
Exeter,  1416.     He  died  in  1426. 

'^  Patent  Rolls,  5  Hen.  IV.  ^  '  Fcedera,'  viii.  342,  343. 

*  Pro.  and  Ord.  of  Privy  Council,  ii.  81.  ''  'Walsingham,  412. 

*  Pari.  Rolls,  iii.  539.  '  Otterbuurne,  247 ;  AValsingham,  412. 
'  Des  Ursins,  IGl :  Chron.  of  St.  Denis,  iii.  160. 


140i.]  THE   BR  OTHERS   DU   CIIATEL.  361 

Yet  although  the  French  did  not  consider  themselves  to  be 
strong  enough,  unaided,  to  make  the  attempt  on  Calais,  their 
activity  elsewhere  did  not  cease.  In  April,  1404,  a  French  knight, 
with  a  small  squadron,  was  reported  to  be  besieging  Caernarvon  and 
Harlech,  and  five  ships  were  ordered  from  Bristol  to  endeavour  to 
raise  the  siege  ;  ^  and  a  little  later  a  party  of  young  Korman  nobles, 
who  were  weary  of  peace,  and  among  whom  were  representatives  of 
the  famihes  of  De  la  Eoche-Guyon,  De  Bacqueville  and  Martel, 
made  a  descent  upon  the  Isle  of  Portland,  which  they  ravaged. 
They  were,  however,  encountered  by  a  thousand  hastily  armed 
peasants,  forced  to  surrender,  and  all  thrown  into  prison." 

A  further  expedition  of  Bretons,  in  three  hundred  vessels  under 
the  Sires  De  Chateaubriand,  De  la  Jaille,  and  Du  Chatel,  set  out 
with  the  intention  of  landing  at  Dartmouth ;  but  the  force  was 
ill-disciplined  and  ill-organised,  and  on  its  way  across  the  Channel, 
it  could  not  resist  the  temptation  of  plundering  some  Spanish  vessels 
laden  with  wine,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  France  and  Spain  were  at 
the  time  in  close  alliance.  The  resultant  drunkenness  and  quarrels 
caused  the  ships  to  separate,  instead  of  proceeding  together.  In  the 
meanwhile,  six  thousand  men  assembled  to  prevent  the  Bretons 
from  disembarking,  and  a  ditch  was  constructed  along  the  seashore. 
When  part  of  the  Breton  force  under  Du  ChS,tel  and  De  la  Jaille 
arrived  off  the  coast,  a  premature  landing  was  effected,  and  after  a 
sharp  fight,  all  the  invaders  were  either  killed  or  taken,  Du  Chatel 
himself  being  mortally  wounded.' 

The  expedition  returned,  but  Tannegui,  a  brother  of  Guillaume 
du  Chatel,  at  once  collected  another  force,  and  surprising  Dartmouth, 
took  and  pillaged  it,  subsequently  ravaging  the  neighbouring  coast 
for  eight  weeks.* 

In  August,  a  descent  upon  Wales  was  threatened  by  the  Count 
de  la  Mai-che,  who  had  collected  sixty  ships  at  Harfleur,  and 
measures  were  adopted  to  oppose  this  expedition.^  But  great 
difficulties  appear  to  have  stood  in  the  way  of  any  effective  defence, 
for  the  wages  of  the  seamen  were  in  arrears,  and  the  shipowners 

■  Pro.  and  Ord.  of  Privy  Council,  i.  220. 

2  Chron.  of  St.  Denis,  iii.  108,  IGil. 

^  Ih.,  iii.  172. 

■*  AValsingham,  412 ;  Otterbourne,  2-17  ;  Chrou.  of  St.  Denis,  iii.  17'J.  Fabian,  571, 
varies  the  story,  and  malies  Tannegui  to  have  been  mortally  wounded.  He  lived, 
however,  till  1449.     He  was  a  great  leader  of  the  Annagnac  party. 

^  Pro.  and  Ord.  of  Privv  Council,  i.  234. 


362  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1309-1485.  [1405. 

who  had  temporarily  transferred  vessels  for  service  with  the  admirals 
seem  to  have  been  miable  to  obtain  their  tonnage  dues.^  The 
count,  however,  did  not  proceed  to. Wales.  He  contented  himself 
with  an  attempt  upon  Falmouth  in  November,  but  though  he  burnt 
the  town,  he  was  ultimately  repulsed  by  the  country  people."  Other 
events  which  probably  belong  to  the  same  year  were  the  capture 
by  Bretons  and  Flamands  of  numerous  English  merchantmen,^  an 
abortive  English  attempt  upon  La  Rochelle,  ■*  and  the  taking  by  the 
Captain  of  Calais  of  seventeen  ships  laden  with  wine ;  ^  but  all  of 
them  are  involved  in  much  obscurity. 

On  February  20th,  1405,  Prince  Thomas  of  Lancaster,  second 
son  of  the  king,  though  less  than  eighteen  years  of  age,  was  appointed 
sole  Admiral  of  England,  and  sent  to  cruise  against  the  French. 
This  prince  was  afterwards  created  Duke  of  Clarence.  At  about  the 
same  time,  Henry  gi'anted  licences  to  two  privateers  of  Bristol,  the 
Trinitt/  and  the  James,  to  cruise  against  the  enemy  at  their  own 
expense,  and  to  keep  as  their  own  whatsoever  they  might  take.* 

The  year  was  remarkable  for  the  capture  of  Prince  James,  the 
heir  to  the  throne  of  Scotland,  then  only  fourteen  years  old.  He 
was  on  his  way  from  Leith,  attended  by  the  Earl  of  Orkney  and  a 
bishop,  to  be  educated  in  France,  when,  on  March  30th,  he  was 
taken  off  Flamborough  Head  by  an  "outlaw"  named  Prendergast, 
in  a  ship  fitted  out  at  Cley,  in  Norfolk.  Prendergast,  possibly  in 
order  to  secure  his  own  pardon,  handed  over  his  distinguished 
prisoner  to  Henry,  and  the  prince  was  detained,  and  liberally 
educated,  in  England  for  about  eighteen  years,  although  he 
succeeded  to  the  Scots  throne  as  early  as  April  4th,  1406.'  He  has 
himself,  in  his  poems, ^  made  allusion  to  his  capture  : — 

"  Upon  the  wavis  weltering  to  .iml  fro, 
So  infortiinate  was  we  that  fremyt  day. 
That,  maugre  jiLainly  quether  we  wolJ  or  no, 
"With  strong  hand  by  force,  schortly  to  say, 
Of  inyiiiyes  taken  and  led  away 
We  weren  all,  and  brought  in  thair  contrie."' 


'  Tarl.  Ui.Us,  iii.  554.  ^  Chron.  of  St.  DeLis,  ill.  I'JT. 

■*  Walsingham,  413.  ■■  Chron.  of  St.  Denis,  iii.  181. 

■^  Otterbourne,  248.  «  Patent  Rolls,  6  Hen.  IV. 

'  Otterbourne,  259,  and  Walsingham,  419,  place  the  capture  in  140(i.  The  Scoti- 
clironicon  ascribes  it  to  March  30th,  1404.  Wyntown,  ii.  415,  gives  the  date  as  Palm 
Sunday,  1405.     The  best  Soots  historians  adopt  the  year,  1405. 

*  He  wrote  '  The  King's  Quhair,'  and  is  supposed  to  have  written  '  Christis  Kirk 
of  the  Grene '  and  '  Peebles  to  the  Play.' 


1405.]  EXPLOITS    OF  PRINCE    THOMAS.  363 

Under  Prince  Thomas,  the  fleet  experienced  as  many  difficulties 
as  under  less  exalted  admirals.  A  squadron  under  the  Marshal 
de  Eieux,  Eenaud  de  Hangest,  and  others,  was  reported  to  be 
meditating  an  invasion  ;  but  the  prince,  who  seems  to  have  been 
anxious  to  proceed  against  it,  had  to  write  from  Sandwich  to  the 
Council,  on  May  6th,  that  from  the  day  of  his  appointment  until 
then  he  had  been  at  great  and  unbearable  costs  and  expenses ;  that 
he  had  personally  paid  nearly  the  whole  wages  of  his  people  ;  that 
he  had  himself  received  neither  wages  nor  reward,  and  that  he  could 
not  beheve  that  the  king,  his  father,  intended  that  he  should  be 
thus  inconvenienced.  Nor  could  he  sail,  he  added,  unless  suitable 
sums  Were  assigned  to  him.*  Money  must  have  been  sent  to  him, 
for  he  sailed  in  June,  and  proceeding  to  Sluis,  burnt  four  large  ships 
there  and  landed  some  troops  ; "  but  his  attack  upon  the  castle  was 
repulsed,  and  he  re-embarked  upon  learning  of  the  approach  of  a 
relieving  force  under  the  Duke  of  Burgundy.^ 

Cruising  southward,  the  fleet  fell  in  with  three  carracks,  one 
of  which  endeavoured  with  much  gallantry  to  run  down  Prince 
Thomas's  flagship.  But  the  English  pilot  or  master  averted  the 
shock,  receiving  only  shght  damage.  A  smart  action  followed, 
the  carrack  was  overmatched,  and  when  the  Earl  of  Kent's  ship 
came  up  she  surrendered.  Her  two  consorts  were  also  taken. 
The  vessels  seem  to  have  been  Genoese.  One  of  them  was 
afterwards  burnt  by  accident  off  Camber  Castle.  The  fleet  sub- 
sequently burnt  La  Hogue,  Harfleur,  and  thirty-eight  other  towns, 
and  pillaged  the  coast  of  Normandy  inland  for  thirty  miles.* 

De  Eieux  and  De  Hangest,  however,  were  not  intercepted,  and 
they  arrived  at  Milford  at  the  beginning  of  August  with  a  hundred 
and  forty  ships  and  a  large  army.  This  was  an  invasion  which 
could  scarcely  have  been  more  serious  had  a  formal  state  of  war 
prevailed ;  and  it  excited  great  alarm,  and  led  to  the  levy  of  troops 
throughout  England.^  But  the  voyage  of  so  considerable  a  fleet 
was  not  unattended  with  disaster.  Fifteen  of  the  French  ships 
were  cut  off  and  burnt  by  a  division  under  Lord  Berkeley  and  the 
renowned  Harry  Pay ;  and  fourteen  more  were  taken  by  Lord 
Berkeley,     Sir    Thomas     Swinburne,    and    Pay.**       The    situation 

'  Pro.  and  Ord.  of  Privy  Council,  i.  2G.3.  ^  Otterbourue,  253. 

^  Monstrelet,  xxiv.  36  (Buclion).  *  Otterbourne,  253. 

'-  '  Fcedera,'  viii.  403,  407. 
"  Walsingbam,  418 ;  '  Yjiodignia  NeustriK,'  1G9. 


364  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1399-1485.  [1405. 

demanded,   however,   the  presence   of    the   king  on   the    scene   of 
action,  and  Henry  went  to  AVales  with  an  army. 

The  Spanish  contingent,  which  had  been  demanded  in  1404  for 
the  siege  of  Calais  does  not  seem  to  have  been  employed  on  that 
service.  The  ships,  nevertheless,  were  supplied,  and  otherwise 
utihsed.  They  assembled  at  Santander,  and  consisted  of  forty  ships 
under  Don  Martin  Euiz  de  Abendaiio,  and  three  galleys  under 
Don  Pedro  Nino,  later  Conde  de  tBuelna.  The  two  divisions  were 
directed  to  act  in  conjunction ;  but  they  separated.  The  pro- 
ceedings of  the  division  of  Nirio  have  been  chronicled  by  that 
officer's  standard-bearer,  Gutierre  Diez  de  Gamez.^ 

Nino  went  to  La  Kochelle,  where  it  was  determined  that,  with 
the  co-operation  of  two  French  vessels,  he  should  harass  the 
English  in  the  Gironde.  Proceeding  thither,  he  burnt  a  hundred 
and  fifty  houses  within  sight  of  Bordeaux,  and  then  returned  to 
La  Eochelle,  where  he  was  joined  by  Charles  de  Savoisi,-  with  two 
galleys  of  his  own.  The  pair  of  adventurers  then  agreed  to  try  their 
fortunes  on  the  coast  of  England. 

Upon  their  first  attempt  at  crossing  the  Channel,  they  were 
driven  back  by  bad  weather;  but,  upon  their  second  trial,  they 
made  the  Cornish  coast,  captured  some  fishing  boats,  and  so  obtained 
information,  and  then  attacked  an  open  town  called  "  Chita  "  by 
the  chronicler.  For  Chita,  we  may  perhaps  read  Looe,  since  there 
was  anciently  a  small  place  called  Shuta,  on  the  river  very  close  to 
Looe ;  or  the  town  may  have  been  Ceton,  a  few  miles  farther  to 
the  eastward.  The  enemy  landed,  slew  or  captured  many  of  the 
inhabitants  in  spite  of  their  gallant  resistance,  plundered  and 
burnt  the  place,  and  sent  two  prizes  which  were  taken  to  Harfleur. 
Thence  they  went  to  Falmouth,  but,  finding  the  people  ready  for 
them,  did  not  go  ashore,  and  returned  eastward  to  Plymouth, 
where,  we  are  incidentally  informed,  there  was  then  a  bridge  of 
boats  across  the  river.  The  vessels  lying  off  the  town  retired  as 
far  as  this  bridge,  when  they  sighted  the  Spaniards  and  French, 
who  followed  them,  but  were  driven  back  by  a  heavy  fire  from 
the  fortifications.  The  next  attempt  was  upon  Portland,  where  a 
landing  was   effected,  and   a   few   houses   were   burnt.      Presently 

'  'Cronica  de  Don  Pedro  Niuo,'  printed  in  Madrid,  1782.  Few  of  De  Gamez's 
statements  are  fully  corroborated  b}'  contemporary  writer.s. 

-  He  was  then  imder  condemnation  to  exile,  and  was  anxious,  by  distinguishing 
himself,  to  obtain  panlon. 


1405.]  EXPLOITS    OF  NINO.  365 

succour  arrived  from  the  mainland,  and,  after  a  skirmish,  the 
invaders  withdrew.  Continuing  eastward,  and  occasionally  ravaging 
the  country,  they  reached  Poole,  which,  so  Nino  had  been  informed, 
belonged  to  Harry  Pay,  or  "  Arripay,"  as  the  Spaniards  called  him. 

Pay,  in  the  course  of  his  numerous  cruises,  had  done  much  to 
earn  the  special  enmity  of  both  French  and  Spaniards,  and  Niiio 
determined  to  pay  a  return  visit  to  the  celebrated  privateer. 
Savoisi^  deemed  a  landing  unsafe,  and  refused  the  co-operation  of' 
his  people  ;  but  Nino  sent  his  kinsman  Fernando  Niiio  and  a  party 
to  the  shore,  and  so  gained  partial  possession  of  the  town.  When 
reinforcements  came  in  from  the  country,  the  English  occupied 
the  remaining  houses,  turning  each  into  a  fortress,  and  pressing 
the  foe  so  severely  that,  had  not  Nino  himself  landed  with  the 
rest  of  his  force,  there  w"Ould  have  been  no  retreat.  AVith  difficulty 
the  English  were  repulsed,  and  the  Spaniards  re-embarked,  leaving 
among  the  dead  one  of  Harry  Pay's  brothers.  The  further  record 
of  the  expedition  is  obscure,  owing  to  the  chronicler's  confusion  of 
the  Solent  with  the  Thames,  and  of  London  with  Southampton. 
The  Spaniards  seem,  however,  to  have  landed  in  the  Isle  of  Wight 
ere  they  returned  to  France,  and  laid  up  their  ships  at  Eouen  for 
the  winter. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  year,  the  king's  intended  departure  for 
Guienne  having  been  long  postponed,  to  the  great  inconvenience 
of  the  shipowners  whose  vessels  had  been  arrested  for  the  voyage, 
Henry  desired  his  Council  to  cause  the  masters  and  mariners  to  be 
"  refreshed,"  or  paid  money  on  account.  He  also  wrote  to  the 
King  of  Porti^gal,  begging  for  a  reinforcement  of  galleys  to  assist 
him  in  Guienne."  And  at  about  the  same  time  the  Council  took 
measures  to  send  a  squadron  against  the  Earl  of  Mar,  who  had 
been  committing  much  damage  in  the  North  Sea,  and  threatening 
Berwick.^ 

In  the  year  1405  the  naval  power  of  the  countr}'  had  fallen  so 
low,  and  the  royal  authority  had  become  so  torpid,  that  the 
merchants,  in  self-defence,  undertook  the  guard  of  the  sea,  upon 
certain  conditions.  They  did  not  purpose  to  withstand  regular 
fleets  of  foreign  powers,  but  only  the  privateers  and  corsairs,  from 
whose  operations  the  country  had  so  severely  suffered ;    and  they 

'  Guerin,  i.  321,  without  any  justification,  gives  all  tlie  glory  of  this  cruise  to  liis 
compatriot,  Savoisi,  and  does  not  even  mention  the  Spaniards. 

2  Pro.  and  Ord.  of  Privj-  Council,  i.  280.  ^  Ih.  ii.  94. 


066  MILITARY  HISTORY,    1399-14S5.  [140fi. 

stipulated  for  a  considerable  share  in  all  prizes,  without  regard  to 
any  privilege  or  prerogative  of  the  king,  his  admirals,  or  others ;  for 
a  quarter's  payment  of  the  usual  tonnage  allowance  after  the 
cessation  of  hostiUties  ;  and  for  commissions  under  the  great  seal 
empowering  them  to  nominate  their  admirals,  and  to  exercise 
admiralty  jurisdiction.'  These  and  other  conditions  being  assented 
to,  the  merchants  nominated  Eichard  Clyderow,  then  a  member  for 
Kent,  as  their  admiral  in  the  south  and  west,  and  Nicholas  Black- 
burne  as  their  admiral  in  the  north ;  and  commissions  were  duly 
issued  to  these  officers  on  April  28th,  1406.- 

One  of  Admiral  Blackburne's  first  duties  was  to  convoy  to 
Denmark  the  Princess  Philippa,  who  had  been  contracted  to  Eric, 
king  of  that  country.  The  ship  which  conveyed  her  carried  two 
guns,  with  forty  pounds  of  powder,  forty  stone  shot,  forty  tampons 
or  wads,  twenty-four  bows,  forty  sheaves  of  arrows,  forty  pavises, 
four  touches  (perhaps  firing-irons),  and  two  fire-pans.^  Later, 
Blackburne  was  paid  a  sum  of  iJlGG  13s.  Ad.,  most  of  which 
appears  to  have  been  due  to  him  for  this  service.* 

After  having  wintered  at  Eouen,  the  galleys  of  Nino  went  to 
Harfleur,  where  they  were  joined  by  the  gallej's  of  Savoisi,  and 
whence  they  sailed  with  the  intention  of  surprising  some  place  on 
the  Orwell ;  but  they  were  driven  to  sea  by  a  gale,  and  obliged  to 
take  shelter  off  Sluis.  The  French  would  have  seized  four 
Portuguese  ships  which  arrived  there,  on  the  plea  that  Portugal 
was  assisting  England  ;  but  the  Portuguese  appealed  to  Niiio  on 
the  strength  of  a  truce  which  subsisted  between  Portugal  and 
Castille,  and  the  Spanish  commander  intervened  for  their  protection. 
When  the  squadron  sailed  again,  it  proceeded  off  Calais.  Niiio 
desired  to  cut  out  some  vessels  there,  but  was  deterred  by  the  guns 
of  the  garrison.  AVhile  he  was  still  in  the  neighbourhood,  an 
English  fleet  of  superior  force  appeared  in  the  offing.  After  a 
desultory  action,  the  allies  took  refuge  in  Gravelines,  and,  when 
the  English  had  gone  elsewhere,  obtained  Breton  assistance, 
attacked  Jersey,  and  exacted  10,000  crowns  from  the  islanders. 
This  was  the  last  exploit  of  the  combined  expedition,  for  immediately 
afterwards  the  Spaniards  were  ordered  home.^ 

'  Pai-1.  Hulls,  iii.  5G9-5T1.  -  Ih.  iii.  G02;  'Fccdera,'  viii.  439. 

^  '  Foedera,'  viii.  447.  *  Issue  Rolls,  9  Hen.  IV.  309  (Devon). 

''  'Ci'onica  de  Dun  I'edru  Nifiu."  The  Clirun.  uf  St.  Denis  gives  a  different  version  of 
these  events. 


HOG.]  THE  FIRST  LOUD   HlOn  ADMIRAL.  367 

In  the  autumn,  some  efforts  were  made  to  arrange  a  definite 
peace  with  France,  and  a  mamage  between  the  Prince  of  Wales 
and  a  French  princess  was  thought  of ;  ^  yet,  at  the  same  time, 
troops  were  being  levied  in  all  the  counties  of  England  to  accompany 
Henry  to  Calais,'  the  siege  of  which  was  threatened  by  the  French  ; 
and  thirty-eight  French  ships,  eight  of  which  fell  into  the  hands  of 
English  cruisers,  were  actively  assisting  Owen  Glendower  in  Wales. 
Fifteen  other  French  vessels,  laden  with  wine  and  wax,  were  taken 
by  the  ships  of  the  merchants.^ 

The  experiment  of  leaving  the  guard  of  the  sea  to  the 
merchants  did  not  give  satisfaction,  and  in  October  or  November 
their  commissions  were  withdrawn.  On  December  23rd-,  the 
appointment  of  Admiral  of  England  was  revived  and  conferred 
upon  John,  Earl  of  Somerset.*  He  may  be  considered  as  the 
first  of  the  Lord  High  Admirals,  seeing  that,  since  his  time,  save 
when  the  office  has  been  in  commission,  there  has  always  been  a 
single  administrative  head  of  the  nav}',  and  there  have  never  again 
been  separate  admiralties  of  the  north  and  west.  As  has  been  seen, 
there  were  sole  admirals  of  England  before  him  ;  but  with  him 
began  the  regular  succession.  The  title  is,  however,  less  ancient 
than  the  position.  The  Earl  of  Somerset's  style  was  Admiral  of 
the  Northern  and  Western  Fleets.  He  was  succeeded  on  May  8th, 
1407,  by  Edmund,  Earl  of  Kent,^  whose  style  was  Admiral  of 
England. 

The  Dukes  of  Orleans  and  Burgundy  were  harrying  Guienne, 
and  the  latter  was  besieging  Bourg-en-Blaye.  Henry,  therefore, 
signified  his  intention,  early  in  1407,  to  proceed  in  person  to  oppose 
his  enemies."  It  was  probably  with  a  view  to  secure  him  an 
uninterrupted  passage  that  a  large  English  fleet  cruised  in  the 
Channel  and  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  and  it  was  no  doubt  in  order 
to  prevent  him  from  crossing  that  Clugnet  de  Brabant,  Admiral 
of  France,  put  to  sea  with  twenty-two  ships  full  of  men-at-arms. 
The  two  fleets  met,  and  a  partial  action  ensued,  the  French  losing 

1  '  Fcodera,' viii.  4.5;^.  -  i/j.,  viii.  450.  ■'  Walsingliaiii,  410. 

*  John  Beaufort,  Earl  of  Somerset  and  Marquis  of  Dorset,  K.G.,  was  a  natural  son  of 
.John  of  Gannt.  From  him  was  descended  Margaret,  mother  of  Henry  VIL,  and  the 
Tudor  dynast)-.     He  died  in  1410. 

•''  Brother  and  heir  of  Thomas  Holland,  tlunl  Earl  of  Kent  and  Duke  of  Somerset. 
He  was  hom  about  1.383.  As  has  been  seen,  lie  distinguished  himself  in  Prince 
Thomas's  action  in  140.5.  He  was  then  made  a  K.G.  At  his  death,  from  an  arrow 
wound  received  in  Brittany,  in  Seiitember,  140S,  his  honours  became  extinct. 

■^  '  Fa?dera,'  viii.  4W). 


368  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1399-1485.  [1408. 

one  ship.'  Another  success  was,  according  to  Walsingham,  won 
the  same  year  hy  Harry  Pay,  who,  with  some  vessels  of  the  Cinque 
Ports,  took  a  hundred  and  twenty  craft  laden  with  salt,  iron,  and 
wine,  as  they  lay  at  anchor  "  in  mari  Britannico." "  But  details 
of  both  events  are  lacking.^ 

In  March,  1408,  the  merchants  represented  to  the  Council  that 
the  sea  was  very  inefficiently  guarded,  and  were  informed  that  the 
admiral  was  about  to  put  to  sea  to  protect  the  trade.*  AVhether 
he  made  any  cruise  before  September  does  not  ajjpear ;  but  in 
that  month  the  Earl  of  Kent  proceeded  to  the  coast  of  Brittany, 
and  attacked  the  Castle  of  Brehat,  before  which  place  he  fell 
mortally  wounded  by  an  arrow  in  the  head  on  the  l-5th.^  He  was 
thus  the  first,  but  not  the  last,  of  the  lord  high  admirals  to  die  for 
his  country.  His  successor,  appointed  on  September  21st,  was 
Sir  Thomas  Beaufort,*^  who,  later,  during  his  tenure  of  the  office, 
was  also  Lord  Chancellor — surely  a  strange  collocation  of  functions 
— and  who  subsequently  became  Earl  of  Dorset  and  Duke  of 
Exeter,  and,  reappointed  in  1413,  remained  high  admiral  until  his 
death  in  1426. 

In  October,  1408,  it  was  agreed  with  the  Duke  of  Burgundy 
that  there  should  be  a  three  years'  truce  on  the  sea  between 
St.  Valeiy  and  Winchelsea.'  This  was  chiefly  for  the  benefit  of 
the  fishing  populations  on  both  sides  of  the  Channel,  and  of 
pilgrims  and  ecclesiastics  travelling  between  England  and  Home ; 
but  it  also  improved  the  position  of  the  merchants.  Another  truce, 
to  last  until  May  1st,  1410,  was  arranged  with  France,  to  apply 
to  the  sea  generally,  the  French  coast  from  the  Somme  to  Gravelines, 
West  Flanders,  Aquitaine,  and  the  county  of  Toulouse.'^  The  two 
truces  were  eventually  prolonged.  Although  they  did  not  put  a 
complete  stop  to  informal  hostilities,  they  materially  lessened  the 
number  of  conflicts  between  English  and  French  subjects.  A  truce 
with  Spain  was  also  concluded.®  In  the  framing  of  these  truces, 
provision  was  made  for  international  action  against  pirates. 

'  Moiistrelet,  xxviii.  45. 

-  Probably  oif  Brittany,  but  tlie  British  peas  may  be  meant. 
■'  Walsingham,  418. 
*  Pari.  Rolls,  iii.  609. 

•"■  Walsingham,  420 ;  Chron.  of  Lend.  91 ;  Otterbourne,  204. 

''  Sec.  note,  ante,  p.  360.     This  appointment  was  as  admiral  for  life  of  the  North 
Fleet.     A  new  i)atent  as  sole  admiral  was  issued  to  him  on  July  2Tth,  1409. 

'  '  Fu'dera,'  iii.  537-550.  «  Ih.,  iii.  552.  '■"  Ih.,  viii.  025. 


J412.]  PIltACIES    OF  ITiENDEUGAST.  3G9 

111  1409  or  1410,  Sir  Robert  Umfravill,  who  had  been  made 
Vice-Admiral  of  England,  with  ten  ships  of  war,  harassed  the  Scots 
coasts,  biirnt  a  Scots  galHot  and  other  craft  off  Blackness,  and 
took  fourteen  vessels  laden  with  cloth,  pitch,  tar,  meal,  and  other 
merchandise,  which,  being  brought  to  England  at  a  time  of  great 
need,  earned  for  the  captor  the  nickname  of  Robert  Mendmarket.^ 

In  1411,  when  Heniy  sent  an  envoy  to  Castille  to  settle  certain 
disputes,  he  desired  him  to  endeavour  to  purchase  a  Castillian 
ship,  the  St.  Marij,  which  was  then  at  St.  Sebastian.'-^  In  the 
same  year,'  and  again  in  1412,*  ships  and  seamen  were  impressed 
for  the  king's  service  to  Gruienne ;  and  in  the  autumn  of  the  latter 
year.  Prince  Thomas,  Duke  of  Clarence,  went  to  Guiennc  with  a 
large  army  to  the  assistance  of  the  Dukes  of  Berry,  Orleans,  and 
Bourbon,  who  had  agreed  to  deliver  Guienne  to  England.^ 

The  capture  of  James  of  Scotland  by  an  "outlaw"  named 
Prendergast  in  1405  has  been  noted  in  its  place.  Prendergast 
seems  to  have  subsequently  entered  the  king's  service  and  to  have 
been  knighted ;  for,  in  1412,  Sir  John  Prendergast  and  William 
Long,  who  had  been  employed  in  keeping  the  seas  free  from 
pirates,  were  accused  of  robbery  and  other  illegalities.  They 
were  fifteenth-century  prototypes  of  the  notorious  Captain  Kidd. 
Prendergast  took  asylum  under  a  tent  near  the  vestibule  of  West- 
minster Abbey.  Later  he  again  served  at  sea.  Long  was  found 
at  sea  by  the  admiral,  who,  by  a  promise  that  no  harm  should  be 
done  to  him,  induced  him  to  surrender ;  but  the  prisoner  was, 
nevei'theless,  committed  to  the  Tower.'*  What  afterwards  happened 
to  this  rover  does  not  appear.  It  is  certain,  however,  that,  whether 
owing  to  these  men's  neghgence  or  to  their  feebleness,  the  Narrow- 
Seas  were  inefficiently  policed  in  the  last  days  of  Henry  IV.  In 
1412,  some  vessels  and  goods  belonging  to  Brittany,  improperly  cap- 
tured by  seamen  of  Devonshire  and  Cornwall,  had  to  be  restored,^ 
and  letters  of  marque  and  reprisals  were  issued  to  persons  who  had 
suffered  by  the  depredations  of  the  Baron  de  Pons.  And  in  1413 
other  letters  were  granted  against  citizens  of  Genoa,  and  against 
the  inhabitants  of  Santander.'  The  king  died  on  March  20t]i,  1413, 
and  was  succeeded  by  his  eldest  son,  Henry  V.,  of  Monmouth. 

'  Hardyng,  365,  3G6  (Ellis). 
^  Pro.  and  Ord.  of  Privy  Council,  ii.  12.5,  118,  IIU. 

■'  'Foedera,'  viii.  700.        *  Ih.,  viii.  730,  733.         '^  lb.,  viii.  7i<i,  717,  77^. 
"  Walsingham,  423  ;  Otterbourno,  271 ;  '  Ypodigma  Neustriii;,'  571. 
'  '  FcEdera,'  viii.  764.  »  Ih.,  viii.  755,  772,  773. 

VOL.    I.  2   B 


370  MILITARY  mSTOEY,    1399-1485.  [1413. 

Nicolas  says :  "  No  monarch  of  England  ever  took  greater 
interest  in  her  navy  than  Henry  the  Fifth.  He  not  only 
commanded  large  ships  to  be  built,  but  personally  inspected 
their  progress ;  and  though  he  was  not,  as  has  been  said,  its 
founder,  he  gave  more  powerful  vessels  to  the  Eoyal  Navy  than 
it  ever  before  possessed,  with  the  determination  to  acquire  the 
dominion  of  the  sea.  His  efforts  to  restore  and  improve  the 
English  navy  were  amply  rewarded ;  for  while  the  most  celebrated 
event  of  his  reign  rivalled  Poitiers  and  Crecy,  the  battle  of 
Agincourt  was,  like  those  other  glorious  victories,  followed  by 
encounters  on  the  ocean  in  which  British  valour  was  displayed 
in  the  usual  manner,  and  was  attended  by  the  usual  success."  ' 

Much  of  this  is  true ;  but  it  should  be  recollected  that  although 
Henry  V.  undoubtedly  improved  the  navy,  he  made  few  impiove- 
ments  in  the  manner  in  which  the  navy  was  managed,  and  that 
the  weapon,  which,  in  his  hands  produced  such  brilliant  resiilts, 
was  fashioned  and  wielded  at  terrible  expense  to  the  commerce  of 
the  country.  The  Navy  Eoyal  was  still  small.  The  bitlk  of  the 
fighting  fleet  was  composed,  as  in  previous  ages,  of  vessels  taken, 
almost  by  actual  force,  from  the  merchants,  and  frequently  collected 
long  before  they  could  be  employed,  and  retained  long  after  they 
were  needed.  In  later  days,  when  the  Navy  Eoyal  had  become 
laree  enough  for  the  duties  of  national  defence  at  sea,  trade  was 
able  to  flourish,  even  at  the  height  of  a  sanguinary  war ;  but,  under 
the  Lancastrians,  war  and  trade  could  not  be  adequately  carried  on 
together,  seeing  that  the  material  required  for  the  latter  was  also 
required  for  the  former.  Henry's  naval  glories,  therefore,  were 
frightfully  costly  ones. 

At  about  the  time  of  Henry's  accession,  an  interesting  inter- 
national dispute  arose.  Certain  merchants  of  Dartmouth  and  other 
ports,  owners  of  eight  ships,  represented  to  Parliament  that  their 
vessels  had  been  impressed  at  Bordeaux  by  the  Duke  of  Clarence, 
Lieutenant  of  Guienne,  to  bring  troops  to  England,  under  the 
command  of  Sir  John  Colville,  who  was  "  governor  and  captain  " 
of  the  squadron.  Off  Belle  Isle,  they  fell  in  with  two  Prussian 
hulks,  laden  with  wine  from  La  Eochelle.  Anxious  to  discover 
whether  the  hulks  and  their  cargoes  belonged  to  the  enemy,  Colville 
sent  a  boat  to  examine  their  bills  of  lading,  and  to  inform  the 
masters  that  if   they  had   enemy's   property  on   board,  they  must 

'  Nicolas,  ii.  402. 


1414.]  JiEPBESSTON   OF  PIBACY.  371 

deliver  it  to  him,  and  he  would  pay  them  for  the  freight  of  it.  The 
Prussians  refused  an  answer,  and  next  day  attacked  the  English  who 
were  still  on  board  the  hulks  and  killed  many  of  them.  Colville 
thereupon  captured  the  hulks,  and  carried  them  into  Southampton 
and  Poole  ;  and  the  merchants  prayed  that  the  prizes  might  not  be 
restored  until  the  case  had  been  adjudicated  upon  by  the  Admiralty 
Court. ^  An  inquiry  was  ordered,  but  unhappily  the  result  of  it  is 
not  recorded.  Under  international  law  as  now  accepted,  the 
Prussian  ships  would  be  forfeited  in  a  like  case  in  war  time,  for 
they  violently  repelled  the  searchers,  who  were  acting  under  a 
duly  commissioned  authority ;  but  nominally  a  truce  prevailed 
with  France,  to  which  country  the  cargo  was  suspected  to  belong, 
so  that  it  is  doubly  regrettable  that  the  decision  has  not  been 
preserved. 

The  truce  was  re-ratified  in  May,  1413 ;  -  yet  so  perilous  were 
the  Channel  and  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  owing  to  the  depredations  of 
French  and  other  corsairs,  that  in  August  it  was  ordered  that  no 
vessels  should  proceed  for  wine  to  Guienne,  unless  in  numbers 
sufficient  to  defend  themselves.^  By  the  terms  of  a  new  truce  with 
Spain,  it  was  stipulated  that  no  armed  ship  of  either  nation  should 
leave  port  without  first  giving  security  not  to  molest  subjects  and 
property  of  the  other.* 

But  Henry,  to  his  honour,  did  much  more  than  he  could  have 
effected  by  mere  international  agreement  to  put  down  piracy  and 
the  infraction  of  truces.  It  was  enacted  in  1414  that  all  such 
proceedings  should  be  accounted  high  treason.^ 

In  July  of  the  same  year  the  king  formally  asserted  his  right  to 
the  crown  of  France,  and,  although  hostilities  did  not  at  once  follow, 
orders  were  issued  in  September  to  the  king's  master-gunner  and 
engineer  to  impress  workmen ;  and  the  export  of  gunpowder  was 
prohibited.'^  New  ships,  including  the  Holy  Ghost,  the  Grace  a 
Dieii,  and  perhaps  the  Trinity,  were  laid  down,'  and  the  chancellor's 
speech  at  the  opening  of  Parliament  foreshadowed  war.  In  the 
autumn,  Patrick  Coterell  and  James  Cornewalshe  were  appointed 
Admirals  of  Ireland  for  life.^ 

'  Pari.  Rolls,  iv.  12,  13.  -  '  Ftc<iera,'  ix.  3G,  3il.  ■'  Ih.,  ix.  47. 

*  lb.,  ix.  115.  ^  2  Hen.  V.  c.  0.  ''  '  Fcedera,'  ix.  159, 160. 

'  In  .July,  1414,  £496  was  paid  on  account  of  the  Ho!;/  Ghost,  and  in  Jlarch,  1417, 
£500  on  accoimt  of  the  Grace  a  Dieu,  both  building  at',  Southampton.  The  latter  had 
been  begun  at  the  end  of  1416,  and  was  constructed  by  Robert  Uerd,  in  the  Ilanible. 

"  Fat.  Rolls,  2  Hen.  V.  m.  22. 

2  B  2 


372  MILITARY  fl'/STOiJr,   1399-1485.  [1415. 

Early  in  1415,  when  it  was  known  that  Henry  was  about  to  go 
abroad,  the  Council  made  provision  for  the  custody  of  the  sea  during 
the  king's  absence,  and  ordered  two  ships  of  120  tons,  two  barges  of 
100  tons,  and  one  ballinger  to  be  stationed  between  Plymouth  and 
the  Isle  of  Wight ;  two  barges  of  100  tons  and  two  ballingers  to  be 
stationed  between  the  Isle  of  Wight  and  Orfordness,  and  one  barge 
and  two  ballingers  to  be  stationed  between  Orfordness  and  Berwick, 
each  ship  and  barge  to  have  forty-eight  mariners,  twenty-six  men-at- 
arms,  and  twenty-six  archers,  and  each  ballinger,  forty  mariners,  ten 
men-at-arms,  and  ten  archers.' 

The  imminence  of  active  war,  the  fact  that  the  enemy  had  a 
large  fleet  at  sea,  and  the  absence  of  the  Admiral  of  England  on  the 
king's  service  abroad,  necessitated  the  appointment  of  additional 
flag-officers  ;  and  on  February  18th,  Sir  Thomas  Carew  and  Sir 
Gilbert  Talbot  of  Ircheneld  were  made  captains  and  leaders  of  the 
men-at-arms  destined  for  sea,  and  were  given  the  usual  powers  of 
admirals.^  A  little  later,  Richard  Clyderow,  who  had  been  the 
merchant's  admiral  in  1406,  was  sent  to  Holland  to  treat  for  ships, 
for  the  king's  service,^  and  all  vessels  of  twenty  tons  or  more,  foreign 
as  well  as  English,  in  English  ports  were  ordered  to  be  arrested  and 
collected  at  Southampton,  London,  or  Winchelsea,  by  May  8th.* 
The  masters  of  the  royal  vessels  were  empowered  to  impress  men  ; 
an  army  was  raised,  and  every  other  preparation  for  an  expedition 
on  a  grand  scale  was  made. 

The  French  became  alarmed,  and  dispatched  ambassadors,  who 
met  Henry  at  Winchester  in  June,  and  offered  large  concessions  of 
territory  and  the  hand  of  the  Princess  Katherine,  with  an  immense 
marriage  portion ;  but  the  overtures  were  rejected,  and  the  king 
proceeded  to  Titchfield  Abbey,  near  Southampton,  where  the  fleet 
was  assembled.  He  embarked  on  Saturday,  August  10th,  in  the 
Trinity  Roijal,^  and  at  once  ordered  her  yard  to  be  hoisted  to  the 
middle  of  her  mast  as  a  signal  that  he  was  ready  for  sea,  and  that  all 
the  vessels  in  the  neighbouring  ports  were  to  join  the  fleet.''  Saint 
Eemy  says  that  during  this  period  a  large  ship  took  fire,  and  that 
the  flames  extended  to  two  others,  all  being  consumed ; '  but  the 
circumstance  is  not  mentioned  by  English  writers  of  the  time. 

'  Pro.  and  Ord.  of  Privy  Council,  ii.  145,  146. 

-  '  Fredera,'  ix.  202.  "  Ih.,  ix.  160.  *  IK,  ix.  216,  218. 

"*  'Hiat.  of  the  Battle  of  Agincourt,'  25-45.  Much  of  what  follows  is  from  this 
source. 

"  Cott.  ISIS.  Julius  E.  iv.  f.  115i.  '  St.  Eemy,  82. 


1415.]  CAPTUBE    OF  HABFLEUR.  373 

The  fleet  of  fourteen  hundred  vessels/  with  six  thousand 
men-at-arms,  and  twenty-four  thousand  archers,  sailed  on  Sunday, 
August  11th,  and  entered  the  Seine  on  the  following  Tuesday 
afternoon.  It  met  with  no  resistance  on  the  passage.  Indeed,  it 
does  not  appear  that  any  considerable  French  force  was  then  at  sea. 

Henry  anchored  about  three  miles  above  Harfleur,  and  signalled^ 
to  his  captains  to  attend  him  at  a  council  of  war.  At  daybreak  on 
Wednesday,  the  14th,  the  landing  began,  most  of  the  army  reaching 
the  shore  between  six  and  seven.  Still  there  was  no  opposition. 
By  Satm-day,  the  17th,  siege  was  laid  to  Harfleur.  The  mouth  of 
the  harbom-  was  closed  by  a  chain  drawn  between  two  fortified 
towers  that  flanked  the  entrance,  and  by  a  boom  of  stakes  and 
trunks  of  trees ;  and  behind  the  obstacles  lay  a  small  French 
squadron,  upon  which  many  vain  attempts  were  made  by  the 
English  fleet.  The  navy,  however,  co-operated  mainly  by  enforcing 
a  strict  blockade,  and  by  keeping  up  communications  across  the 
waterways.  When  the  town  had  fallen,  on  September  '22nd,  some 
of  the  prisoners,  with  the  sick,  were  sent  to  England  with  the  fleet, 
sailing  on  October  8th ;  and  the  army  marched  inland  on  its  way  to 
Calais.  The  victory  of  Agincourt  was  won  on  October  25th,  and  on 
Saturday,  November  16th,  Henry  embarked  at  Calais,  and  reached 
Dover  late  on  the  same  day. 

The  passage  was  very  boisterous,  and  though  the  king  did  not 
suffer  in  the  least,  most  of  the  French  noblemen  who  were  his 
prisoners  were  so  sea-sick  that  they  would  have  preferred  to  face 
again  the  dangers  of  the  battle.  The  fleet  was  in  part  dispersed, 
several  ships  being  driven  into  Zierikzee  at  the  mouth  of  the  Ooster 
Schelde.     Two,  according  to  one  writer,  went  down  with  all  hands. 

While  these  great  events  were  passing  in  Francej^cots  vessels 
were  harassing  the  northern  coasts,  and  two  citizens  of  Newcastle, 
named  Hornsey  and  Strother,  fitted  out  two  baUingers  to  cope  with 
the  foe.  What  success  the  baUingers  had  against  the  Scots  we 
know  not,  but  they  took  two  Flamand  vessels,  laden,  as  was  alleged, 
with  the  enemy's  property,  and  carried  them  into  Shields,  whence  a 
king's  officer  removed  them  to  Newcastle.  The  captors  complained 
of  this,  and  obtained  an  order  to  the  officer  to  deliver  to  them  the 
cargoes,  or  to  state  to  the  Council  his  reasons  for  not  doing  so.     The 

'  A  hundred  others  which  had  been  collected  cuukl  not  be  utilised. 
-  B)'  hoisting  "a  banuer  of  council"  in  the  middle  of  the  mast.     'Black  Book  of 
the  Admiralty.' 


374  MILITARY  HISTORY,    1399-1485.  [1416. 

officer  chose  the  latter  course,  and  so  completely  justified  himself 
that  the  vessels  were  returned  to  their  Flamand  owners  in 
January,  1416.^ 

The  Parliament  which  met  on  March  16th  of  that  year  com- 
plained of  the  seizure  of  private  craft  by  king's  ofiicers,  who  paid 
nothing  for  their  use ;  of  the  discontinuance  of  the  payment  of 
tonnage  allowance  for  ships  regularly  taken  up  by  the  government, 
and  of  the  consequent  ruin  of  shipowners  ;  and  it  made  use  of  the 
remarkable  expression  to  which  attention  has  been  called  in  the 
previoiis  chapter :  "  pur  taunt  qe  la  dit  navye  est  la  greinde 
substance  du  bien,  profit,  et  prosperitee  du  vostre  dit  roialme." 
The  king  promised  to  do  what  justice  seemed  to  require.^ 

It  is  clear,  from  a  petition  presented  during  the  same  session, 
that  it  was  customary  in  the  fifteenth  century  for  merchantmen 
sailing  in  consort  to  elect  the  master  of  one  of  their  number  as  their 
"  admiral "  for  the  voyage,  and  for  the  other  masters  to  swear 
obedience  and  loyalty  to  him.  This  had  been  done  in  the  case  of 
a  home-coming  flotilla  of  wine  ships  from  Bordeaux,  the  master  of  a 
ship  called  the  Christopher,  oi  Hull,  being  the  "admiral"  for  the 
occasion.  On  the  voyage,  the  Christopher  had  been  attacked  by 
some  carracks,  and  taken  in  consequence  of  the  cowardly  desertion 
of  her  by  all  her  friends.  The  owners  prayed  that,  in  view  of  what 
had  occurred,  the  owners  of  all  the  other  ships  should  be  made 
responsible  for  the  value  of  the  lost  vessel.  The  matter  was  referred 
to  the  chancellor,  and  it  would  seem  not  only  that  the  owners  were 
held  liable  for  the  value  of  the  Christopher,  but  also  that  the 
cowardly  masters  were  imprisoned.^ 

The  Emperor  Sigismund  came  to  England   in   May,  chiefly  to 

endeavour  to»^rrange  peace  between  England  and  France.     Vessels 

were  impressed   to  convey  him  from    Calais,   and  he   spent   some 

months   in  England;    but  the  action  of  the  French  prevented  any 

thought   of    peace.      Their   army,   under   the    Count   d'Armagnac, 

invested  Harfleur  on  the  land   side,  and  their  fleet,*  reinforced  by 

eight  carracks   hired  from   the   Genoese,   and   commanded   by  the 

Bastard  of  Bombon  and  Kobinet  de  Braquemont,  Admiral  of  France, 

blockaded   the   port,    while   another   French   squadi'on    ranged   the 

Channel,  did  much  injury  to  shipping,  endeavoured  to  destroy  the 

EngHsh  vessels  at  Southampton,  and  ravaged  Portland  and  other 

'  Pro.  and  Ord.  of  Privy  Council,  ii.  187,  188.  '  Pari.  KoUs,  iv.  86. 

2  Pari.  EoDs,  iv.  79.  ■•  St.  Kemy,  103. 


14 IG.]  EXPEDITION   TO   FRANCE.  375 

points  on  the  coast,  bein^,  however,  resisted  everywhere,  and 
receiving  as  much  harm  as  it  occasioned.^ 

Men  were  raised,  and  ships  were  ordered  to  assemble  at  Orwell.' 
The  Admiral  of  England  was  engaged  at  Harflem*,  and  to  take  his 
place  at  sea,  John,  Earl  of  Hmitingdon,  John,  Lord  Clifford,  and 
Sir  Edward  Courtenay  were  appointed,^  though  without  the  nominal 
rank  of  admiral.  The  general  rendezvous,  previous  to  the  departure 
of  the  expedition,  was  Southampton,*  and  King  Henry  went  thither 
with  the  intention  of  leading  the  fleet  in  person,  though  at  the 
request  of  the  Council  and  on  the  advice  of  his  guest,  the  emperor, 
he  finally  abandoned  the  idea  of  doing  so.^  Thomas,  Lord  Morley, 
a  grandson  of  the  hero  of  Sluis  and  L'Espagnols  sur  Mer,  was  given 
command,  with  admiral's  rank,  of  the  contingent  of  ships  sent  to 
Southampton  from  London  ;  Sir  Walter  Hungerford  ^  was  made 
admiral  of  the  entire  fleet  destined  for  the  relief  of  Harfleur,  and 
Prince  John,  Duke  of  Bedford,  received  the  general  military 
command  of  the  expeditionary  forces. 

The  fleet  is  said  by  Monstrelet  to  have  consisted  of  three 
hundred,'  and  by  Hardyng,  of  four  hundred  vessels,  with  twenty 
thousand  men  on  board. ^  Nicolas "  considers  that  both  these 
estimates  were  exaggerated.  It  sailed  at  the  beginning  of  August, 
but  was  dispersed  by  a  storm,  and  part  of  it  driven  into  Camber. 
It  re-assembled  off  Beachy  Head,"  and,  the  wind  becoming  favour- 
able, weighed  and  crossed  the  Channel,  entering  the  mouth  of  the 
Seine  on  the  evening  of  August  14th. ^'  The  prince  anchored  for 
the  night,  and  hoisted  lights  to  indicate  his  position  to  the  fleet, 
while  he  sent  out  pulling  boats  to  reconnoitre  the  situation  of  the 
enemy,  with  a  view  to  making  an  attack  on  the  following  morning. 
All  the  caj)tains  were  ordered  to  make  sail  simultaneously  with  the 
prince's  ship,  and  to  go  down  with  her  towards  the  foe. 

At  dawn,  on  Saturday,  the  15th,  the  French  were  in  sight.  The 
English   crews    went   to   prayers,    prepared    for    action,   and   then 

1  Anon.  Chron.  Add.  MSS.  1770,  f.  mh.  '  ^  Tai-I.  Rolls,  4  Hen.  V.  m.  24  d. 

3  'FcEdera,'  is.  344,  34.5.  *  Ih.,  ix.  364.  '■  Ehnham,  78. 

®  Sir  Walter  Hungerford,  son  of  Sir  Thomas  Hungerford,  of  Farley  and  Heytes- 
bury,  had  been  attached  to  the  suite  of  the  Emperor  Sigisniund  during  that  monarch's 
visit  to  England,  and  had  served  at  Agincourt.  In  1418  he  was  made  a  K.G.,  and  in 
1426,  Treasurer  of  England,  and  a  baron.  As  is  noted  elsewhere,  he  revised  '  The 
Libel  of  English  Policie.'     He  died  in  1440. 

'  Monstrelet,  xxiii.  '  tiardyug,  377.  '  Nicolas,  ii.  420. 

'"  "  Bayanchiefe  "  is  conjectured  to  mean  Beachy  Head. 

"  Anon.  Chron.  in  Add.  MSS.  1770,  f.  676. 


MILITARY  HISTORY,   1399-1485. 


[1416. 


■weighed.  Both  sides  were  equally  eager  to  get  to  close  quarters, 
and  the  French  advanced  handsomely  ;  but  very  little  wind  was 
stirring,  and  it  was  nine  o'clock  ^  ere  the  battle  opened.  The  ships 
grappled  one  another  as  they  came  violently  into  collision,  and,  as 
usual,    the   people    in   the    lofty   Genoese   carracks    enjoyed    great 


FivOM    THE    MS.    LIFE    OF   l:l(  HAKI'    1!1;aL  i  11  A.Ml',    LAUL    UF 
WARWICK,     BY   JOHX    liOUS,    WHO    DIED     1491. 

{.Cuttoii  MSS..  Julius  E.  iv.  6.) 

advantage  over  those  in  the  comparatively  low-built  English  ships, 
the  latter  being  hardly  able  with  their  pikes  to  reach  the  soldiers 
on  the  decks  of  the  larger  vessels ;  but  the  English  were  not  to  be 
denied,  and  after  between  five  and  six  hours  of  hot  conflict,-  victory 
began  to  declare  itself.     Several  French  ships  were  carried,  where- 


'  Elmham,  80. 


^  Anon.  Chron.  in  Add.  MSS.  1770,  f.  676. 


1416.]  VICTORY   OFF   IIARFLEUR.  "77 

upon  many  other  vessels  endeavoured  to  disengage  themselves  and 
to  make  sail.'  Some  took  refuge  in  Honflenr,  but  at  least  two  of 
the  carracks  ran  ashore  and  foundered  in  their  efforts  to  escape. 
Three  carracks,^  with  one  hulk  and  four  balHngers,^  seem  to  have 
been  taken  ;  fifteen  hundred  Frenchmen  were  killed,"  and  about  four 
hundred  were  made  prisoners.  The  total  loss  of  the  victors  did  not 
exceed  one  hmidred  men,'  and  among  them  there  was  apparently  no 
person  of  note  ;  but  of  the  French,  Jean  de  Braquemont,  son  of 
the  Admiral  of  France,  was  killed,  and  the  Bastard  of  Bourbon 
was  taken. " 

This  battle  of  Harfleur  seems  to  have  been  fought  in  the  narrow 
channel  immediately  opposite  the  town  and  north  of  the  Amfar 
bank.  Such  wind  as  there  was  probably  blew  from  the  north,  thus 
enabling  both  fleets  to  manoeuvre,  and  favouring  the  escape  of  the 
remnant  of  the  enemy  into  Honflem-.  The  employment  of  lances, 
arrows,  darts,  stones,  and  masses  of  iron  and  lead  is  mentioned  ;  but 
there  is  no  allusion  to  the  use  of  guns,  which  were  nevertheless 
then  quite  common.  There  is  little  doubt  that  the  French  were 
outnumbered,  and  that  the  English  were,  as  Des  Ursins  says,  in  fine 
order  and  condition.' 

After  the  action  it  fell  calm,  and  the  galleys  which  had  escaped 
ventured  out  of  port,  and  harassed  the  fleet  as  it  was  in  the  act  of 
landing  provisions  and  stores  ;  but  the  Enghsh  manned  their  boats 
and  drove  the  enemy  back  to  Honfleur.  Attacks  of  this  sort  were 
made  on  several  days,  the  French  employing  "  wildfire  "  (Greek  fire) 
in  their  efforts  to  biu-n  the  English  ships,  but  no  harm  was  done. 
After  reheving  the  town,  the  Duke  of  Bedford  re-embarked,  and 
returned  to  England  with  his  prizes.* 

King  Henry  received  the  news  of  the  victory  as  he  was  returning 
from  a  visit  to  some  ships  that  were  building,  probably  at  Eye; 
and  he  conveyed  it  to  his  guest,  the  emperor,  at  Canterbury,  where 
a  Te  Deum  was  consequently  sung.     The  emperor  then  crossed  from 

'  Elmham,  80,  81.     The  battle  is  described  in  '  Tlie  Libel  of  English  Policie.' 

^  These  were  re-named  Marie  of  Hamilton,  Marif  of  lianda;ich,  and  George,  and 
were  added  to  the  navy. 

^  Of  these  vessels,  taken  and  aiUled  to  the  navy,  were  those  subseciueutly  called  the 
Katrine  Breton,  and  the  Grande  Marie. 

■*  Otterbourne,  by  pretty  obvious  error,  says  15,000. 

^  Anon.  Chron.  in  Add.  MSS.  177G,  f.  OTi. 

«  St,  Rem}',  103.  ''  Des  Ursins,  334. 

'  Anon.  Chron.  in  Add.  MSS.  177G,  f.  68  ;  Elmham,  83. 


378  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1399-1485.  [1416. 

Dover  to  Calais/  and  Henry  prepared  to  follow  him  thither.  A 
squadron  for  the  purpose  was  quickly  collected  at  Sandwich, 
apparently  from  the  Cinque  Ports,  and  on  September  4th,  the  King 
sailed  thence  with  forty  ships,  and  landed  at  Calais  on  the  same  day, 
being  received  by  the  Emperor. - 

In  the  interim,  a  large  carrack  belonging  to  the  enemy  seems 
to  have  foundered  off  Southampton,  with  eight  hmidred  troops  on 
board, ^  and  another  carrack,  a  Genoese,  laden  with  merchandise, 
had  been  taken  by  the  merchants  of  Dartmouth,  having  been  driven 
into  that  port  by  a  gale  of  wind. 

Lord  Morley,  after  having  survived  the  battle  of  Harfleur,  where 
he  had  greatly  distinguished  himself,  died  of  dysentery  at  Calais. 
His  funeral  mass,  he  having  been  a  K.G.,  was  attended  by  the  king 
and  the  emperor,  with  their  suites. 

Soon  after  mid-day  on  September  24th,  a  large  carrack  of  the 
enemy  was  sighted  from  Calais,  running  before  the  wind,  with  all 
sail  set,  between  that  place  and  Dover,  and  evidently  bound  for 
Sluis.  Six  ballingers  were  hastily  armed  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick, 
Captain  of  Calais,  Lord  Talbot,  Thomas,  Lord  AVest,*  Sir  Gilborn 
Umfravill,  and  some  soldiers,  and  although  the  foe  was  out  of  sight 
ere  they  could  put  to  sea,  they  started  in  chase. ^  One  returned  on 
the  26th,  reporting  that  she  had  been  separated  from  her  consorts. 
Another  returned  on  Sunday,  the  27th,  and  reported  that  at  dawn 
on  the  25th,  Warwick,  with  five  of  the  ballingers,  had  come  up  with 
the  carrack,  which  was  loftier  by  the  length  of  a  lance  than  any  of 
them,  and  had  grappled  her  and  fought  her  until  both  parties  were 
at  a  standstill.  Both  had,  as  by  common  consent,  rested,  and  then 
renewed  the  combat  until  night,  when  the  people  of  the  carrack 
seemed  to  be  nearly  exhausted.  But  the  English  missiles  were  by 
that  time  all  expended,  and  there  were  no  scaling  ladders  in  the 
ballingers,  so  that  the  carrack  eventually  got  away.  A  storm 
obliged  the  English  to  make  for  Orwell,  where  one  of  them 
grounded,  but  was  re-floated  and  later  proceeded  to  Calais.  Another 
ballinger  reached  the  town  on  the  29th,  after  her  crew  had  nearly 
perished  for  lack  of  food ;  and  on  the  same  day  Warwick  himself 
returned,  with  the  news  of  the  death  of  young  Lord  West,  who, 
while  putting   on  his  armour  for  the  attack,  had  been  crushed  by 

'  Anon.  C'liron.  in  Add.  MSS.  177U,  f.  G9. 

^  '  Fcedera,'  ix.  385.  *  He  had  served  at  Agincourt. 

*  Walsingham,  4-tl.  ^  Anon.  Chron.  in  Add.  MSS.  1776,  f.  69. 


1417.]  EXPEDITION   TO   NORMANDY.  379 

a  stone  accidentally  dropped  as  it  was  being  hauled  up  into 
the  top  of  his  own  vessel.  In  the  action  Sir  Baldwin  le  Strange 
also  fell.' 

The  account  of  this  little  affair  is  of  interest  as  affording  an  early 
illustration  of  the  superiority  of  one  large  vessel  over  a  number  of 
smaller  ones  of,  probably,  greater  aggregate  force. 

A  four  months'  truce  having  been  concluded  with  France  in 
October,  1416,^  Henry  returned  with  a  small  squadron  to  Dover. 
Early  in  1417,  preparations  were  made  for  an  expedition  to  Nor- 
mandy ;  ships  were  arrested  ;  and  fifteen  hundred  vessels,  sixteen 
thousand  four  hundred  soldiers,  and  one  thousand  workmen  were 
assembled  at  Southampton  for  the  king's  passage.^  The  vessels 
of  the  western  ports  were  directed  to  proceed  to  sea  under  Sir 
Thomas  Carew,  the  Sire  de  Chastillon,  and  Sir  John  Mortimer, 
and  to  cruise  from  March  1st  to  November  1st,  against  French, 
Bretons,  Castillians,  Genoese,  and  Scots,  unless  orders  were  given 
to  the  contrary.^  Carew's  squadron  consisted  of  an  unnamed  ship 
canying  seventy-five  men-at-arms  and  one  hundred  and  forty-eight 
archers,  the  king's  great  carrack,  called  the  Mary  of  the  Tower, 
of  500  tons,  the  "other  carrack  of  Venice,"  the  barge  Katherine  of 
Salisbury,  the  "  Bukky's  barge,"  the  Ellen  of  Greemvich,  of  180  tons, 
the  Anthony,  Captain  Eobert  Carew,  the  Trinity  of  the  Tower,  of 
102  tons,  two  ballingers  of  Trebost  and  Plymouth  respectively,  and 
Sir  Thomas  Carew's  own  barge,  the  Trinity.^  The  fleet  of  the 
Cinque  Ports  was  called  out  in  March ;  ^  and  in  April  the  assemblage 
of  ships  at  Southampton  was  hastened,  the  passage  thither  being 
apparently  deemed  somewhat  perilous  by  the  shipmasters  owing  to 
the  large  force  of  the  enemy  that  was  at  sea.' 

Up  to  the  last  moment,  Henry,  as  in  the  previous  year,  intended 

to  lead  the  fleet  in  person  ;  but  he  suffered  himself  to  be  dissuaded  ; ' 

and   in   July,   he   appointed   Edmund,    Earl   of   March,   to   be  his 

lieutenant  on   the   sea,   to  bring   back   the   fleet  from   Normandy, 

and   to    return   thither   with    reinforcements,    and    John,    Earl   of 

Huntingdon,  to  cruise  with  all  the  usual  powers  of  an  admiral.' 

>   Elniham,  88,  89 ;  Anon.  Chron.  in  AiUl.  M«S.  177G,  f.  70i. 
2  '  Foedera,'  ix.  399,  400. 

'  Elmham,  92;  Anon.  Chron.  in  Add.  MSS.  1776,  f.  72. 
*  Pro.  and  Old.  of  Privy  Council,  ii.  209. 

'  Muster  Eoll  'E.  B.  1G2G'  at  Carlton  Uidc,  cited  by  Kicolas;  Issue  Rolls,  Easter 
Term,  4  Hen.  V. 

"  Close  Rolls,  5  Hen.  V.  m.  17.  '  Issue  Rolls,  4  Hen.  V.  351  (Devon). 

»  Elmham,  92.  "  Patent  Rolls,  5  Hen.  V.  m.  22. 


380  MILITARY  HISTOET,    1399-1485.  [1417. 

Huntingdon  must  have  sailed  very  quickly,  for,  on  St.  James's 
Day,  July  25th,  1417,^  he  fell  in  with  the  French,  and  engaged  them 
with  great  gallantry,  and  with  so  much  impetuosity  that,  in  the 
shock  of  collision,  several  vessels  had  their  foreparts  carried  away, 
and  the  people  on  them  hurled  overboard.  The  forces  engaged,  and 
the  scene  of  the  action  are  alike  unknown.  All  that  is  certain  is 
that,  after  grappling  and  fighting  at  close  quarters  for  nearly  the 
whole  day,  the  French  and  Genoese  were  completely  defeated. 
Four  carracks,  besides  other  vessels,  seem  to  have  been  taken,  and 
carried  into  Southampton  on  or  about  July  29th. ^  The  king,  who 
awaited  the  earl's  return,  and  the  assurance  that  the  seas  were  clear, 
must  have  sailed  very  soon  afterwards ;  for  on  August  8th,^  he  wrote 
to  the  Council  from  France,  and  made  mention  of  the  victory.* 

Henry  seems,  in  fact,  to  have  departed  on  July  29th  or  30th, 
and  to  have  arrived  at  Touques,  a  few  miles  from  Harfleur,  on 
August  1st.  He  had  with  him  two  hundred  and  thirty  vessels  of 
various  kinds,  including  one  hundred  and  seventeen  which  had  been 
obtained  from  Holland,  and  a  considerable  army.'  Having  landed 
his  troops,  he  sent  his  transports  home,  retaining  only  those  vessels 
on  board  of  which  were  stores  and  artillery  too  heavy  for  land 
carriage." 

This  invasion  of  France  was  perhaps  the  first  one  that  was 
attempted  on  scientific  principles.  The  manner  in  which  it  was 
prepared  indicates  that  Henry  had  a  full  understanding  of  the 
importance  of  sea  power,  and  of  the  danger  of  making  any  effort  of 
the  kind  in  face  of  a  "potent"  fleet.  Instead  of  crossing  at  once, 
while  the  enemy  was  still  undefeated,  and  so  running  the  risk  of 
having  to  fight  an  action  with  his  huge  convoy  of  transports  in 
company,  he  first  sent  out  a  squadron  to  clear  the  way,  and  then,  as 
soon  as  he  had  learnt  of  the  success  of  the  preliminary  step,  passed 
unmolested  over  the  path  freed  for  him. 

While  Henry  was  absent,  measures  were  taken  to  render 
Portsmouth  a  securer  haven  than  it  had  previously  been  for  the 

'  Otterbourne,  278. 

''Anon.  Chron.  in  Add.  MSS.  1776,  f.  72;  Otterbourne,  278;  Elmham,  92. 
Among  the  prizes  were  the  vessels  which  were  added  to  the  navy,  as  the  Christopher 
Spayne,  Marie  Spayne,  Holigost  Spayne,  Peter,  Paul,  and  Andrew. 

^  Or  August  11th. 

*  Add.  MS.  4601,  f.  95. 

^  Norman  liolls,  5  Hen.  V.  320-329  (Hardy).  'J'Le  list  gives  names  of  ships, 
names  of  masters,  etc. 

"  Elmliam,  9G. 


U'ZO.2  TIIK    TliKATY   OF   TROYES.  381 

king's  ships  in  war  time.  A  tower  was  built  at  the  entrance  of  the 
harbour,  and  an  office  for  the  Clerk  of  the  King's  Ships  was 
erected.' 

The  naval  events  of  1418  were  of  no  importance.  In  1419,  to 
meet  an  apprehended  design  of  the  Spaniards  upon  Portsmouth  and 
Southampton,  troops  were  repeatedlj'  arrayed  for  the  defence  of  the 
coast. ^  In  May,  the  Earl  of  Suffolk  was  appointed  Admiral  of 
Normandy ;  ^  and  in  August  a  large  arrest  of  shipping  was  ordered 
in  the  western  counties,  in  order  to  furnish  a  force  to  oppose  a 
French  squadron  which,  it  was  reported,  was  about  to  proceed  to 
the  assistance  of  the  Scots  by  way  of  the  Irish  Sea.  This  force 
appears  to  have  been  entrusted  to  the  command  of  William,  Lord 
Botreaux."  A  few  weeks  previously,  two  merchants  of  Bristol,  and 
one  William  Camoys,  of  Bayonne,  had  captured  some  carracks  and 
other  vessels  belonging  to  the  enemy,  laden  with  merchandise,  and 
had  received  the  thanks  of  the  king.'^ 

In  February,  1420,  shipping  was  arrested  for  the  passage  of  the 
Duke  of  Bedford  to  Normandy,  and  of  the  Earl  of  Ormond  to 
Ireland  ;  °  there  was  a  fresh  alarm  of  a  projected  Spanish  invasion  ; ' 
and  the  Scots  committed  some  depredations  by  sea ;  but,  as  before, 
the  naval  events  were  not  important. 

On  May  21st,  the  conclusion  of  the  Treaty  of  Troyes  put  an  end 
to  the  hostilities  between  England  and  great  part  of  France ;  for 
although  the  Dauphin  *  and  the  party  of  the  Armagnacs  declined 
to  recognise  the  arrangement,  Henry,  Philip  of  Burgundy,  and 
Katherine,  Queen  Eegent  of  France,  were  parties  to  it,  and  one  of 
its  conditions  was  the  marriage  of  the  Princess  Katherine,  daughter 
of  the  imbecile  Charles  VI.,  to  the  King  of  England.  The  king  and 
his  new  queen  landed  at  Dover  on  February  1st,  1421,  amid  great 
rejoicings.' 

When,  in  March,  1421,  Sir  Wilham  Bardolf"  was  appointed 
admiral  and  given  command  of  a  cruising  squadron,  it  was  stipulated 
in  his  commission  that  none  of  the  rights  of  the  Duke  of  Exeter,  as 
Admiral  of  England,  should  be  prejudiced.    The  squadron  assembled 

'  Issue  lloUs,  5  Hen.  V.  35i  (Devon) ;  Pro.  and  Ord.  of  Privy  Uouucil,  ii.  315. 

2  '  Fn-dera,'  ix.  702,  703,  7'J3.  ^  Jb.,  ix.  753.  ■•  lb.,  ix.  791,  792. 

■'■  Pro.  and  Ord.  of  Privy  Council,  ii.  2G7. 

"  Patent  Rolls,  7  Hen.  V.  m.  i  d.  m.  6  d.  '  Jb.,  S  lien.  V.  ni.  17  d. 

'  Later,  Charles  VII. 

»  Elniliara,  296;  Walsingham,  453;  Anon.  Chron.  in  Add.  MSS.  177li,  f.  79. 

'"  '  Fccdera,'  x.  68. 


'S82  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1399-1485.  [1422. 

at  Dover/  and  it  seems  to  have  been  fitted  out  with  special  reference 
to  the  continued  menaces  of  the  Spaniards  against  the  coast  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Isle  of  Wight, ^  but  there  is  no  record  that  it 
came  into  conflict  with  the  enemy. 

A  little  later  in  the  year,  the  Dauphin  and  his  party  having 
defeated  and  killed  the  Duke  of  Clarence  at  Beauge,  Henry  felt  it 
necessary  to  go  again  to  France  to  re-establish  his  prestige.  Ships 
for  the  voyage  were  furnished  by  the  Cinque  Ports ;  and  the  king 
embarked  at  Dover  at  dawn  on  June  10th ;  reached  Calais  by  two 
in  the  afternoon ;  ^  and,  after  driving  back  his  enemies,  entered 
Paris  in  triumph. 

Just  before  his  departure  from  England,  hostilities  with  Genoa 
had  been  terminated  by  a  treaty  which  provided  that  the  Genoese 
were  not  to  furnish  any  enemies  of  England  with  ships  or  cross- 
bow-men, but  that  if  vessels  of  Genoa  or  England  were  forcibly 
compelled  to  serve  against  the  other  party,  such  compulsory  service 
should  not  be  held  to  constitute  a  breach  of  the  engagement.* 

In  the  spring  of  1422,  Queen  Katherine  went  to  France  to  join 
her  husband,  landing  at  Harfleur  on  May  21st.^  Three  months 
later,  while  he  was  following  up  his  successes  over  the  Dauphin  and 
the  Scots  who  were  co-operating  with  him,  the  king  was  attacked 
by  fever,  which  terminated  fatally  at  Vincennes  on  August  31st. 

Henry  V.  was  succeeded  by  his  only  son,  Henry  VI.,  of  "Windsor, 
who  was  then  less  than  nine  months  old.  Not  long  afterwards,  the 
inbecile  Charles  VI.  also  died ;  and,  under  the  Treaty  of  Troyes,  the 
infant  English  prince  became  sovereign  of  both  kingdoms.  John, 
Duke  of  Bedford,  in  accordance  with  the  late  king's  will,  took  the 
regency  of  France,  and  Humphrey,  Duke  of  Gloucester,  that  of 
England,  with  the  title  of  Lord  Protector.  To  Thomas,  Duke  of 
Exeter  and  Admiral  of  England,  was  confided  the  custody  of  the 
king's  person." 

In  the  earlier  part  of  the  reign,  France,  rather  than  the.  sea,  was 

the  chief  scene  of  the  military  activity  of  England,  and  no  naval 

events  of  any  importance  took  place.     Indeed,  the  role  of  the  navy 

was   mainly  restricted  to  the   transport   of   reinforcements   to   the 

English  armies  abroad.     Ten  thousand  men  were  thus  sent  to  the 

•  '  Fadera,'  x.  68,  69. 

'^  Pro.  and  Ord.  of  Privy  Cuuncil,  i.  362. 

^  Muustrelet,  ccxlii. ;  Wal.'iingham,  454;  Anon.  Chrun.  iu  Add.  M!S8.  1776,  f.  80. 

'  Goodwin :  '  Life  of  Henry  V.,'  305, 306. 

''.  '  Foedera,'  x.  175  ;  Walsingham,  456.  "  Walsingham,  407. 


1436.] 


DECLINE   OF  ENGLISH  POWER   IN  FRANCE. 


383 


Duke  of  Bedford  in  1423 ;  in  the  following  year  five  thousand  men 
accompanied  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  to  Calais  and  the  Netherlands, 
to  assist  him  in  prosecuting  the  claims  of  his  wife,  Jacqueline  of 
Hainault,  to  territory  in  Brabant ;  and  early  in  1427,  Bedford,  who 
had  come  to  England  late  in  the  previous  year,  took  back  with  him 
to  France  a  considerable  army.  The  duke  had,  in  1426,  been 
appointed  Admiral  of  England  in  succession  to  Thomas,  Duke  of 
Exeter;  and  he  held  the  oiiice  until  his  death  in  1435.  Further 
troops  went  to  France  in  1428,  when  Eichard  Neville,  Earl  of 
Salisbury,  by  agreement  with  the  Council,  raised  five  or  six  thousand 
men  at  his  own  charge  for  service  there.  The  journey  of  the  young 
king  to  be  crowned  in  France  in  1430  also  necessitated  an  arrest 
of  shipping,  for  he  went  attended  by  a  great  number  of  nobles 
and  a  large  body  of  servants, 
although  he  was  still  less  than 
nine  years  old. 

In  these  and  the  immediately 
succeeding  years,  the  position  of 
the  English  in  France  went 
steadily  from  bad  to  worse, ^  in 
spite  of  the  heroic  efforts  and 
great  abihty  of  Bedford ;  and  in 
143(5,  the  Diike  of  Burgundy, 
who  had  by  that  time  embraced 
the  French  cause,  and  who  was 
exceedingly  exasperated  by  the  '^'■■ 
forays  which  had  been  made  by 
the  garrison  of  Calais  into  the 
territories  of  his  cousin  of  Brabant,  laid  siege  with  a  large  force 
of  Flamands  and  others  to  ahnost  the  last  great  stronghold  that 
remained  to  the  English  on  the  continent. 

On  the  death  of  Bedford,  John  Holland,  Earl  of  Huntingdon  and 
Duke  of  Exeter,-  with  succession  to  his  son  Henry,^  had  been 
appointed  Admiral  of  England  ;  but  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  led  the 
expedition  for  the  relief  of  Calais.  A  large  army,  and  a  fleet  of 
about  five  hundred  vessels,  large  and  small,  were  collected,  and  the 
expeditionary  force  was  landed  on  the  French  coast  on  July  27th, 

'  William  of  Worcester,  455,  457.     Fur  this  period  see  'Wars  of  the  Eu^lish  in 
France,'  in  Rolls  Series,  and  Brougliam'sj' England  under  the  House  of  Lancaster.' 
^  Son  of  the  degraded  first  duke.  '  Attainted  in  1461. 


\ 


^ 


\L  OF  JOHN  HOLLAND,  FIHST  EARL 
OF  EXETER,  LATER  DUKE  OF  EXETER, 
J.ORD  HIGH  ADMIRAL  OF  ENGLAND. 


384  MILITARY  lUSTORY,   1399-1485.  [1444. 

1436,  and  advanced  at  once  towards  the  beleaguered  town,  which 
had  then  been  invested  for  about  six  weeks.  The  approach  of 
reUef  encouraged  the  garrison  to  make  a  responsive  effort.  The 
Duke  of  Burgundy  had  prepared  a  number  of  hulks  laden  with 
stones,  with  which  it  was  his  intention  to  block  the  mouth  of  the 
harbour,  and  so  prevent  approach  to  it  from  seaward ;  but  before 
the  vessels  could  be  placed  in  position  for  scuttling  they  were 
attacked  and  burnt  by  seamen  from  the  town.  This  disaster,  and 
the  rapid  approach  of  Gloucester,  obliged  the  enemy  to  abandon  the 
investment  and  to  retire.'' 

Yet,  in  spite  of  this  local  success,  the  English  in  France  rather 
lost  than  gained  ground  during  the  next  two  or  three  years.  John 
Talbot,  who,  in  1442,  was  created  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,"  was  the 
last  remaining  effective  champion  of  the  English  cause  on  the 
continent ;  and  in  1439,  with  the  co-operation  of  a  fleet  under  the 
Duke  of  Somerset,^  he  reduced  Harfleur  after  a  four  months' 
blockade.  In  1442,  again  he  landed  with  a  small  expeditionary 
force  in  Normandy,  and  gained  some  advantages.  But  his  ability 
and  bravery  were  almost  neutralised  by  the  incapacity,  or  worse, 
of  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  who,  sent  in  1443,  with  about  five 
thousand  men,  to  assist  in  the  blockade  of  Dieppe,  which  appeared 
to  be  near  the  point  of  surrender,  if  vigorously  invested,  postponed 
his  arrival  until  the  English  had  been  obliged  to  raise  the  siege. 

The  weakness  of  England  led,  in  1444,  to  the  conclusion  of  a 
disadvantageous  truce  ;  and  in  the  following  year  Henry  VI.  married 
a  French  princess,  Margaret  of  Anjou,  daughter  of  Eene,  Coimt  of 
Guise,  and  niece  of  the  King  of  France.  The  alliance  was  a  very 
injurious  one  to  England,  the  queen  becoming  a  violent  political 
partisan,  and  identifying  herself  with  the  cause  of  the  unpopular 
and  corrupt  Dukes  of  Somerset  and  Suffolk,  to  the  prejudice  of  the 
Yorkists.  Her  intrigues  seem  to  have  encouraged  an  Irish  rising, 
which  the  Duke  of  Y''ork,  with  a  small  force,  suppressed  in  1449. 
They  also  necessitated  the  dispatch  to  Normandy  in  1450  of 
reinforcements  under  Sir  Thomas  Kyriel.  And  they  brought  about 
the  far  more  serious  domestic  troubles  known  as  the  Wars  of  the 
Eoses,  during  which  the  power  of  England  was  almost  paralysed. 
Indeed,  even  before  these  wars  formally  broke  out,  the  jealousy  of 

1  Polyd.  Vergil,  xxiii.  619,  620. 

2  Killed  at  Castillon  in  1453  :  "  the  English  Achilles." 

^  Edmund  Beaufort,  a  grandson  of  John  of  Gaunt;  killed  at  St.  Albans  in  1455. 


1457.]  FRENCH  RAID    ON  THE   COASTS   OF  KENT.  385 

rival  parties  had  reduced  England  to  comparative  impotence.  Her 
successive  losses  in  France  were  due  as  much  to  her  neglect  of  her 
subjects  there  as  to  any  desire  on  their  part  to  become  French,  or 
as  to  the  ability  of  France  to  compel  them  against  their  will  to 
range  themselves  on  her  side.  This  was  shown  in  1452,  when  the 
Gascons  betrayed  a  decided  desire  to  resume  their  old  allegiance, 
and  when,  had  they  been  properly  supported,  they  would  probably 
have  returned  to  it.  The  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,  who  was  sent 
thither,  took  Bordeaux  by  surprise,  and  gained  some  other  suc- 
cesses ;  but  the  advantage  was  not  followed  up,  and  the  Gascons, 
disgusted,  easily  resigned  themselves  a  few  months  later  to  final 
severance  from  England,  after  three  hundred  years  of  union  with  it. 

The  misfortunes  of  England  were  precipitated  by  the  insanity 
from  which  the  king  began  to  suffer  in  14.53.  The  queen's  party 
could  not  prevent  the  appointment  of  the  Duke  of  York  as 
Protector ;  but  when  Henry  temporarily  recovered  his  faculties  in 
1455,  the  duke  found  it  expedient  to  retire  to  the  north,  and  to 
take  up  arms.  The  first  battle  of  St.  Albans  and  the  death  of 
Somerset  in  May,  1455,  combined  with  the  renewed  insanity  of 
the  king,  restored  York  to  the  Protectorship,  and,  for  a  brief  space, 
some  sort  of  quiet  to  the  country  ;  but  the  intrigues  of  the  queen 
did  not  cease  ;  and,  Henry  once  more  recovering  in  Februaiy,  1456, 
the  duke  was  again  displaced,  and  Margaret  found  better  opportunity 
than  ever  for  the  prosecution  of  her  treasonable  designs. 

One  of  the  results  of  her  machinations  was  a  descent  by  France 
i;pon  the  coast  of  Kent.  In  August,  1457,  Pierre  de  Breze, 
Seneschal  of  Normandy,  with  a  fleet  and  four  thousand  soldiers, 
threw  eighteen  hundred  men  ashore  near  Sandwich,  surprised  the 
place,  taking  some  vessels  which  were  there,  pillaged  and  burnt  the 
town,  and  then  retired,  though  not  until  the  inhabitants  had  caused 
them  considerable  loss.  In  the  fight,  three  hundred  English  are 
said  to  have  fallen.'  The  moral  effect  of  the  raid  was  not  great,  for 
the  French  remained  at  Sandwich  only  for  one  tide ;  ^  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  more  than  suspected  complicity  of  the  queen 
increased  the  distrust  with  which  she  was  regarded,  and  improved 
the  position  of  the  Yorkists  in  the  estimation  of  the  more  patriotic 
of  the  people.  Nevertheless,  in  March,  1458,  a  solemn  pacification 
was  agreed  to  in  St.  Paul's  between  the  rival  parties ;  and,  for  the 

'  Fabian,  462  ;  Grafton,  630 ;  Hall,  f.  88a. 
-  Guerin,  i.  268 ;  Daniel,  vi.  2'J2. 

VOL.    I.  2   C 


386  MILITARY  HISTOBT,    1399-1485.  [1458. 

moment,  the  struggles  between  York  and  Lancaster  seemed  to  have 
ended. 

There  is  a  strange,  though  by  no  means  perfect,  similarity 
between  the  parts  played  in  England  by  Godwin  and  his  sons  in  the 
eleventh  century,  and  by  Eichard  Neville,  Earl  of  Warwick,  in  the 
fifteenth.  Both  Godwin  and  Warwick  were  naval  heroes  ;  both 
were  able  and  unscrupulous  and  yet  patriotic ;  and  both  succeeded 
in  using  the  fleet,  and  the  sentiments  of  the  maritime  population,  as 
weapons  for  effecting  a  revolution. 

Warwick  had  fought  on  the  side  of  the  Duke  of  York  at  the 
first  battle  of  St.  Albans,  and  had  been  afterwards  appointed  to 
the  important  post  of  Captain  of  Calais,  with  powers  as  an  admiral. 
In  the  latter  capacity  he  appears  to  have  sent  to  sea  several 
squadrons,  one  of  which,  on  Trinity  Sunday,'  1458,  fell  in  with  a 
convoy  of  ships  of  Genoa  and  Liibeck.  There  are  no  means  of 
knowing  why  these  vessels  were  treated  as  enemies ;  but  it  seems 
that  five  of  them,  with  cargoes  worth  £10,000,  were  taken,  and 
twenty-six  sunk  or  driven  ashore,^  and  that  Warwick  was  summoned 
to  London  to  explain  his  action.  While  there,  some  kind  of  ixrsult 
was  offered  to  him — it  is  even  said  that  his  life  was  attempted — and 
he  angrily  returned  to  Calais.  Somerset  was  appointed  to  supersede 
him  in  his  captaincy,  but  such  was  the  popularity  of  the  earl, 
that  the  people  refused  to  admit  the  duke,  who,  in  consequence,  had 
to  retire. 

The  action  of  Warwick  encouraged  the  Duke  of  York  to  renew 
the  war ;  but,  after  having  gained  a  success  at  Blore  Heath,  the 
defection  near  Ludlow  of  some  of  his  supporters  alarmed  him,  and 
he  went  to  Ireland. 

In  the  meantime,  Henry  was  feebly  taking  measures  to  oust 
Warwick  from  Calais.  The  earl,  when  he  had  last  quitted  England, 
had  left  behind  him  some  ships  which  were  not  ready  to  sail.  These 
and  others  were  collected  at  Sandwich,  and  placed  under  the 
command  of  Richard  Woodville,  Lord  Elvers,  who  was  instructed 
to  carry  over  succours  to  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  who  lay  at 
Guines,  and  to  assist  him  in  obtaining  possession  of  his  caj)taincy. 
Warwick,  however,  informed  of  what  was  in  preparation,  sent  over 
Sir  John  Dinham,  who,  with  a  small  squadron,  reached  Sandwich 

'  May  29th. 

^  Speed,  608 ;  Pabiau,  464.     "  And,  as  men  sayne,  ther  was  not  so  gret  a  batayle 
upon  the  sea  this  XL.  wyntyr."     '  Paston  Letters,'  (Gairdner),  i.  429. 


14G0.]  NAVAL   ACTIVITY   OF    WARWICK.  o87 

at  break  of  day,  seized  Lord  Rivers  and  his  son,  Anthony  Woodville, 
in  their  beds,  made  himself  naaster  of  the  fleet,  and  carried  both 
ships  and  officers  into  Calais/  At  about  the  same  time,  the  vessels 
which  had  carried  Somerset  across  the  Channel  and  which  were 
still  with  him,  revolted  and  joined  Warwick,  who  thus  had  a  very 
large  force  at  his  disposal.  One  Sir  Baldwin  Fulford  offered  to  burn 
the  earl's  fleet,  but  proved  incapable  of  effecting  the  enterprise  ;  and 
Warwick,  having  left  Calais  in  good  hands,  sailed  for  Ireland  to 
consult  with  the  Duke  of  York  as  to  futiire  proceedings. 

Such  fleet  as  remained  faithful  to  Henry  put  to  sea  under  the 
Duke  of  Exeter,  Admiral  of  England,  to  intercept  the  earl;  but 
when  the  two  forces  sighted  one  another  in  the  Channel,  the  loyalty 
of  the  royalists  seemed  so  doubtful,  and  Warwick  was  so  strong,  that 
the  duke  shrank  from  provoking  an  action  ;  while,  on  the  other 
hand,  Warwick  was  unwilling  to  unnecessarily  destroy  any  English 
ships  ;  so  that  no  collision  took  place. 

When  the  earl  was  once  more  at  Calais,  a  petition  reached  him 
from  the  inhabitants  of  Kent,  who  begged  him  to  land  on  their 
coasts,  and  assured  him  of  their  support.  Warwick,  always 
cautious,  dispatched  William  Neville,  Lord  Fauconberg,  to  examine 
into  the  disposition  of  the  people  and  the  nature  of  the  opposition 
likely  to  be  offered.  Upon  Fauconberg  returning  with  an  en- 
couraging i-eport,  Warwick  sent  word  of  his  intention  to  the 
Duke  of  York,  and  presently  sailed  with  his  whole  force. 

But  in  the  interval.  Sir  Simon  Montfort,  Warden  of  the  Cinque 
Ports,  had  been  entrusted  by  the  king  with  a  squadron,  with  which 
he  was  ordered  to  prevent  a  landing.  Like  Kivers,  Montfort  was 
not  sufficiently  on  his  guard.  Warwick  surprised  him  off  Sandwich, 
took  him,  captured  or  destroyed  all  his  squadron,  and,  being  opposed 
on  his  landing,  sacked  the  town.  According  to  some  accounts, 
Montfort  fell  in  the  action ;  according  to  others,  he  and  twelve  of 
his  captains  were  sent  to  Calais  and  there  executed.^ 

Warwick  was  joined  by  Lord  Cobham  and  other  Yorkists ;  the 
Duke  of  Y'ork  himself  also  invaded  the  country ;  the  battles  of 
Northampton,  Wakefield,  Mortimer's  Cross,  and  St.  Albans  followed; 
and  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  at  Wakefield  the  Duke  of  York  was 
killed,  the  crowning  battle  of  Towton,  on  March  29th,  1461, 
estabUshed  the  duke's  son  on  the  throne  as  Edward  IV.,^  although 

1  Grafton,  035;  Fabian,  465-467.  -  Holingshed,  ii.  652;  Speed,  C60. 

2  Polyd.  Vergil,  xxiii. ;  llall,  f.  lOlh ;  Grafton,  056,  057. 

2  c  2 


388  .  MILITARY  HISTORY,  1399-1485.  [1462. 

it  did  not  end  the  struggle.  Warwick's  reward  was  the  Captaincy 
of  Dover,  with  the  Wardenship  of  the  Scots  Marches,  the  offices  of 
Lord  Chamberlain,  and  Lord  Steward,  and  large  grants  of  land  ;  but 
Edward's  marriage,  in  1464,  with  Elizabeth  Woodville,  displeased 
the  king-maker,  who  for  the  sake  of  peace  would  have  preferred  an 
alliance  with  France,  and  who  presently,  as  will  be  seen,  opposed 
both  king  and  queen. 

At  his  accession,  Edward  IV.  was  in  his  nineteenth  year,  of 
handsome  appearance,  and  of  equal  geniality  and  vigour ;  and  he  at 
once  became  popular.  The  sea  had  made  him  king,  and  he  appears 
to  have  determined  from  the  first  never  to  neglect  his  fleet.  Nor 
could  he  well  afford  to  do  so  ;  for  scarcely  had  he  assumed  the  crown 
when  the  ex-Queen  Margaret  went  to  France  with  the  object  of 
raising  a  naval  armament  there,  and  of  so  attempting  to  recover 
England  for  her  husband,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  Scotland. 

For  a  short  time  after  the  triumph  of  the  House  of  York, 
Warwick  himself  was  Admiral  of  England.^  Later,  in  1462,  he 
was  superseded  by  William  Neville,  Lord  Fauconberg,^  who,  in 
1461,  had  been  created  Earl  of  Kent.  Kent,  whose  tenure  of 
office  was  terminated  by  his  death  within  three  months,  at  once 
put  to  sea  with  a  powerful  fleet,  carrying  ten  thousand  soldiers, 
and  commanded,  under  him,  by  Henry  Bourchier,  Earl  of  Essex, 
and  Admirals  Audley  and  Clinton  ;  and,  after  scouring  the  Channel, 
attacked  and  burnt  the  town  of  Le  Conquet  in  Brittany,  ravaged 
the  Isle  of  Ehe,  and  took  many  prizes  and  much  booty. ^  The 
death  of  Kent  *  may  have  put  an  end  to  the  cruise,  which  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  immediately  re-commenced  after  the  appointment, 
on  October  12th,  of  Eichard,  Duke  of  Gloucester  and  brother  of  the 
king,  to  the  office  of  Lord  High  Admiral. 

The  temporary  withdrawal  of  the  fleet  to  port  seems  to  have 
been  seized  upon  by  Margaret  as  a  good  opportunity  for  making  her 
contemplated  descent.  She  sailed  in  1463  with  a  squadron,  under 
the  command  of  Pierre  de  Br^ze,  with  the  intention  of  landing  at 
Tynemouth,  but,  although  she  entered  the  bay,  she  was  driven  out 

'  He  was  so  appointed  for  three  j-ears  by  an  agreement  of  February  1st,  1462. 
Excheq.  Warr.  for  Issues ;  but  was  succeeded  by  Kent  on  July  30th  following. 

°  Son  of  Ralph,  Earl  of  AVestmoreland,  and  brother  of  the  Earl  of  Salisbury. 

»  Grafton,  659  ;  Stowe,  416. 

*  There  are  some  grounds  for  supposing  that  both  Kent,  and  John  Tiptoft,  Earl  of 
Worcester,  who,  in  the  summer  of  14G3,  was  "  captain  and  keeper  of  the  sea,"  acted  as 
"Warwick's  deputies. 


1470.]  CLARENCE   CONSPIRES    WITH    WARWICK.  389 

again  by  a  gale  of  wind  before  sbe  could  disembark,  and  was  obliged 
to  proceed  to  Berwick.'  With  Scots  and  French  help,  she  main- 
tained for  a  year  a  desultory  war  on  the  border ;  but  after  the  battle 
of  Hexham,  in  May,  1464,  she  found  it  expedient  to  flee  to  Flanders. 
In  the  following  year  the  ex-king,  Henry  VI.,  fell  into  Edward's 
hands ;  and  from  that  moment  all  might  have  gone  well  with  the 
new  House  but  for  the  king's  ill-considered  marriage  with  Elizabeth 
Woodville.  Perhaps  even  the  marriage  would  not  have  alienated 
Warvpick,  had  not  Edward  shown  signs  of  an  intention  to  exalt  his 
wife's  relatives  at  the  expense  of  the  Nevilles.  A  rupture  resulted 
in  1467,  Warwick  being  joined  by  the  king's  brother,  the  Duke  of 
Clarence.  Yet,  though  Edward  was  for  a  time  a  prisoner  in  the 
hands  of  the  king-maker,  that  astute  statesman  foresaw  that  the 
downfall  of  York  would  probably  lead  to  the  restoration  of 
Lancaster;  and,  as  he  was  not  then  prepared  to  face  such  a 
consequence,  he  released  his  captive,  and  a  pacification  was  made. 
But  in  1470,  Edward  discovered  that  his  brother  Clarence,  who  had 
married  Isabel,  Warwick's  eldest  daughter,  was  once  more  plotting 
with  his  father-in-law.  The  two  conspirators  fled  to  Calais,  the 
navy  for  the  most  part  adhering  to  them ;  and  they  opened 
negotiations  with  Queen  Margaret.  It  was,  no  doubt,  the  temporary 
loss  of  so  much  of  his  fleet  that  prevented  Edward  from  opposing 
their  passage  across  the  Channel.  They  landed  in  September,  1470 ; 
and  the  king,  not  without  difficulty,  fled  by  way  of  Lynn  to 
Flanders.^  For  a  few  months  Henry  YI.  was  restored ;  but  the 
fact  did  not  apparently  please  the  Duke  of  Clarence,*  who  may  have 
anticipated  that  the  king-maker  would  offer  him  the  crown  instead 
of  only  a  contingent  interest  in  it ;  and  within  a  very  short  time 
Clarence  was  in  treacherous  correspondence  with  Edward. 

Edward,  for  his  part,  did  not  sit  still  amid  his  misfortunes. 
Obtaining  help  from  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  he  sailed  from  Flushing 
with  four  ships  of  war,  fourteen  transports,  and  about  two  thousand 
men;*  and  on  March  l'2th,  1471,  was  off  Cromer.  He  would  have 
landed  there  had  the  weather  been  favourable ;  but  on  the  14th  he 
was  able  to  put  into  Bavensrode.  Clarence,  after  betraying  his 
father-in-law,   joined   Edward ;    and    in   the   result  Warwick   was 

1  Fabian,  473,  493;  Speed,  670;  Holingshed,  ii.  666. 
^  Landing  near  Alkmaar.     Fabian,  500  ;  Hall,  f.  17-19  ;  Speed,  681. 
'  Although  the  crown  was  entailed  upon  him,  in  case  of  failure  of  the  male  line  of 
Henry  VI.     Fabian,  501 ;  Speed,  681. 
*  Hall,  f.  246 ;  Stowe,  412. 


'600  MILITARY  HISTORY,   139^-1485.  [1471. 

defeated  and  killed  at  Barnet  on  April  14th.  The  ex-king  was 
imprisoned  in  the  Tower ;  and  Margaret,  who,  almost  at  the  very 
hour  when  the  battle  of  Barnet  was  being  fought,  had  landed  at 
Weymouth,  was  on  May  4th  defeated  and  taken  at  Tewkesbury, 
her  son.  Prince  Edward,  being  afterwards  disgracefully  murdered 
in  cold  blood. ^  Margaret  was  ransomed  by  the  King  of  France,  but 
was  not  suffered  to  depart  until  she  had  formally  renomiced  all  her 
claims  to  the  English  throne. 

Edward  had  regained  his  crown  but  not  his  navy,  the  greater 
part  of  which,  upon  the  death  of  Warwick,  had  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  the  king-maker's  heutenant,  Thomas,  an  illegitimate  son  of 
William  Neville,  Earl  of  Kent.  This  adventm-er,  known  as  the 
Bastard  of  Fauconberg,  went  to  Calais,  embarked  part  of  the 
garrison,  and,  anticipating  that  the  capital  would  espouse  the  cause 
of  Henry  YL,  who  was  still  in  the  Tower,  sailed  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Thames,  after  having  touched  at  Dover  and  reinforced  himself  there, 
and  landed  with  seventeen  thousand  men.  He  was  deceived.  Far 
from  joining  him,  the  citizens  opposed  him,  in  spite  of  the  large  body 
of  troops  at  his  disposal,  and,  closely  pursued,  he  retired  to  Sandwich, 
where,  upon  a  promise  of  pardon,  he  surrendered  himself  and  his 
ships.  He  was  spared,  and  even  employed,  until,  being  detected  in 
fresh  intrigues,  he  was  beheaded."  At  about  the  time  of  the 
Bastard's  descent,  in  May,  1471,  the  ex-king,  Hemy  VI.,  died  in 
the  Tower.  It  is  difficult  to  resist  the  conclusion  that  Edward 
reahsed  that  so  long  as  Henry  lived,  civil  strife  was  ahnost 
inevitable;  and  that,  directly  or  indirectly,  he  was  responsible  for 
his  rival's  death,  although  the  circumstances  of  the  tragedy  have 
never  been  explained. 

Freed  at  length  from  domestic  troubles,  and  master  of  his 
kingdom,  Edward  determined  on  a  war  with  France,  which  had  so 
often  assisted  his  enemies,  and  against  which  he  had  many  old 
grounds  of  quarrel.  His  preparations  occupied  him  for  some  time, 
and  not  until  about  June,  1475,  were  they  completed.  By  that 
time  he  had  collected  five  hundred  craft  of  various  descriptions  at 
Sandwich  ;  and  at  the  end  of  the  month,  or  the  beginning  of  July, 
he  crossed  to  Calais  with  a  large  army.^  Louis  XI.  and  Charles, 
Duke  of  Burgundy,  were  at  war,  and  Edward,  in  pursuance  of  his 

'  Holingslied,  ii.  688 ;  Habington,  453  ;  Speed,  GS4. 

-  Hall,  f.  33  ;  Speed,  685  ;  Stowe,  424. 

^  Polyd.  Vergil,  xxiv. ;  Fab:an,  5C8;  Graftun,  719;  Cooper's  Cbron.  267i. 


1475.]  THE  PEACE    OF  AMIENS.  391 

old  continental  policy,  allied  himself  with  the  latter ;  and,  upon 
landing,  sent  a  herald  to  Louis  to  formally  demand  the  whole  of 
the  kingdom.  Unfortunately,  Charles  was  an  untrustworthy  ally. 
He  desired  Edward  to  march  to  St.  Quentin ;  but,  on  arriving 
before  that  town,  the  English  king  was  fired  at  from  the  walls. 
Having  thus  good  caiise  to  distrust  his  professed  friend,  and  learning 
of  the  gi'eat  anxiety  of  France  for  peace,  he  listened  to  Louis's 
overtures,  and  agreed  to  a  truce  for  seven  years.  The  conditions 
included  the  payment  by  Louis  of  seventy-five  thousand  crowns 
down,  and  a  pension  of  fifty  thousand  crowns ;  and  the  betrothal 
of  the  Dauphin  to  Edward's  daughter,  the  Princess  Elizabeth.  This 
arrangement,  known  as  the  Peace  of  Amiens,  was  signed  on  the 
bi-idge  of  Picquigny  on  August  29th,  1475.'  The  result  was  not  dis- 
honourable, and  certainly  not  disadvantageous,  to  England.  Louis 
became  in  some  sense  the  tributary  of  Edward,  and,  it  is  said,  paid 
annually  large  sums  to  Englishmen  of  high  position,  as  well  as  the 
pension  to  the  king,  as  inducements  to  them  to  assist  in  the  preserva- 
tion of  peace.  But  more  important  was  the  effect  upon  trade,  which 
soon  began  to  flourish  as  it  had  never  flourished  before. 

The  peace,  however,  did  not  seem  destined  to  last  long  ;  for 
France  played  a  double  game.  Louis  omitted  to  carry  out  the 
stipulation  for  the  betrothal  of  the  Dauphin ;  and,  in  1480,  by  the 
employment  of  subtle  diplomacy,  won  over  to  his  side  the  Emperor 
Maximilian,  who  had,  but  a  short  time  previously,  promised  his  son 
Philip  in  marriage  to  Edward's  daughter,  the  Princess  Anne,  and 
who,  upon  the  strength  of  that  contract,  had  obtained  from  Edward 
the  assistance  of  a  squadron  under  Sir  John  Middleton."  War  with 
France  would  perhaps  have  ensued  then,  had  not  Edward's  attention 
been  distracted  by  war  with  Scotland.  Kichard,  Duke  of  Gloucester, 
the  Lord  High  Admiral,  was  employed  there  with  a  large  army  as 
well  as  a  powerful  fleet ;  and  James  III.  was  soon  obliged  to 
concede  most  of  Edward's  demands,  although  no  permanent 
advantages  were  gained.* 

As  soon,  nevertheless,  as  the  Scots  war  ceased,  and  when  Louis, 
in  defiance  of  the  undertaking  arrived  at  at  Picquigny,  gave  his  son, 
not  to  Elizabeth  of  England,  but  to  Margaret  of  Austria,  Edward 

'  'Foedera,"xii.  17;  Daniel,  vi.  461-463  ;  Pliil.  de  Coiniues,  iv. ;  Fabian,  509;  Hall, 
f.  46,  47. 

"  Speed,  689 ;  Grafton,  473. 

»  Buchanan,  xii.  399,  400 ;  Speed,  689;  Leslie,  'Pe  IJeb.  Gest;  Scot.'  viii.  Z'll,  322; 
Stowe,  432. 


892  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1399-1485.  [1483. 

decided  to  stay  his  hand  no  longer,  and,  with  the  general  approbation 
of  his  subjects,  prepared  to  settle  his  account,  once  and  for  all,  with 
Louis.  He  was  in  the  midst  of  his  preparations  when  he  died  on 
April  9th,  1483. 

The  reign  of  Edward's  young  son,  Edward  V.,  lasted  for  less 
than  three  months,  and  was,  not  unnaturally,  barren  of  naval 
incident.  Eichard,  Duke  of  Gloucester,  the  king's  uncle,  formally 
accepted  the  crown  on  June  26,  1483,  and  was  crowned  on  July  6th, 
following,^  the  late  king,  and  his  younger  brother,  the  Duke  of  York, 
disappearing  soon  afterwards,  having  been,  as  is  generally  believed, 
murdered  in  their  prison  in  the  Tower  by  Richard's  orders. 

Eichard  III.,  who  had  been  Lord  High  Admiral  for  many  years, 
surrendered  the  office  immediately  after  his  accession  to  John 
Howard,  first  Duke  of  Norfolk,  the  "Jockey  of  Norfolk"  of  the 
ancient  couplet. 

The  naval  events  of  the  reign  are  almost  entirely  connected  with 
the  efforts  of  Henry,  Earl  of  Eichmond,  to  secure  the  crown.  These 
may  be  briefly  narrated. 

Henry  was,  at  the  time  of  Eichard's  accession,  in  Brittany,  as 
guest  of  the  Duke  Francis,  a  weak  potentate  with  a  strong  minister 
in  the  person  of  Pierre  Landais,  who,  being  of  low  origin,  was  very 
unpopular  with  the  Breton  nobihty.  Landais  knew  of  Henry's 
aspirations,  and  of  the  project  for  marrying  him  to  the  Princess 
Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Edward  IV.,  and  for  thus  uniting  the  Houses 
of  Lancaster  and  York ;  and  he  seems  to  have  believed  that  if  he 
aided  Henry  to  win  a  throne,  Henry  would  help  him  to  crush  the 
nobles  who  troubled  him.  He  therefore  enabled  Henry  to  procm-e 
a  squadron  of  forty  ships  and  about  five  thousand  men,  with  which 
an  abortive  attempt  at  invasion  was  made  in  1483.  Sir  Thomas 
Wentworth  was  at  that  time  in  command  of  a  strong  force  of 
English  ships  in  the  Channel,  and  vessels  from  the  Cinque  Ports 
were  cruising  to  observe  the  movements  of  the  Bretons.  Moreover, 
craft  to  assist  in  the  defence  of  the  country  had  been  specially 
procured  by  Eichard  from  Spain  ;  so  that  the  invader  had  every- 
thing against  him.  To  make  things  worse,  his  squadron  was  dis- 
persed by  a  gale,  and  as  the  coast  was  found  to  be  carefully  guarded, 
Henry   was   obhged   to   return."     In    the   meantime,  Eichard   had 

'  Fabian,  516. 

"^  Hall,   f.  16J ;    Grafton,  824-826 ;    Stowe,    465 ;    Polyd.   Vergil,   xxv. ;    Holing- 
Bhed,  ii.  745 ;  Argentr^'s  '  Hist,  de  Bretague,'  xii. ;  Daniel,  vi.  601. 


1485.]  rilCn.VOXD'S  INVASION.  393 

taken  and  executed  Buckingham,  one  of  Henry's  most  powerful 
supporters  in  England,  and  had  made  such  good  use  of  his  resources 
as  to  impress  Landais  with  the  conviction  that  he  would  not  be 
easily  ejected  from  his  position.  This  caused  the  Breton  minister  to 
change  his  attitude,  and  to  negotiate  with  Richard,'  the  result 
being  that  Henry  narrowly  escaped  being  handed  over  to  his  enemy. 
He  lied  to  France. 

It  is  difficult  to  understand  why  Eichard,  who  must  have  learnt 
from  time  to  time  of  Henry's  pertinacious  efforts  to  obtain  money, 
ships,  and  troops,  did  not  keep  his  fleet  at  sea_  until  a  final  settle- 
ment had  been  reached ;  but  he  appears  to  have  laid  it  up  in  the 
.spring  of  1485.  This  encouraged  Henry  and  his  party  to  renewed 
exertions.  John  de  Vere,  Earl  of  Oxford,-  who,  after  the  battle  of 
Barnet,  had  led  a  life  very  similar  to  that  led  for  a  time  by  Prince 
Rupert  after  the  fall  of  Charles  I.,  and  who  had  later  smxendered 
to  the  Captain  of  Calais',  was  able  to  give  valuable  advice,  and  to 
lend  still  more  valuable  help.  At  length  a  very  inefficient  squadron 
was  collected,  and  two  or  three  thousand  indifferent  troops  were 
embarked  in  it ;  ^  and  on  August  1st,  1485,  Henry  and  his  friends 
sailed  from  Harfleur.  The  Earl  of  Richmond  was,  on  his  father's 
side,  a  Welshman,  and,  confident  of  a  good  reception  in  Wales,  he 
made  for  Milford  Haven,  landing  there  on  August  6th.  As  he 
marched  eastward,  he  was  joined  by  numerous  supporters ;  and  on 
August  '2'2nd,  1485,  at  AVhitemoors,  near  Market  Bosworth,  he 
decisively  defeated  Richard,  who  fell  in  the  action.  The  Duke  of 
Norfolk,  Lord  High  Admiral,  also  perished. 

>  Hall,  f.  21,  22;  Graftnii,  S.32. 

^  The  second  earl.  After  maiutaining  himself  by  iiirac}',  he  had  held  St.  Michael's 
Mount  for  several  iiumths.  On  the  accessitm  of  Henry  VIIT.  he  was  made  High 
Steward  and  Lord  High  Admiral.     He  died  in  1513. 

"  Stowe,  407;  Speed,  721;  Daniel,  vi.  002;  Hall,  f.  27. 


(     o9i     ) 


CHAPTEE  XII. 

VOYAGES   AND    DISCOVEKIES,    1399-1485. 

H.  W.  Wilson. 

Traik'  with  Spain — Pirates — Voyages  to  the  Ijaltic — Relations  with  Piiissia — Voyages 
to  the  MediteiTanean — Trade  witli  tlie  North — Voyages  to  Iceland — Depredations 
of  the  English  there — English  ships  forliidden  to  visit  Iceland — Further  depreda- 
tions— '  Libel  of  English  Policie  ' — Search  for  O'Brazil — English  Consul  at  Pisa. 

[  TPvUBING  the  fifteenth  century,  on  the  eve  of 

'  '  -^     the    great    Spanish    and     Portuguese    clis- 

'     coveries,    or   mdeed    whilst    these    were    actually 

being  made,  the  records  of   English  voyages  are 
■     provokingly   slight.     Erom   the   allusions   in   the 

'  Libel  of  English  Policie,'  we  know  that  there 
must  have  been  considerable  trade  with  Spain  and  Portugal ;  but 
our  seas  appear  to  have  been  very  insecure  till  Henry  VII.  came 
to  the  throne.  The  Paston  Letters  contain  more  than  one  allusion 
to  pirates,  who  landed  and  swept  the  vicinity  of  the  coasts  of 
valuables  and  kidnapped  men.  Under  Henry  VI.  there  existed  an 
organised  band  of  pirates  who  called  themselves  "  Eovers  of  the 
Sea."  London  and  Norwich  even  had  to  defend  themselves  against 
such  attacks  by  booms  and  chains.  Ships  sailed  in  large  companies 
to  protect  one  another,  and  the  whole  convoy  was  usually  under  one 
selected  captain.  So  great  were  the  English  losses  that  an  Act  was 
passed  in  Henry  VI. 's  reign  directed  expressly  against  the  neutrals 
who  were  stealing  the  English  trade. 

Throughout  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth-century  voyages  to 
Norway  and  the  Baltic  appear  to  have  been  common.'  In  1.361  the 
English  merchants  had  factories  at  the  now  strangely  decayed  town 
of  Wisby  in  the  island  of  Gotland.  In  1388  there  was  a  treaty  of 
reciprocity  with  the  Grand  Master  of  Prussia,  whose  territories  then 

'  From  tlie  number  of  letters,  treaties,  etc.,  in  Hymer's  '  Fccdera '  (q.v.  for  these 
years),  the  volume  of  trade  to  the  Baltic  must  have  been  considerable. 


1400.]  TRADE    WITH    THE   NOBTE.  395 

lay  between  Danzig  and  Memel.'  There  is  in  the  treaty  mention 
of  Enghsh  ships  at  Danzig  and  of  Prussian  ships  at  Lynn.  Both 
sides  seem  to  have  pkmdered  one  another  freely,  and  hence  the 
trouble.  At  the  same  time  there  is  mention  of  negotiations  with 
the  Hanse  Towns.  In  1893  three  Lynn  ships  of  large  size  were 
allowed  to  aid  Margaret  of  Denmark  against  the  Hanse  Towns.  It 
does  not,  then,  surprise  us  to  discover  in  1899,  that  the  English 
merchants  complain  of  bad  treatment  on  the  part  of  Prussia  in  the 
Hanse  Towns,  Liibeck,  Wismar,  Eostock,  Stralsund,  and  Greifs- 
wald,  where  pirates  plundered  them  right  and  left.  In  1394  Bergen 
in  Norway  was  burnt  by  freebooters,  and  twenty-one  houses,  valued 
at  £146,  belonging  to  merchants  of  Lynn,  were  destroyed.  In  1401 
there  were  more  complaints  of  Prussia  against  ships  of  Lynn,-  and 
counter-charges  on  the  part  of  the  English  king  for  the  seizure  of 
English  ships  by  Prussia.  Acts  of  piracy  were  not,  however, 
repressed,  and  in  1403  there  are  tlie  old  complaints  again,  settled 
by  a  fresh  treaty  of  reciprocity  and  amity  between  England  and 
Prussia.  In  1408  we  find  that  the  English  settlement  at  Bergen  is 
important  enough  to  have  a  governor  of  its  own,  who  resides  there 
for  the  direction  of  the  English  trade  to  Scandinavia.  In  1409  the 
Hanse  Towns  and  Henry  IV.  exchanged  sums  of  money  for  damage 
done  by  pirates  on  either  side,  and  piracy  appears  to  have  somewhat 
abated.  William  "Waldron,  Lord  Mayor  of  London  in  1412  and 
1422,  ships  dG24,000  worth  of  cargo  to  the  Mediterranean  in  1412, 
which  was  promptly  seized  by  the  jealous  Genoese.  In  1417  a 
patent  was  issued  granting  annuities  to  the  masters  or  owners  of 
large  ships.  Some  years  later  is  a  treaty  of  reciprocity  between 
Scotland  and  Norway.  In  1429  the  King  of  Denmark  forbade 
English  merchants  to  sail  to  Finmark,  or  indeed  to  any  place  but 
Bergen. 

In  1446  one  Gibson  of  Glasgow  is  mentioned  as  trading  to 
Poland,  France,  and  Holland,  in  piclded  salmon.  In  1449  John 
Taverner  of  Hull  built  a  very  large  merchant  ship,  and  was 
graciously  permitted  to  sail  with  her  to  Italy  for  trading  purposes. 
Now,  too,  Canyng,  Mayor  of  Bristol,  was  sending  ships  to  Danzig, 
Iceland,  and  Finmark,  in  spite  of  the  Danish  prohibition.  In 
1467  there  was  a  treaty  of  reciprocity  with  Denmark.  A  large 
passenger  trade  was  also  springing  up  with  Spain ;  and  in  1445 
we  find  ships  which  could  contain  two  hmidred  passengers  sailing 
'  '  Foedera,'  vii.  .590.  -  lb.,  viii.  20i3. 


396  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1399-1485.  [1420. 

in  summer  for  Spain,  with  pilgrims  who  wished  to  visit  the  shrine 
of  Compostella. 

During  the  fifteenth  century  that  intercourse  between  England 
and  Iceland,  which  we  have  noted  as  existing  in  the  fourteenth 
century,  continued  and  developed.  Thus  we  know  from  the 
Icelandic  annals  that  in  1407  news  reached  the  Icelanders  of  the 
mui-der  of  the  Archbishop  of  York.  In  1412  we  hear  that  a  fishing 
vessel  arrived  from  England  at  Dyrholm  Isle,  and  that  five  men  came 
ashore  from  her,  as  she  was  short  of  provisions,  and  wintered  in  the 
island.  Next  year  came  an  English  merchant  in  a  vessel  freighted 
with  wares,  which  he  was,  by  the  King  of  Norway's  leave,  to  be 
allowed  to  land  without  toll.  Thirty  English  "fish  doggers"  also 
arrived,  whilst  it  is  noted,  seemingly  as  strange,  that  "a  ship  came 
safe  and  soimd  from  Norway  to  Iceland."  Already  the  English 
adventiurers  were  taking  the  Viking  Norseman's  place  in  the 
northern  seas.  The  English  fishermen,  we  read,  seized  sheep  and 
were  disorderly.  In  1414  there  were  five  English  ships,  apparently 
all  laden  with  goods ;  the  annals  notice  in  the  course  of  this  year 
the  destruction  of  the  "English  yard"  at  Bergen  by  fire.  In  1416 
there  were  six  English  vessels,  one  of  which  conveyed  home  fifty 
lasts  of  stockfish  and  much  bmiit  silver.  In  1419  twenty-five 
Enghsh  ships  were  wrecked  round  the  coast  on  Maundy  Thursday, 
when  there  was  a  heavy  gale.  All  the  men  were  lost,  but  the  goods 
were  cast  on  shore.  In  this  same  year,  Thorleif  Arnisson  sailed  from 
Iceland  to  Denmark  to  complain  to  the  Danish  king  of  the  harm 
done  by  the  English,  who,  it  appeared,  ill-treated  the  Icelanders, 
and  were  guilty  of  rapine  and  manslaughter.'  The  King  of  Denruark 
had  already  complained  to  Henry  V.,  who  in  1415  had  ordered  that 
during  this  year  no  subject  of  his  should  visit  the  coasts  of  the 
islands  belonging  to  Denmark  and  Norway,  least  of  all  Iceland,  for 
the  purpose  of  trading  and  fishing,  otherwise  than  according  to 
ancient  custom.-  The  notice  was  sent  to  Lynn,  Scarborough, 
Whitby,  Hull,  and  other  places,  but  it  does  not  seem  to  have  had 
much  effect.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  the  English  were  ordered 
only  to  refrain  from  fishing  inshore.  Thorleif  Arnisson  on  his  way 
to  Denmark  was  attacked  by  an  English  pirate,  but  took  refuge  at 
the  Faroes,  and  finally  came  safely  to  his  destination.  In  1420,  too, 
English    ships,  under   John   Marris   and   Eawlin    Tirrington,  were 

'  Proceedings  of  the  I'oyal  Geographical  Society,  xlix.  404  ft'. 
'  Rymer,  '  Fa'dera,'  ix.  322. 


1445.]  ENGLISH  MISCONDUCT  IN  ICELAND.  397 

at  Vestmannayjar  in  Iceland,  and  stole  nine  lasts  of  the  king's 
stockfish.  About  the  same  time  we  hear  of  ten  Enghsh  clerks  or 
merchants,  by  name,  who  traded  with  Iceland,  and  dwelt  there 
through  the  winter.  So  also  the  English  crews  landed,  killed  a 
Danish  officer,  and  robbed  and  plundered.  In  1424  they  carried  off 
six  more  lasts  of  dried  fish,  and  had  actually  entrenched  bases  on  the 
detached  islets  of  the  coast.  In  1425  they  carried  off  Hans  Paulsson 
and  one  Balthazar,  besides  despoiling  the  cloisters  of  Helgafell.  In 
1430  the  Icelandic  annals  end,  but  in  1436  the  Bishop  of  Iceland  is 
licensed  to  engage  John  May  with  his  ship  Katherlne  to  sail  to 
Iceland;  and  in  the  same  year  the  name  of  a  London  stockfish 
dealer  is  well  known  to  the  Icelanders.  In  1440  two  ships  are  sent 
by  the  king  laden  with  goods,  as  the  Icelanders  had  neither  wine 
nor  salt  in  the  coiintry.  In  1450  a  treaty  between  England  and 
Denmark  prohibits  Enghshmen  from  trading  to  Iceland  ;  but  Thomas 
Canyng,  Mayor  of  Bristol,  is  exempted,  because  he  has  done  the 
Icelanders  great  service.  He  was  allowed  to  send  out  two  ships  to 
load  with  fish.  In  1445  two  men  of  Lynn  are  pmiished  for  kid- 
napping a  boy  in  Iceland.  And,  in  1478,  Eobert  Alcock,  of  Hull, 
was  permitted  to  send  a  ship,  which  was  to  bring  back  fish  or  other 
goods.'  The  'Libel  of  English  Pohcie,'  devotes  several  lines  to 
the  "  commodious  stockfish  of  Iceland,"  adding  that— 

"  Out  of  Bristowe  and  costes  many  one 
Men  have  practised  by  nedle  and  by  stone, 
Thider  wardes  within  a  little  while 
Within  twelve  yei'S  and  witliout  perill, 
Gon  and  come,  as  men  were  wont  of  old. 
Of  Scarborough  mito  the  costes  cold. 
And  nowe  so  fele  shipjies  this  yeere  there  ware 
That  moch  losse  for  unfreight  they  bare."  ^ 

Again,  in  his  letters,  Columbus  writes  : ."  I  sailed  (in  February,  1477) 
a  hundred  leagues  beyond  the  island  of  Tile,  the  southern  part  of 
which  is  not  as  some  will  have  it  63°  but  73°  from  the  equinoctial 
line.  It  lies  much  more  to  the  west  than  the  western  meridian  of 
Ptolemy.  This  island  is  as  large  as  England,  and  the  English, 
especially  those  of  Bristol,  go  there  with  their  merchandise.  At  the 
time  that  I  was  there  the  sea  was  not  frozen."  ^  His  statement  that 
the  sea  was  not  frozen  is  corroborated  by  the  Icelandic  annals,  and 

'  Icelandic  Sagas,  Cluonicles  and  l!olls  Series,  iv.  421  tl'.;  and  Do  Costa,  'Inventio 
Fortunata,'  pp.  11-13. 

2  Hakluyt,  B.  L.  i.  201.  »  ^^^^^^  .gleni,'  xviii. 


398 


VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,    1399-1485. 


[1485. 


his  Tile  must  have  been  Iceland  or  "  Thule."  His  testimony  to  the 
activity  of  the  Bristol  traders  is  interesting.  On  July  15,  1480, 
Thomas  Lloyd  sailed  from  the  port  of  Bristol,  with  "  ships  of 
80  tons  burden "  belonging  to  John  Say.  His  object  was  to  dis- 
cover the  mysterious  island  of  Brasylle  or  O'Brazil,  which  was 
reported  to  lie  out  in  the  Atlantic — to  the  west  of  Ireland.  His 
voyage  lasted  nine  months,  but  it  was  fruitless.^  But  all  these  early 
voyages  want  a  vatcs  sacer.  The  last  indication  of  early  travel  with 
which  om-  record  fitly  closes,  comes  from  the  other  extreme  of 
Europe,  where  Strozzi  was  in  148-5  appointed  English  consul  at  Pisa 
for  the  Mediterranean,  and  where  a  treaty  of  reciprocity  was 
concluded  with  Florence." 

'  Harrisse,  'Discovery  of  Xorth  America,'  659. 

^  A  few  events  wliicli  riglitl}'  belong  to  the  latter  part  of  this  period  are,  for  the 
sake  of  convenience,  dealt  with  in  Chap.  XYI. 


(     399      ) 


CHAPTEE  XIII. 

Civil  History  of  the  Navy,  1485-1603. 

Progi-essK  in  navigation — "  EplienicriJes  " — The  astrolabe — The  ci-oss-staff^Behaim's 
globe — "Lunars" — Variation  of  the  needle — Mercator's  charts — Books  on  naviga- 
tion— Davis's  quadrant — The  telescojie — The  fleet — Shiiis  of  Henry  VII. — 'I'he 
Henry  Onice  a  Diiu  —  Ordnance  —  Naval  literature  —  Arms  —  Gear  —  Ships  of 
Henry  VIII.— Shiiis  of  Edward  VI. — Shijjs  of  Elizabeth— Naval  pay — Agreement 
between  Henry  VIII.  and  Sir  Edward  Howard — Howaid  of  Effingham's  instruc- 
tions— Pensions — The  chest  at  Chatham — Naval  arsenals — Docks — The  first  dry 
dock — The  government  of  the  service — Reforms  of  Henry  Vlll. — The  Navy 
Board — Trinity  House — Punishments — The  seafaring  population — Encouragement 
of  trade — Elizabeth's  care  of  her  country's  interests. 

TDEFOEE  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
European  seamen  had  ceased  to  be  mere 
unscientific  gropers  in  darkness.^  They  knew 
ho%v  Eratosthenes  had  calculated  the  obhquity 
of  the  ecliptic  by  means  of  the  armillce,  or  great 
copper  circles,  fixed  in  the  square  porch  of 
the  Alexandrian  Museum,  and  how  he  had  determined  the  cir- 
cumference of  the  earth.  He  had  heard  that  deep  wells  in 
Syene  were  enhghtened  to  the  bottom  on  the  day  of  the  smiimsr 
solstice,  and  he  therefore  reasoned  that  Syene  must  be  on  the  tropic. 
He  had  ascertained  the  latitude  of  Alexandria  by  observation,  and 
he  assumed  that  the  two  places  were  on  the  same  meridian.  The 
arc  thus  measured  enabled  him  to  calculate  the  proportion  it  bore 
to  the  whole  circumference  of  the  earth,  and  his  result  was  a  fair 
approximation  to  the  truth. 

Then  again,  the  fifteenth-century  seamen  had  the  catalogue  of 
the  stars  and  constellations,  the  system  of  mapping  by  decrees  of 
latitude  and   longitude,  and   the  theory  of   the   precession   of   the 

'  For  much  of  what  here  follows,  concerning  the  improvements   in   the   art   of 
navigation,  recognition  is  due   to  Chap.  viii.  of   Sir  Clements  Markham's  admirable 
'Life   of  John  Davis,   the   Navigator,'   in   'The   World's    Great   Explorers'   series 
London,  188i).  '"' 


400 


CIVIL   HISTORT,   1485-1603. 


[1514. 


equinoxes — all  bequeathed  to  them  by  Hipparchus,  and  preserved 
for  them  by  Ptolemj'.  The  system  of  Ptolemy  was  the  navigator's 
text-book  in  the  Middle  Ages ;  and  the  Almagest,  the  Arabic 
translation  of  his  work,  was  the  foundation  of  astronomical 
knowledge.  It  was  to  learned  men,  well  versed  in  the  Almagest, 
that  Alfonso  X.  of  Castille,  had  entrusted  the  preparation  of  the 
astronomical  tables  which  are  called  after  him,  and  which,  after 
they  had  remained  in  manuscript  for  about  two  hundred  years, 
were  first  printed  in  1483.  Before  the  accession  of  Henry  VII., 
Georg  Peurbach  and  Johann  Muller,  better  known  as  Eegiomon- 
tanus,  had  lived  and  done  their  work,  and  the  latter  had  not  only 
constructed  valuable  instruments,  but  had  also  published  his 
"  Ephemerides,"  with  tables  of  the  sun's  declination  calculated 
for  the  years  from  1475  to  1566. 

It  was,  however,  in  the  lifetime  of  Henry  VII.  that  greater 
progress  was  made  than  in  any  previous  period  of  thrice  the 
diu'ation,  and  the  chief  authors  of  this  remarkable  progress  were 
the  two  celebrated  navigators,  Martin  Behaim,  of  Nm-emberg,  and 
Christopher  Columbus. 

Behaim,  a  merchant,  was  a  pupil  of  Eegiomontanus,  and  a 
student    of    the   Almagest.      While   in   Portugal,   he   adapted    for 

Joao  I.,  as  an  instrument  of  navigation, 
the  astrolabe,  which  had  previously  been 
used  only  in  astronomy.  A  graduated 
metal  ring,  held  so  as  to  hang  as  a 
plummet,  with  a  movable  limb  across  it, 
fitted  with  two  perforated  sights,  enabled 
the  seaman  to  observe  the  angle  between 
the  horizon  and  the  sun  at  noon;  and 
with  this,  and  the  daily  declination  of  the 
sun,  as  given  by  Kegiomontanus,  the  dis- 
covery of  the  latitude  involved  only  a 
simple  calculation.  This  seems  to  have 
been  about  the  year  1483.  Not  many 
years  elapsed  ere  a  more  suitable  instrument  for  observing  the  sun's 
altitude  was  devised.  This  was  the  cross-staff,  the  first  known 
description  of  which  dates  from  1514,  and  is  by  Werner  of  Niirn- 
berg.  After  accompanying  Diogo  Cao  on  his  West  African  voyage 
in  1484-85,  and  then  living  for  a  time  in  the  Azores,  Behaim 
returned  to  Niimberg,  and  constructed  his  great  globe,  concerning 


EABLT   ASTROLABE. 

(.From  Martin  Cortes'  'Arte  del 
Xaveoar,'  Seville,  1556.) 


141:12.] 


IMPROVEMENTS  IN  NAVIGATION. 


401 


(From  DavW 


CROSS-STAFF. 

'  Scantan'ti  Sccirf.^'  Lnndun,  Ijlll.) 


which  Baron  Nordenskiolcl  has  written  as  follows  to  Sir  Clements 
Markham  : — 

"The  globe  of  Beliaim  is,  without  comparison,  the  most  important  geo2;rai)liic;\l 
document  that  appeared  between  a.d.  150,  the  date  of  the  composition  <if  Ptolemy's 
Atlas,  and  a.d.  1507,  when  Ruysch's 
map  of  the  world  was  published. 
This  globe  is  not  only  the  oldest 
known  to  exist,  but,  from  its  size 
and  its  wealth  of  geographical  detail, 
it  far  surpassed  all  analogous  monu- 
ments de  giographk;  until  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  globe  of  Mercator. 
It  is  the  first  geographical  document 
which,  ^vithout  any  reserve,  adopts 
the  existence  of  antipodes.  It  is  the 
first  which  plaiuh'  shows  the  pos- 
sibility of  a  passage  by  sea  to  India 
and  Cathay.  It  is  the  first  on  which 
the  discoveries  of  Marco  Polo  are 
clearly  indicated.  It  is  true  that  the 
Behaim  globe  may  be  said  to  have 
been  preceded,  in  some  respects,  by 
some  other  earlier  maps  of  the 
fifteenth  century — for  instance,  the 
ma])  in  a  codex  of  Pomponius  Mela 
nf  1427,  in  the  library  of  Kheims, 
antl  that  of  Fra  Mauro.     But  if  these 

are  impartially  studied,  it  will  be  found  that  they  are  based  on  the  idea  of  Homer,  that 
the  earth  is  a  large  circular  island  encompassed  by  the  ocean,  a  conception  totally 
incompatible  with  the  new  geographical  discoveries  of  the  Spaniards.  These  and 
analogous  maps  are,  therefore,  not  in  the  slightest  degree  comparable  with  the  globe 
of  Behaira,  which  may  be  said  to  be  an  exact  representation  of  the  geographical 
knowledge  of  the  period  ininiediately  preceding  the  first  voyage  of  Columbus." 

The  ascertaining  of  the  longitude  continued  for  many  generations 
to  be  a  difficulty,  although  Werner  of  Niirnberg  proposed  the 
method  of  observing  the  distance  of  the  moon  from  the  si;n  with 
simultaneous  altitudes — a  method  subsequently  known  as  taking 
a  "lunar";  and  Gemma  Frisius  of  Louvain  had  an  idea,  made 
public  in  1.530,  that  longitude  might  be  found  by  comparison  of 
times  kept  by  small  clocks,  a  foreshadowing  of  the  modern  use  of 
the  chronometer. 

Columbus  was  the  first  to  observe  the  variation  of  the  needle. 
This  was  on  September  14th,  1492.  It  afterwards  attracted  the 
attention  of  Sebastian  Cabot.  But  the  peculiarity  was  very 
generally  believed  at  the  time  to  be  non-existent,  the  observations 
being  inaccurate ;  and,  as  late  as  1571,  Sarmiento  doubted  it. 

Globes,  and  not  charts,  were  chiefly  used  by  the  early  sixteenth- 
VOL.   I.  2d 


402  ■     CIVIL   EISTOEY,   1485-1603.  [1550. 

century  navigators  who  ventured  into  distant  seas.  The  j)lane 
charts  were  fruitful  soi;rces  of  error  and  danger,  owing  to  the 
degrees  being  shown  in  them  as  of  equal  length.  Therefore  the 
discovery  of  a  method  of  projection  which  obviated  these  dis- 
advantages marked  a  very  great  advance  in  the  progress  of  the 
art  of  navigation.  The  discoverer  was  Gerard  Cremer,  better  known 
as  Mercator.  Gerard  learnt  astronomy  at  Louvain  from  Gemma 
Frisius,  pubHshed  his  first  map  in  1537,  and  constructed  his  gi-eat 
globe,  two  feet  in  diameter,  in  1.541.  But  the  chart  of  the  world, 
oh  the  new  projection,  did  not  appear  until  1569.  The  advantage 
of  the  system  lies  in  the  fact,  as  the  author  explains,  that,  although 
distances  are  distorted,  the  relative  positions  of  places  are  correct. 
The  actual  chart  is  incorrectly  drawn,  and  if  Mercator  really  had 
a  definite  theory,  he  supplied  others  with  no  practical  methods  of 
working  it  out.  The  idea  was  not  utilised  in  a  scientific  manner 
until  Edward  Wright  of  Garveston,  in  1594,  the  year  of  Mercator's 
death,  discovered  the  method  of  dividing  the  meridian.  Five  years 
later  he  published  his  treatise  on  '  The  Correction  of  Certain  EiTors 
in  Navigation,'  and  onty  thereafter  did  charts,  on  what  is  still 
nevertheless  called  Mercator's  projection,  come  into  general  use. 

Other  valuable  aids  to  the  advancement  of  the  science  of  navisa- 
tion  were  furnished,  in  the  sixteenth  centmy,  by  the  work  of  Pedro 
Nunez,  or  Nonius,  Martin  Fernandez  Enciso,  Pedro  de  Medina, 
Martin  Cortes,  Bourne,  William  Borough,  Blundeville,  Hondius, 
Blagi-ave,  Thomas  Hood,  Hues,  Heriot,  John  Davis,  and  Gilbert 
of  Colchester.  Nonius  gave  the  solution  of  several  problems, 
including  the  detennination  of  the  latitude  by  the  sun's  double 
altitude,  and  was  the  first  to  introduce  rhumb  lines  on  charts. 
Enciso's  '  Smna  de  Geografia '  was  the  first  practical  navigation 
book  for  the  use  of  sailors.  Medina,  though  a  Spanish  writer, 
was  the  mentor  of  the  early  Dutch  navigators.  Cortes's  '  Com- 
pendium '  appeared  in  an  English  translation  in  1561,  and  was 
used  by  John  Davis,  the  navigator.  Bourne's  '  Eegiment  of  the 
Sea '  (1573)  was  the  earliest  original  English  work  on  Navigation, 
and  contains  the  first  account  of  the  modern  method  of  measuring 
a  ship's  run  by  means  of  the  log  and  line,  an  apparatus  which 
Bourne  elsewhere  says  was  the  invention  of  one  Humphrey  Cole, 
of  the  Mint  in  the  Tower.  Borough  wrote  on  the  Magnet  and 
Loadstone  in  1581.  Blundeville  pubHshed  his  very  popular  '  Ex- 
ercises '  in  1594,  with  a  table  of  meridianal  parts  as  furnished  to 


lo'JO.] 


WlUTKkS    UN  NAVIGATION. 


4u;j 


him  b}'  his  friend  Edward  Wi'ight,  cand  an  explanation  of  the 
principle  of  Mercator's  projection.  Hondius,  in  1595,  published 
at  Amsterdam  a  new  chart  of  the  world  on  Mercator's  projection, 
in  the  preparation  of  which  he  utilised  Wright's  tables.  Blagrave 
and  Hood  improved  the  astrolabe  and  cross-staff.  Hues  expounded 
various  problems  in  navigation,  and  included  in  his  '  Tractatus  de 
(ilobis '  (1594),  a  chapter  by  Heriot  on  the  use  of  rhumbs.  John 
Davis,  the  navigator,  wrote  '  The  Seaman's  Secrets  '  in  1594,  and 
invented  the  back-staff  or,  Davis's  quadrant,  which  rapidly-  super- 


,  llACK-STAl'l',    OK    DAVISS   yUADKANT. 

(^Fnmi  .h'hii  Rulteriatm' n  '  Elements  of  Navigation,'  London,  17-1-.) 

seded  the  cross-staff,  and  which,  improved  by  Flamsteed,  remained 
in  common  use  until  Hadley's  reflecting  quadrant  took  its  place  in 
1731.  And  Doctor  Gilbert  of  Colchester,  in  the  last  year  of  the 
century,  followed  up  the  previous  works  by  Borough,  Norman, 
and  others,  on  magnetism,  by  propounding  the  theory  that  the 
earth  itself  is  a  magnet.  Nor  must  the  invention  of  the  telescope 
be  forgotten.  It  is  due  to  Zacharias  Janssen,  of  Middelberg,  about 
1590,  and  the  instriuuent,  quickly  improved,  soon  became  part  of 
the  sea  captain's  equipment. 

Henry  VII.,  unlike  some  of   his  fifteenth-century  predecessors, 

2  D  2 


404  CIVIL   HISTORY,    1485-1603.  [1489. 

deemed  it  of  importance  to  build  some  vessels  specially  for  war, 
instead  of  relying  entirely  upon  ships  hired  from  the  merchants,  and 
more  or  less  hastily  and  imperfectly  adapted  for  it,  and  he 
strengthened  the  Navy  Eoyal  by  adding  to  it  at  least  two  finer 
men-of-war  than  had  been  previously  seen  in  England. 

With  the  crown  he  acquired  the  Grace  a  Dieu,^  the  Governor,'^ 
the  Martin  Garcia,^  the  Mary  of  the  Totver*  the  Trinity,  the 
Falcon,  and  possibly  the  Bonaventure.  He  purchased  the  Carvel  of 
Ewe'^  (Caravel  of  Eu,  in  Normandy),  and  perhaps  also  a  small 
craft  called  the  King's  Baric;  he  captured  the  Margaret  in  1490; 
and  he  built  the  Regent,  the  Sovereign,  the  Sweepstake,  and  the 
Mary  Fortune. 

The  tonnage  and  dimensions  of  the  Begenf  ^  a,nd  the  Sovereign 
are  unknown ;  but  it  is  tolerably  certain  that  both  ships  were  larger 
and  more  powerful  than  any  of  their  predecessors  in  the  English 
navy. 

The  Regent  was  constructed  in  Eediug  Creek,  on  the  Bother, 
rmder  the  supervision  of  Sir  Eichard  Guildford,'  and  seems  to  have 
been  launched  in  1489  or  1490.  She  carried  '22.5  serpentines, 
all  apparently  on  the  upper  deck,  forecastle,  and  j)oop.  She  had 
a  foremast  and  foretop-mast,*  a  main-mast,  main  top-mast,  and 
main  top-gallant-mast,  a  main  mizen-mast,  a  bonaventure  mizen- 
mast,  and  a  sprit-sail  on  the  bowsprit.  Each  mast  seems  to  have 
carried  a  yard.     The  Regent  was  burnt  in  1512. 

The  Sovereign  was  constructed,  partly  out  of  the  remains  of  the 
broken-up  Grace  a  Dieu,  under  the  superintendence  of  Sir  Eeginald 
Bray,'  and,  in  all  likelihood,  was  launched  in  1488.  She  was 
smaller  than  the  Regent,  carrying  only  141  serpentines.  Her  masts 
were  like  those  of  the  Regent,  except  that  she  had  no  main  top- 
gallant-mast." 

'  Probably  bovight  or  built,  1473. 

^  Bought,  1485.     Excheq.  Warr.  for  Issues,  January  31st,  1485. 

'  Probably  bought,  1470.     Excheq.  Warr.  for  Issues,  July  ISth,  1470. 

*  Bought,  1478. 

.  *  Re-uameii  Mary  and  John. 

^  It  is  known,  however,  tliat  the  Regent  was  copied  from  a  French  ship,  the 
Columbe,  of  600  tons. 

'  Son  of  Sir  John  Guildford,  of  Hempsted.  He  was  made  Master  of  the  Ordnance 
in  1486,  then  Controller  of  the  Household,  and,  in  1500,  a  E.G. 

*  These  top-masts  were  separate  spars,  but  fixed,  and  not  strikable. 

"  Later,  a  Privy  Comicillor  and  K.G.  He  was  the  architect  of  St.  George's  Cliapel, 
Wmdsor,  and  of  Henry  \'II.'s  Chapel,  AVestminster. 

'°  Nav.  Accts.  and  Inventories  of  Henry  YII.  (Oppenheim),  pref.  xix-xxiv. 


15U.]  THE   "HENRY   GRACE  A    DIEU."  -105 

The  Sweepstake  ^  and  Mary  Fortune  were  built  in  1497,  and  were 
small  craft,  each  with  three  lower  masts,  a  main  top-mast,  and  a 
sprit-sail  on  the  bowspit."  One  had  eighty  and  the  other  sixty 
oars,  for  use  as  sweeps. 

The  Regent,  the  principal  warship,  bequeathed  to  Henry  VIII.  by 
his  father,  was,  as  will  be  seen  later,  bm-nt  in  the  action  off  Brest, 
on  August  10th,  1512,  and  it  would  appear  that  it  was  as  a  sub- 
stitute for  her  that  the  famous  Henry  Grace  a  Dleu  was  laid  down 
at  Erith  in  the  course  of  the  autumn  of  the  same  year.  On 
Juno  13th,  1514,  the  not  extravagant  sum  of  6.s.  8(7.  was  offered 
at  her  "  hallowing,"  ^  from  which  fact  it  may  be  concluded  that 
she  was  then  launched  ;  and  in  the  course  of  the  following  year 
she  seems  to  have  been  completed  for  sea.  "William  Bond,  the 
master-shipwright  who  built  her  under  Brygandine's  direction,  is 
supposed  to  have  been  the  first  master-shipwright  of  the  Eoyal 
Navy.  A  MS.  Augmentation  Office  account,  quoted  by  Charnock,* 
indicates  that  in  November,  or  December,  1514,  she  was  moved 
from  Erith  to  Barking  Creek  by  a  party  which  included  twenty-one 
seamen  who  had  been  discharged  from  the  Lizard,  each  of  whom 
received  8f/.  for  his  share  of  the  work. 

Several  alleged  representations  of  this  interesting  ship  exist,  and 
some  of  them  are  reproduced  here.  One  is  found  in  a  picture 
which  was  long  hanging  in  Canterbury  Cathedral,  and  which  was 
presented  to  Sir  John  Norris,  Admiral  of  the  Fleet,  by  the  dean 
and  chapter.  It  is  still  in  the  possession  of  Sir  John's  descendants, 
and  was  exhibited  at  the  Eoyal  Naval  Exhibition,  1891.  Another 
occurs  in  the  picture  by  Volpe  of  the  embarkation  of  Henry  VIII. 
at  Dover  on  May  31st,  15'20,  to  meet  Francis  I.  on  the  Field  of 
the  Cloth  of  Gold.  This  picture,  the  property  of  the  Crown,  is  at 
Hampton  Coui-t  Palace.  Another  occurs  in  the  well-known 
drawing  preserved  in  the  Pepysian  collection  at  Cambridge.  And 
there  are  two  models  in  the  museum  at  Greenwich.  The  authenticity 
of  these  last  was,  however,  so  much  doubted  by  the  models  com- 
mittee of  the  Naval  Exhibition,  that  they  were  merely  described 
in  the  catalogue  as  probably  representing  large  ships  of  the  six- 
teenth century.     Upon  the  whole,  Volpe's  picture,  long  ascribed  to 

'  Ee-named  Katlieriite  Pomegranate  uudei'  Heuiy  YIII. 
"  Nav.  Accts.  and  Inventories  of  Henry  VII.  (Oppenheim),  pref.  xxvii. 
^  Letters  and  Papers,  Heu.  YIII.  pp.  146-1,  14G5.     Record  Oftice. 
■*  Charnock,  ii.  43. 


406 


CIVIL   HISTORY,   1485-1603. 


[1514. 


Holbein,  seems  to  be  the  most  trustworthy,  although  it  does  not 
represent  the  vessels  which  actually  convoyed  Henry,  but  rather 
those  vessels  which  would  have  convoyed  him,  had  the  harbours 
where  the  king  embarked  and  disembarked  been  deep  enough  to 
admit  them.     The  following  account  of  Volpe's  picture,  which  is  of 


THE    "  HEXRY   GRACE    .-i    DIEU." 

iFfom  a  supposed  contemporarij  panel,  furmarh/  in  Canterhunj  Cathedral,  given  hij  the  dean  and  chapter  to  Admiral' 
of  the  Fleet,  Sir  John  Norris.    By  kind  permission  of  B.  C.  Nurris,  Esq.) 


necessity  here  reprodiiced  on  a  very  diminished  scale,  and  does  not, 
therefore,  show  details  with  great  clearness,  will  assist  the  student. 
Of  it  Pepys  says  :  "  I  came  a  little  too  late  (to  receive  the  Com- 
munion at  AVhitehall),  so  I  walked  up  into  the  house,  and  spent 
my  time  in  looking  over  pictures,  particularly  the  ships  in  King 
Henry  VIII. 's  voyage  to  Bullaen,  marking  the  great  difference 
between  those  built  then  and  now." 


1520.] 


VOLPE'S  PICTURE. 


407 


The  Henry  Grace  a  Dieii  is  the  vessel  which  is  saihng  out  of 
harbour,  and  which  is  immediately  above  the  right  tower.  She 
has  four  pole  masts,  with  two  round  tops  on  each,  except  the 
shorter  mizzen,  which  bears  only  one.  Her  sails  and  pennants 
are  of  cloth  of  gold  damasked.  The  royal  standard  of  England 
flies  on  each  of  the  four  angles  of  the  forecastle,  and  the  staff  of 
each  standard  is  sm-rounded  by  a  flem--de-lys  Or.  Pennants  fly 
from  the  mastheads,  and  at  each  angle  of  the  poop  is  a  banner  of 


THE    "henry   grace    A    DIEU." 
(^From  the  drawing  in  the  Pepi/aian  Llhrarij  In  Magdale/i  CoUctjp,  CamhrUhje.") 


St.  George.  Her  quarters  and  sides,  as  well  as  her  tops,  are  hung 
with  targets,  charged  differently  with  the  Cross  of  St.  George,  Azure 
a  fleixr-de-lys  Or,  party  per  pale  Argent  and  Vert  a  union  rose,  and 
party  per  pale  Argent  and  Vert  a  portcullis  Or,  alternately  and 
repeatedly.  In  the  waist  stands  the  king,  in  a  garment  of  cloth  of 
gold,  edged  with  ermine,  the  sleeves,  jacket,  and  breeches,  crimson. 
His  round  hat  bears  a  white  feather,  lying  on  the  brim.  On  his 
proper  left  stands  a  person  in  a  dark  violet  coat,  slashed  with  black, 
and  with  red  stockings.  On  his  right  are  three  other  persons,  one 
in  black,  another  in  bluish-grey,  and  the  third  in  red,  guarded  with 
black,  and  with  a  black  slashed  jacket.     Behind  are  yeomen  of  the 


408  CIVIL   HISTORY,   1485-1603.  [1520. 

guard,  with  halberts.  Two  trumpeters,  sounding  their  trumpets, 
sit  on  the  break  of  the  poop,  and  two  more  are  on  the  break  of 
the  forecastle.  On  both  forecastle  and  poop  are  many  yeomen 
of  the  guard.  Beneath  the  break  of  the  forecastle  are  shown, 
party  per  pale  Argent  and  Vert,  within  the  garter,  the  amis  of 
England  and  France,  quarterly  crowned  ;  the  supporters,  a  lion  and  a 
dragon,  being  those  then  lased  by  the  king.  The  same  arms  appear 
on  the  stern.  On  each  side  of  the  rudder  is  a  porthole,  showing 
the  muzzle  of  a  brass  gun.  The  figure-head  seems  to  represent 
a  lion.  Under  the  stern  is  a  boat,  having  at  her  head  two  banners 
of  St.  George,  and  at  her  stern  the  same.  Two  yeomen  of  the 
guard,  and  other  persons  are  in  her.      Both  stern  and   forecastle 


TMVS  COCVERVN  BASTARD 


CULVERIX   BAST.^RD,    XVITH    CEXTUEY. 

are  two  decks  higher  than  the  waist,  which  itself  appears   to  be 
two  clear  decks  above  the  water. 

Four  other  ships,  all  large,  are  shown  in  the  picture.  The 
king's  squadron  actually  consisted  of  the  Great  Bark,  the  Less 
Bark,  the  Katherine  Pleasaunce,  the  Mary  and  John,  and  two 
row  barges,  all  comparatively  small  craft ;  but  the  painter  obviously 
shows  us  some  of  the  crack  ships  of  the  time.  The  visit  to  France 
was  paid  in  Henry's  twelfth  year.  In  the  thirteenth  year  of  his 
reign,  1521-22,  according  to  a  MS.  in  Pepys'  Miscellanies,^  the 
five  largest  ships  in  the  EngHsh  navy,  with  their  tonnage,  were 
as  follows:  Henri/  Grace  a  Dieu,  1500;^  Sovereign,  800;  Gabriel 
Boijal,  G50 ;  Mary  Bose,  600 ;  ^  and  Katherine  Forteleza,  550 ;  and 
it  is  very  probable  that  these  five  vessels  are  the  five  depicted.     On 

'  Miscellanies,  viii. 

'■^  Most   authorities,  however,  agree  that  the  tonnage  was   but   1000.     The  more 
probable  tonnage  of  all  these  ships  will  be  found  in  the  table  printed  infra,  p.  410. 
^  Klsewhere  generally  described  as  of  500  tons. 


1514.] 


GUNS   OF   THE  " IIENBY  GRACE  A    DIEU." 


40!) 


this  assumption,  the  sliip  wliich  men  are  boarding,  and  which  is 
the  innermost  of  the  three  lying  alongside  one  another,  would 
natm-ally  be  the  Sovereign,  since  she  alone,  except  the  Hennj  Grace 
a  Dieu,  has  four  masts. 

The  heavy  guns  of  the  Henri/  Grace  a  Dieu,  according  to  an 
account  in  '  Archipologia," '  taken  from  a  MS.  in  the  Pepysian 
Collection  at  Magdalen  College,  Cambridge,  were  twenty-oue  in 
number,  and  were  all  of  brass.     The  following  are  the  types  and 


RO&ARTAHO  JOHN  OWVN  BROTH 
ERS  MAO'f.  this   DCKVI      canon 
V.AV,NC1S77   ANNO    DI<il       ISii. 


BRASS   GUX    FK05I   THK    "  MAr.Y    ROSE. 


numbers  of  each,  with  the  number  and  natui'e  of  the  shot  carried 
for  them  : — 


Shot. 


Cannon 

Demi-cannon    . 
Culverin     . 
Demi-culveiin . 

Saker    . 


Cannon     Perer     (Cannnn 
Petro) 


Falcon  , 


There  were  also  the  following  light  guns,  viz.  :  port  pieces,  14  ; 
slings,  4  ;  demi-slings,  '2 ;  fowlers,  8  ;  bassils,  (50  ;  top-pieces,  '2  ; 
hail-shot  pieces,  40  ;  and  hand-guns,  100.  Her  complement  was 
made  up  of  301  mariners,  50  gunners,  and  349  soldiers,  making 
700  in  all. 

It  would  be  waste  of  time,  in  default  of  specific  information  on 

'  '  Archwologia'  (App.  III.),  vi.  I'lii. 


410 


CIVIL  HISTORY,   1485-1603. 


[1545 


the  subject,  to  endeavour  to  indicate  bow  and  wbere  tbe  different 
heavy  guns  were  mounted ;  but  some  particulars  as  to  the  guns 
themselves  can  and  should  be  attempted.  In  this  we  are  assisted 
by  the  fact  that  several  guns  which  went  down  in  the  above- 
mentioned  Mary  Base  in  154.5,  off  Portsmouth,  have  been  recovered, 
and  are  still  in  existence,  and  by  the  further  fact  that  little  change 
in  the  size  and  nature  of  ships'  heavy  guns  took  place  during  the 
sixteenth  century.  A  table  of  the  principal  guns  of  that  period, 
compiled  from  extant  specimens,  and  from  what  appear  to  be  the 
most  trustworthy  ancient  authorities,^  is  therefore  appended : — 


Name  of  Piece. 

Cal.bie. 

Length. 1 

Weight  of 
Cjun. 

>VeiBht  of 
siiot. 

Charge  of 
Powder. 

Cannon  Royal    . 

lus. 

8-54 

Ft.      Ins. 
8         G 

I.hs. 
8,000 

Lbs. 
74 

Lbs. 
30 

Cannon  

8-0 

C,000 

GO 

27 

Cannon  Serpentine 

7-0 

5,500 

42 

25 

Bastard  Cannon 

7-0 

4,500 

42 

20 

Demi-Cannon    . 

6-4 

11         0 

4,000 

32 

18 

Cannon  Pedro,  or  I'etro^ 

6-0 

3,800 

26 

14 

Culverin'     .... 

5-2 

10      11 

4,840 

18 

12 

Basilisk 

o-O 

4,000 

14 

9 

Demi-Culverin  . 

4-0 

3,400 

8 

6 

Culverin  Bastai'd 

4-56 

8         6 

3,000 

11 

5-7 

Saker*   

3-65 

6     11 

1,400 

6 

4 

Minion 

3-5 

6       G 

1,050 

5-2 

3 

Falcon 

2-5 

G      0 

680 

2 

1-2 

Falconet'     .... 

2-0 

3       9 

500 

1 

•4 

Serpentine  .... 

1-5 

400 

•5 

•3 

Eabinet  or  Robinet 

1-0 

300 

•3       • 

•18 

1  MuDSon  puts  tbe  lcn;th  of  tbe  guiis  meutioued  by  him  at  8  ft.  6  in, ;  but  specimeus  still  extant,  dating  from 
ab<-'ut  his  time,  indicate  that  this  was  uut  always  correct. 

2  "Cannon  Pedro"  was  the  English  form  of  "canon  pierrier,"  and  means  a  gnu  primarily  intended  for 
thniwiug  stone  shot. 

3  I.e.  couleuvrinc — serpent.    Compare  Basilisk. 

*  Named  after  the  Saker  hawk.    Compare  Falcon. 

5  In  the  grounds  of  the  Selgnenrie,  Sark,  is  a  well-preserved  brass  gnu,  apparently  a  falconet,  57  inches  in 
length,  and  Ig  inches  in  calibre,  bearing  the  following  inscription  : — "Dun  de  :?a  Majeste  la  Koyne  Elizabeth  au 
Seigneur  de  Sarcq,  A.n.  ISTS."     See  p.  412. 


*  See  Sir  W.  Monsou's  'Tracts'  in  Churchill's  Voyages,  iii. ;  '  Archa3ologia,'  vi.  189, 
xi.  170,  xiii.  27,  etc.  Tartaglia's  '  Three  Books  of  Colloquies,'  translated  by  Lucar 
(LonihiD,  1588);  and  S.  P.  Dom,  Eliz.  ccxlii.  G-i.  Hardly  any  two  of  these  agree. 
The  |ja))er  Dom.  Eliz.  ccxlii,  0^,  is  printed  at  length  as  an  appendix  to  the  *  State 


1588.] 


HEAVY  auNs. 


41 J 


The  weights  of  guns  of  the  same  denomination,  and  of  the  shot 
foi-  them,  nay,  even  the  cahbres,  seem  to  have  varied  considerably, 
and  the  windage  was  greater  than  was  ever  allowed  in  the  seven- 
teenth or  eighteenth  century.  In  the  cannon  royal  it  must  have 
amounted  to  a  full  half-inch  at  least,  and  if,  as  some  authorities  say, 
the  cannon  royal  threw  onlj'  a  sixty-six  pound  shot,  the  windage 
must  have  been  in  some  cases  as  much  as  three-quarters  of  an  inch. 
In  his  preface  to  the  '  Defeat  of  the  Spanish  Armada,'  Professor 
Laughton  speaks  loosely  of  the  shot  being  "  a  good  inch  and  a  half 
less  in  diameter  than  the  bore  of  the  gun."  This  is  surely  an 
exaggeration.  Had  the  proportions  been  so,  the  iron  shot  for  an 
8-in.  gun  would  have  weighed  less  than  40  lbs. ;  that  for  a  7-in.  gun 
less  than  '24  lbs. ;  that  for  a  6-in.  gim  about  13  lbs. ;  and  that  for 
a  5-in.  gun  only  about  6  lbs.  The  relatively  large  charges  of  powder 
may  be  explained  by  this  great  windage,  and  the  excessive  badness 
and  weakness  of  the  explosive.  In  the  eighteenth  century,  twenty- 
five  pounds  was  a  proof  charge  for  a  4'2-pounder,  and  the  heaviest 
sea-service  charge  for  it  was  only  seventeen  pounds,  while  the  proof 


Papers  relatino;  to  the  Defeat  of  tlie  Spanish  ArniaJa  '  (Nav.  ]Jec.  Sol-.),  and  contains  a 
table  from  wliich  the  followinsr  is  extracted: — 


T'Mint 

Height 
(calibre)  of 
the  Piece. 

Weight  uf 
the  Piece. 

^VeiKlit  of 
the  shot. 

Weight  of 
the  Powder. 

blank 
(range) 
by  the 

Eauiioni 
(range  with 
elevation). 

Quadrant. 

Inches. 

Lbs. 

Lbs. 

Lbs. 

Score 
Paces. 

Paces. 

Cannon  Eoval 

8^ 

7000 

GC 

30 

1930 

Cannon 

H 

6000 

GO 

27 

17 

2000 

Cannon  Serpentine 

'h 

5500 

53- 

25 

20 

2000 

Bastard  Cannon     . 

i 

4500 

41 

20 

18 

1800 

Demi-Cannon  . 

<H 

4000 

30i 

18 

17 

1700 

Cannon  Pedro . 

6 

3000 

24i 

14 

16 

1600 

Culverin     . 

5i 

4500 

17i 

12 

20 

2500 

Basilisco    . 

h 

4000 

15i 

10 

Demi-Culverin 

•ii 

3400 

OJ 

8 

20 

2500 

Bastard  Culverin  . 

4 

3000 

7 

Ci 

18 

1800 

Saker   .... 

H 

1400 

5J 

5| 

17 

1700 

Minion 

3i 

1000 

4 

4 

16 

1600 

Falcon  of  2J-  indies 

2i 

800 

3 

3 

15 

1500 

Falconet     . 

2 

500 

li 

li 

14 

1400 

Serjientine. 

u 

400 

1 

3 

X 

13 

1300 

Kobinet 

1 

300 

i 

i 

12 

1000 

Falcon.      .      .      . 

.    1       2J 

GGO 

2i 

—  4 

15 

1500 

The  charges  are  for  "  cannon  corn  powder  "  (serpentine  meal  powder).  AVlien  "  fine 
corn  powder"  (small  arm  powder)  was  used,  25  per  cent,  less  of  it  was  to  be  eiiiiiloyed. 
The  table  and  directions  are  signed  "  Jo.  Sheriffe." 


412 


CIVIL   HISTORY,   1485-1603. 


[1514. 


charge  for  an  18-ponncler  was  fifteen  pounds,  and  the  sea-service 
charge  was  hut  nine  pounds.^ 

The  ships  of  Henry  VII.  appear  to  have  been  the  first  Enghsh 
ones  to  be  fitted  with  regular  port-lioles.  The  Regent  and  Sovereign 
certainly  had  them  in  their  poops  and  forecastles.     The  invention 

of  the  device  has  been  as- 
cribed to  Descharges,  a  ship- 
builder of  Brest,  about  the 
year  1.500,  but  there  is  no 
doubt  that  it  was  of  a  rather 
earlier  date.  The  numerous 
small  guns  of  the  Henry 
Grace  a  Dieii,  and  of  the 
other  large  ships  of  her  time, 
were  mounted  on  the  upper 
deck,  in  the  tops,  in  the  poop 
and  forecastle,  and  under  the 
break  of  the  poop  and  fore- 
castle, so  as  to  command  the 
waist  and  sweep  it,  should 
boarding  be  attempted  there. 
Among  these  small  guns  were : — Fowlers,  short,  light  weapons,  with 
or  without  a  separate  breech  which  could  be  unshipped  and  reloaded 
while  another  was  being  discharged ;  port-pieces,  small  fowlers  with 
the  same  peculiarities ;  curtalds,  short  heavy  guns,  apparently 
employed  for  high-angle  fire ;  slings,  demi-slings,  bassils  or  small 
basilisks,  and  top-pieces,  all  of  diminutive  calibre  and  relatively  large 
powder-charge,  working  on  swivels  or  pivots ;  hail-shot  pieces, 
carrying  a  charge  of  cubical  dice ;  and  hand-guns  or  calivers,  which, 
though  fired  from  the  shoulder,  required  to  be  supported  on  a  pivot 
or  staff. 

Among  the  stores  of  the  Henry  Grace  a  Dien  at  her  commis- 
sioning were  two  lasts,  or  4800  pounds  of  "  serpentyn "  powder 
in  barrels,  and  six  lasts,  or  14,400  pounds  of  "  corn  "  powder,  also 
in  barrels.^  This,  and  the  provision  of  shot,  must  have  been  more 
than  ample,  for  the  larger  guns  could  be  fired  only  very  seldom, 
there  being  no  mechanical  contrivances  for  working  them  ;  and  it  is 
recorded  as  a  marvellous  thing  by  Du  Bellay  that  in   the  action 

'  Montaine's  'Practical  Sea  Gunner's  Companion,'  London,  1747,  p.  71. 
''  From  a  MS.  in  the  Pepysian  Library,  printed  in  Charnook,|ii.  44. 


ELIZAISETIIAX    FAIAONET,    AT    THE 
SEIGSEURIE,    SARK. 


1545.] 


PnOOIlESS    OF  FIREARMS. 


413 


of  1545,  when  about  two  hundred  ships  were  hotly  engaged  at  close 
quarters  for  two  hours,  there  were  not  less  than  three  hundred 
cannon-shot  fired  on  both  sides.  Du  Bellay,  as  a  military  con- 
temporary, no  doubt  wrote  what  was  quite  true ; '  but  he  probably 
included  only  the  shots  thrown  from  the  heavier  guns  engaged,  and 
paid  no  attention  to  the  fire  of  light  pieces.     Still,  the  expenditure 


■iriSMBfcJ 


A   GENOESE    CARUACK. 

iFruiii  ClKiriwck,  who  sails  tliiil  it  is  ivpiitl  from  an  original  drawing  made  in  UTA) 

was  remarkably  small,  and  it  cannot  have  permitted  the  heaviest 
guns  to  be  discharged  more  than  twice  or  thrice  apiece.  The 
seamen  of  the  period  had  not,  however,  begun  to  depend  exclusively, 
nor  even  chiefly,  upon  firearms  as  their  weapons  of  offence,  and  this 
abundantly  appears  from  the  fact  that,  among  the  stores  of  the 
Henrij  Grace  a  Dieu  were   500   bows   of  yew,  ten    gross   of   bow- 

'  Tliough  aiicitliei-  coutemjiorary  says  that  iiut  kss  than  300  guns  were  enga"C(l. 


414  CIVIL   HISTORY,    1485-1603.  [1521. 

strings,  200  morris  jjikes,  200  bills,  ten  dozen  lime  pots,  and  great 
quantities  of  arrows  and  darts.  As  late  as  1578,^  there  were,  among 
the  stores  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  ships,  300  bows,  380  sheaves  of 
arrows,  460  morris  pikes,  and  460  bills ;  nor  had  the  gun  fully 
asserted  its  supremacy  until  several  years  after  the  time  of  the 
Armada.  It  should  be  added  that  in  the  case  of  the  largest  guns  of 
the  Tudors,  the  powder  was  made'  up  on  board  into  cartridges  in 
canvas  cases,  paper  cases  being  used  for  the  charges  of  the  medium 
and  hghter  guns.  Hence  the  comparatively  early  origin  of  the  term 
cartridge-paper. 

No  picture,  print,  or  model  of  the  Henry  Grace  a  Dicn  suggests 
to  the  modern  technical  critic  that  the  vessel  was  in  the  least  suited 
for  sea  work ;  yet  the  ship  was  undoubtedly  a  good  sailer,  for, 
writing  to  the  king  on  June  4th,  1522,  from  the  Downs,  Vice- 
Admiral  Sir  William  Fitzwilliam  reported  that  she  sailed  as  well  as, 
and  rather  better  than,  any  ship  in  the  fleet,  weathering  all  save  the 
Mary  Bose. 

An  inventory  of  her  gear,  ma^e  in  1521,  shows  that  she  possessed 
a  22-inch,  cable,  a  20-inch  cable,  and  an  8-inch  hawser.  Her 
mainstay  was  sixteen  inches  in  diameter.  AVhen  she  was  still 
building,  the  authorities  paid  for  a  streamer  or  pennant,  fifty-one 
yards  long,  for  her  mainmast,  a  sum  of  £'d,  and  for  two  flags ;  with 
crosses  of  St.  George,  lOd.  each.  These  last  may  have  been  boat- 
flags  ;  for,  of  course,  she  carried  boats,  though  it  is  not  clear  how  she 
hoisted  them  out  and  in,  and  where  she  stowed  them.  They  must 
have  lain,  possibly  on  chocks,  on  deck  in  the  waist.  The  boat  davit 
was  a  much  later  invention.  Some  notes  as  to  the  prices  of  certain 
gear  for  other  ships,  from  records  of  the  year  1513,  may  be  added 
here:  For  the  Trinity  of  Bristol,  otherwise  the  NicJiolas  of 
Hampton,  a  spirit-sail  yard  cost  9s.  (she  was  a  craft  of  200  tons) ; 
100  feet  of  oak  plank,  6.s. ;  a  hundredweight  of  small  ropes, 
lis.  M. ;  a  boathook,  M. ;  a  compass,  2s. ;  a  foreyard,  14s. ;  and 
two  gallons  of  vinegar,  "to  make  fine  powder  for  hand-guns,"  8«Z. 
A  mizzenmast  for  the  Katherine  Pomegranate,  otherwise  the 
Sweepstake,  of  65  (or  80)  tons,  cost  10s.,  and  an  anchor  for  the 
same  craft,  20s. 

Contemporary   literary  references  to  naval  matters  of   the  six- 
teenth century  are  so  rare,  and  so  very  few  of  them  are  attributable 
to  writers  who  seem  to  have  been  at  all  familiar  with  the  technical 
'  As  sliown  in  a  list  printed  in  Campbell,  viii.,  from  a  MS.  of  Dr.  Samuel  Knight. 


15-!  8.] 


'THE   GOMPLAYNT  OF  SCOTLAND: 


415 


aspects  of  naval  life,  that  no  excuse  is  necessary  for  printing  here 
an  extract  from  a  volume  which  was  published  at  Edinburgh  in 
1801,  and  which  is  entitled  '  The  Compla3'nt  of  Scotland.'  The 
work  was  written  by  an  unknown  author  in  1548  ;  and  it  takes  the 
form  of  a  satire  directed  against  those  responsible,  or  supposed  to 
be  responsible,  for  the  misf  or  times  of  the  northern  kingdom.  In  the 
first  part,  the  author  laments  his  country's  woes,  and  considers  the 
causes  of  them  ;  in  the  second,  as  if  endeavouring  to  escape  from 
the   sadness   of   his   reflections,  he   gives   a  vivid   description  of   a 


K 


■A 


N 


T\k^ 


^ 


Miifii.i'-'r-f    '^Wli*^ 


\T^~; 


^^^ 


VESSELS,   XIVTU    CENTURY. 
(.Froiilixpiivr  lu  " L'Artc  ilcl  A'arcgar,"  Teiiicc,  1555.) 


number   of   characteristic  scenes.      Among   these  (page  61)  is    the 
following  naval  pictm-e ' : — 

"  Than  I  sat  doune  to  see  the  flouying  of  the  fame;  quhar  that 
I  leukyt  fart  furth  on  the  salt  flude.  There  I  beheld  ane  galiasse 
gayly  grathit  for  the  veyr,  lyand  fast  at  ane  ankir,  and  her  salis  in 

'  The  following  is  a  fairly  i-luse  translation,  so  far  as  tlic  above  extract  appears  to  be 
translatable.  In  the  original,  some  inconsistencies  of  spelling  and  obvious  inaccuracies 
arc  corrected,     hi  the  translation,  obscure  j^assages  are  left  in  italics : — 

"Then  I  sat  down  to  see  the  flowing  of  the  foam;  where  I  looked  far  forth  on  the 
salt  flood.     There  I  beheld  a  galliass  gaily  caiiarisoned  for  (lie  war,  lying  fast  at  an 


416  CIVIL  EISTOST,   1485-1603.  [1548. 

hou.  .1  herd  many  vordis  amang  the  marynahs,  hot  I  vist  nocht 
quhat  tai  iiienit.  Zit  I  sal  reherse  and  report  ther  crying  and 
ther  cal.  In  the  fyrst,  the  maister  of  the  gahasse  gart  the  botis 
man  pas  vp  to  the  top,  to  leuk  fart  furth  gyf  he  culd  see  ony 
schips.  Than  the  botis  man  leukyt  sa  lang  quhit  that  he  sae 
ane  quhyt  sail.  Than  he  cryit  vitht  ane  skyrl,  quod  he,  '  I  see 
ane  grit  schip.' 

"  Than  the  maister  quhislit,  and  bald  the  marynalis  lay  the 
cabil  to  the  cabilstok,  to  veynde  and  veye.  Than  the  marynalis 
began  to  veynde  the  cabil  vitht  mony  loud  cry.  And  as  ane  cryit, 
al  the  laif  cryit  in  that  saniyn  tune,  as  it  hed  bene  ecco  in  ane  hon 
heuch.  And,  as  it  aperit  to  me,  thai  cryit  thir  vordis  as  eftir 
follouis  :  '  Veyra,  veyra,  veyra,  veyra,  gentil  gallandis,  gentil  gallan- 
dis  !  Veynde  ;  I  see  hym :  veynde  ;  I  see  him.  Pourbossa  ;  pour- 
bossa  !  Hail  al  and  azie  !  Hail  al  and  ane  !  Hail  hym  vp  til  vs  ! 
Hail  hym  vp  til  vs  ! ' 

"  Than,  quhen  the  ankyr  vas  halit  vp  abufe  the  vattir,  ane 
marynal  cryit,  and  al  the  laif  follouit  in  that  sam  tune  ;  '  Caupon 
caupona  ;  caupon  caupona  ;  caupun  hola ;  caupun  hola ;  caupun 
holt;  caupun  holt;  sarrabossa ;  sarrabossa.'  Than  thai  maid  fast 
the  sthank  of  the  ankyr. 

"And   the  maister  quhislit  and  cryit:    '  Tua  men  abufe  to  the 
foir  ra !     Cut  the  raibandis,  and  lat  the  foir  sail  fal  !     Hail  doune 

anchor,  with  her  sails  furled.  I  heard  many  words  among  the  mariners,  but  I  knew 
not  what  they  meant.  Yet  I  shall  rehearse  and  report  their  crying  and  their  call.  In 
the  first  [place]  the  master  of  the  galliass  bid  the  boatsman '  pass  up  to  the  top,  to  look 
far  forth  if  he  could  see  any  ships.  Then  the  boatsman  looked  so  long  out  that  he  saw 
one  white  sail.     Then  he  cried  with  an  oath,  quoth  he :  'I  see  a  great  ship.' 

"  Then  the  master  whistled,  and  hade  tlie  mariners  lay  the  cable  to  the  cable-stock  ^ 
to  wind  and  weigh.  Then  the  mariners  began  to  wind  the  cable  with  many  [a]  loud 
cry.  And  as  one  cried,  all  the  rest  cried  in  that  same  tune,  as  it  had  been  [an]  echo  in 
a  cave.  And,  as  it  appeared  to  me,  they  cried  their  words  as  after  follows:  'Veer, 
veer,  veer,  veer,  gentle  gallants,  gentle  gallants  !  AVind  ;  I  see  him.  Wind;  1  see  him. 
Pourbossa;  pourhoss<i\  Haul  all  and  one!  Haul  all  and  one!  Haul  him  up  to  us  ! 
Haul  him  up  to  us  ! ' 

"Then,  when  the  anchor  was  hauled  up  above  the  water,  one  mariner  cried,  and  all 
the  rest  followed  in  that  same  tune :  '  Caupon  caupona ;  caupon  caupona ;  caupuH 
hola;  caupjun  hola;  caupun  holt;  caupun  holt;  sarrabossa;  sarrabossa!'^  Then 
they  made  fast  the  shank  of  the  anchor. 

"Then  the  master  whistled,  and  cried:  'Two  men  above  to  the  foreyard  !  Cut  the 
lashings,  and  let  the  foresail  fall !  Haul  down  to  starboard  !  Luff  hard  aboard  !  Haul 
aft  the  foresail  sheet !     Haid  out  the  bowline  ! ' 


'  The  boatsman  was  the  first  officer.  -  Windlass. 

'  Apparently  corrupted  Mediterranean  terms.     Cajione  (Ital.)  means  "  cable." 


1548.]  '  THE   COMPLAYNT  OF  SCOTLAND.'  417 

to  steir  burde  !     Lufe  harde  aburde  !     Hail  eftir  the  foir  sail  scheit ! 
Hail  out  the  bollene  !  ' 

"  Than  the  maister  quhislit  and  cryit ;  '  Tua  men  abufe  to  the 
mane  ra  !  Cut  the  raibandis,  and  lat  the  mane  sail  and  top  sail  fal ! 
Hail  doune  the  lufe  close  abm-de  !  Hail  eftir  the  mane  sail  scheit ! 
Hail  out  the  mane  sail  bolleiTe  ! '  Than  ane  of  the  marynahs  began 
to  hail  and  to  cry,  and  al  the  marynalis  ansuert  of  that  samyn 
sound  :  '  Hou  !  Hou  !  Pulpela !  Pulpela  !  Boulena  !  Boulena  ! 
Darta  !  Carta  !  Hard  out  strif  !  Hard  out  strif  !  Afoir  the  vynd  ! 
Afoir  the  vynd  !  God  send  !  God  send !  Fayr  vedthir !  Fayr 
vedthir  !  Mony  pricis  !  Mony  pricis  !  God  foir  lend  !  God  foir 
lend  !  Stou !  Stou !  Mak  fast  and  belay  ! '  Than  the  maister 
cryit  and  bald :  '  Eenze  ane  bonet !  Vire  the  trossis  !  Nou  heise  !  ' 
Than  the  marynalis  began  to  heis  vp  the  sail,  cryand  :  '  Heisau  ! 
Heisau  !  Vorsa  !  Vorsa  !  Vou  !  Vou  !  Ane  lang  draucht !  Ane 
lang  draucht !  Mair  maucht !  Mair  maucht !  Zong  blude  !  Zong 
blude  !  Mair  mude  !  Mair  mude  !  False  flasche  !  False  flasche  ! 
Ly  a  bak  !  Ly  a  bak  !  Lang  suak  !  Lang  suak  !  That !  That ! 
That !  That !  Thair  !  Thair  !  Thair  !  Thair  !  Zallou  ha}i- ! 
Zallou  hayr  !  Hips  bayr  !  Hips  bayr  !  Til  hym  al !  Til  hym  al ! 
Viddefullis  al !  Viddefullis  al !  Grit  and  smal !  Grit  and  smal !  Ane 
and  al !    Ane  and  al !    Heisau !    Heisau !    Nou  mak  fast  the  theyrs  !  ' 

"  Than  the  maister  cryit :  '  Top  zour  topinellis  !  Hail  on  zour 
top  sail  scheitis  !     Vire  zour  listaris  and  zour  top  sail  trossis,  and 

"  Then  the  master  whistleil,  and  cried :  '  Two  men  above  to  the  mainj-ard !  Cut 
the  lashings,  and  let  the  mainsail  and  topsail  fall !  Haul  down  the  luff  close  aboanl ! 
Haid  aft  the  mainsail  sheet !  Havil  out  the  mainsail  bowline ! '  Then  cue  of  the 
mariners  began  to  hail  and  to  cry,  and  all  the  mariners  answered  that  same  soimd  : 
'Hou!  Hou!  Pulpela!  Pidpela!  Boulena!  Boulena!  Darta!  Darta  !^  Hard 
out  strif!  Hard  out  strif!  ^  Before  the  wind !  Before  the  wind !  God  send  !  God 
send !  Fair  weather !  Fair  weather !  Many  prizes !  Many  prizes !  Good  fair  land ! 
Good  fair  land !  Stow  !  Stow !  Make  fast  and  belay  ! '  Then  the  master  cried,  and 
bade :  '  Out  with  a  bonnet ! '  Veer  the  trusses !  Now  hoist ! '  Then  the  mavir  irs 
began  to  hoist  uji  the  sail,  crying :  'Heisau!  Heisau!  Vorsa!  Vorsa!  Vou!  Voh^ 
One  long  pull !  One  lung  jiuU  !  More  power  !  More  power !  Young  blood  !  Yoimg 
blood!  More  mud!  Morenmd!  False  flesh!  False  flesh  !  Lie  aback !  Lie  aback! 
hon^  suak!  Long  suak!  That!  That!  That!  That!  There!  There!  There! 
There!  Yellow  hair  !  Yellow  hair!  Hips  bare!  Hips  bare!  To  him  all !  To  him 
all!  Viddefullis  al!  Viddefullis  al !  Great  and  small !  Great  and  small !  One  and 
all!     One  and  all !     Heisau!    Heisau!    Now  each  make  fast  his  ! ' 

"  Then  the  master  cried :  '  Top  your  topinellis !  Haul  on  your  topsail  sheets  ! 
Veer  your  leeches,  and  yom-  topsail  trusses,  and  hoist  the  topsail  higher !     Haul  out  the 


'  Proljably  more  ^Mediterranean  corruptions.  ^  Unintelligible. 

*  A  bonnet  was  an  extra  cloth  laced  to  a  sail  or  course  for  line-weather  sailing. 

VOL.   I.  2  E 


418  CIVIL   HISTORY,   1485-1603.  [1548: 

heise  the  top  sail  hiear  !  Hail  oiit  the  top  sail  boulene  !  Heise  the 
myszen,  and  change  it  ouer  to  leuart  !  Hail  the  loriche  and  the 
scheitis  !     Hail  the  trosse  to  the  ra  ! ' 

"  Than  the  maister  cryit  on  the  rudirman  :  '  Mait,  keip  ful  and 
by !  A  luf !  Cunna  hiear !  Holabar !  Arryva  !  Steir  clene  \'p- 
the  helme  !     This  and  so  ! ' 

"  Than,  qiAen  the  schip  vas  taiklit,  the  maister  crj'it :  "  Boy  to 
the  top !  Schaik  out  the  flag  on  the  top  mast !  Tak  in  zour  top 
salis  and  thirl  them  !  Pul  doune  the  nok  of  the  ra  in  daggar  vyise  ! 
Marynalis,  stand  be  zoui'  gej'r  in  taiklene  of  zour  salis  !  Euery 
quartar  maister  til  his  aen  qi;arter !  Botis  man,  bayr  stanis  and 
lyme  pottis  ful  of  lyme  in  the  craklene  pokis  to  the  top,  and  paucis 
veil  the  top  vitht  pauesis  and  mantillis  !  Guuuaris,  cum  heir, 
and  stand  by  zour  astailzee,  euyrie  gmmar  til  hir  aen  quartar  ! 
Mak  reddy  zour  cannons,  culuerene  moyens,  culuerene  bastardis, 
falcons,  saikjTS,  half  saikyrs,  and  half  falcons,  slangis,  and  half 
slangis,  quartar  slangis,  hede  stikkis,  murdresaris,  pasauolans,  bersis, 
doggis,  doubil  bersis,  hagbutis  of  croche,  half  haggis,  culuernis,  and 
hail  schot !  And  ze  soldaris  and  coapaugzons  of  veyr,  mak  reddy 
zour  corsbollis,  hand  boUis,  fyir  spe3'T:is,  hail  schot,  lancis,  pikkis, 
halbardis,  rondellis,  tua  handit  sourdis  and  tairgis  ! ' 

"  Than  this  gaye  galiasse,  beand  in  gude  ordour,  sche  follouit 
fast  the  samyn  schip  that  the  botis  man  hed  sene ;  and  for  mair 

topsail  bowline !     Hoist  the  mizen,  and  change  it  over  to  leeward  !     Haul  the  leeche 
and  the  sheets  !     Haul  the  truss  to  the  yard ! ' 

"Then  the  master  cried  to  the  steersman:  'Mate,  keep  full  and  by!  Luff!  Con 
her  !     Steady !     Keep  close  !     Steer  straight  ahead !     That  will  do  ! ' 

"  Then,  when  the  ship  was  imder  sail,  the  master  cried :  '  Boy  to  the  top !  Shake 
out  the  flag  on  the  topmast!  Take  in  j-our  topsails  and  ihirl  them!  Pull  down  the 
nok  of  the  yard  in  dagger-wise !  Mariners,  stand  to  your  gear  for  handling  of  your 
sails  !  Every  quartermaster  to  his  o\vn  quarter  !  Boatsman,  bear  stones  and  lime-pots 
full  of  lime  in  the  craklene  pokis  to  the  top,  xaA.  paucis  veil  the  top  with  pavises  and 
mantlets !  Gunners,  come  here,  and  stand  by  your  artillery ;  every  gunner  to  his  own 
quarter!  Make  ready  your  cannons,-  medium  culverins,  culverins  bastard,  falcons, 
sakers,  half  sakers,  and  half  falcons,  slings  and  half  slings,  quarter  slings,  head  sticks, 
murdering  pieces,  passevolants,  bassils,  dogs,  double  bassils,  arquebusses  with  crooks, 
half  arquebusses,  calivers,  and  hail  shot!  And  ye  soldiers  and  companions  of  war, 
make  ready  your  crossbows,  hand-bows,  fire  spars,  hail  shot,  lances,  pikes,  halberds, 
rondels,  two-handed  swords,  and  targes ! ' 

"  Then  this  gay  galliass,  being  in  good  order,  she  followed  fast  the  same  ship  that 
the  boatsman  had  seen;  and  for  more  speed  the  galliass  put  forth  her  studding'  sails 
and  a  himdred  oars  on  every  side. 


'  If  "stoytene"  be  really  "studding,"  the  vessel  emjJoyed  studding  sails  as  well  as 
bonnets.     The  translation  is  doubtfid. 


1547.] 


SBIF8  DISPOSED    OF    UNDER   HENRY    VIII. 


41i^ 


Bpeid  the  galiasse  pat  fuibt  hir  stoytene  salis,  and  ane  himdretht  aris 
on  euerye  syde. 

"  The  maister  gart  al  his  marynaHs  and  men  of  \ejv  hald  them 
quiet  at  rest,  be  rason  that  the  mouyiug  of  ihe  pepil  vitht  in  ane 
schip  stopes  hyr  of  hyr  fair.  Of  this  sort  the  aid  gaUasse  in  schort 
tyme  cam  on  vynduart  of  the  tothir  schip.  \  "^han  eftir  that  thai 
hed  hailsit  vthirs,  thai  maid  them  reddy  for  battel. 

"  Than  quhar  I  sat.  I  hard  the  cannons  and  gunnis  mak  mony 
hiddeus  crak — duf,  diif,  duf,  duf,  duf,  duf.  The  bersis  and  falcons 
cryit  tirduf,  tirduf,  tirduf,  tirduf,  tirduf.  Than  the  smal  artailze 
cryit  tik,  tak,  tik,  tak,  ti'k,  take.  The  reik,  smeuik,  and  the  stink  of 
the  gimpuddir  fylit  al  the  ajT,  maist  lyik  as  Pluto  is  paleis  hed  been 
birnand  in  ane  bald  fyer.  Qiihilk  generit  sik  mirknes  and  myst  that 
I  cnld  nocht  see  my  lynth  about  me." 

As  the  period  now  under  consideration  was  that  of  the  infancy 
and  early  growth,  if  not  of  the  actual  birth  of  that  magnificent 
creation,  the  British  Navy,  some  lists  of  the  royal  fleet,  as  it  stood 
at  different  dates,  will  here  be  appropriate : — 

List'  op  WARSHrps  Built,  Purchased,  ok  otherwise  Acquired,  by 

Henrv  YIII.  (1509-1547),  and  Api'arextly  Lost  or  Disposed  or  before 

THE  Accession  of  Edward  VL 


•Huilt. 

■ 

•Built. 

SHIP. 

tlSougbt. 
JTakeu. 

Tous. 

ship. 

tBuught. 
:J;Taken. 

Tons. 

1.  Anne  OaUant  . 

tl512 

140 

13. 

Great  Elizabeth     . 

tl514 

900 

2.  Artifio  .... 

tl544 

100 

14. 

Great  Nicholas 

tl512 

400 

3.  Bark  of  BouUeri    . 

tl522 

80 

15. 

Great  Zabra  ■  . 

*1522 

50 

4.  Bark  of  Mor/aix   . 

11522 

60 

16. 

Eenry  Galley  .   ■  . 

*1512 

? 

5.  Black  Bark      .      . 

tl513 

? 

17. 

Henry  of  Hampton 

tl513 

120 

6.   Christ   .... 

tl512 

300 

18. 

Jennet  Perwyn 

tl511 

70 

7.  Dragon . 

'1512 

100 

19. 

John  Baptist    . 

11512 

400 

8.  Fortune 

*1522 

160 

20. 

John  of  Greenwich 

J1523 

50 

9.  Gabriel  Royal  ' 

tl509 

700 

21. 

Katherine  Galley  . 

*1512 

80 

10.   Oallcij  niancherd  . 

il54G 

? 

22. 

Katherine  Forteleza 

tl512 

700 

11.  Great  Bark 

*1512 

400 

23! 

Katherine    P  I  e  a-\ 
saunce 

*1518 

100 

12.  Great  Barbara,      . 

tl513 

400 

1  Compiled  mainly  from  iufurmatiuu  iu  Oppeuheim's  '  Admiu.  of  Royal  Navy.' 

"The  master  bid  all  liis  mariners  aud  men  of  war  hold  themselves  quietly  at  rest, 
by  reason  that  the  moving  of  the  peojile  within  a  shij)  stops  her  on  heV  course.  In  this 
manner  the  said  calliass  in  short  time  came  to  windward  of  the  other  ship.  Then,  after 
that  tliey  had  hailed  one  auothei',  they  made  them  ready  fur  battle. 

"Then  where  I  sat  I  heard  the  cannons  and  guns  make  many  hideous  cracks — duf, 
duf,  duf,  duf,  duf,  duf.  The  bassils  and  falcons  cried  tirduf,  tirduf,  tirduf,  tirduf, 
tirdut.  Then  the  small  artillery  cried  tik,  tak,  tik,  tak,  tik,  take.  The  reek,  smoke, 
and  the  stink  of  the  gunpowder  filled  all  the  air,  most  like  as  Pluto's  jialace  had 
been  burning  in  one  bad  fire:  which  generated  such  murkinoss  and  mist  that  I 
could  not  see  my  length  about  me." 

2  E  2 
I 


420 


CIVIL   BISTORT,   1485-1603. 


[1548. 


List  of  WARSiiirs  Built,  etc. — continued. 


*Bnilt. 

*Bmlt. 

SHIP. 

t  Bought. 
JTaken. 

Tons. 

SHIP. 

tBonght. 
JTiken. 

Tons. 

24.  Less  Bark  .      .      . 

*1512 

•    160 

37. 

Mary  James  (II.) . 

tl545 

120 

25.  Less  Pinnace    . 

*1545 

60 

38. 

Mary  Odierne 

tl545 

70 

26.  Lesser  Barbara 

tl512 

160 

39. 

Mary  Bose. 

*1509 

500 

27.  Lesser  Zahra    . 

•1522 

40 

40. 

Mary  Thomas  . 

tl54o 

lO'J 

28.  Lion      .... 

tl511 

120 

41. 

Maivdlyn  of  Dept-\ 
ford   .      .  ■  .      ./ 

*1522 

120 

29.  iJzfH-d  .... 

*1512 

120 

30.  Mary  George  . 

tlolO 

300 

42. 

Minion 

*1.523 

180 

31.  Mary  Gloria    .      . 

tl517 

300 

43. 

Primrose    . 

*1523 

160 

32.  Mary  Grace 

::1522 

? 

44. 

Bose  Galley 

*1512 

V 

33.  Mary  and  John 

■1521 

y 

45. 

Boo 

*1545 

80 

34.  Jlfary  Guildford   . 

*1524 

160 

46. 

Sovereign  (rebuilt) 

*1509 

600 

35.  Jl/a)'!/  Imperial 

*1515 

120 

47. 

Swallow     . 

*1512 

80 

36.  J/ary  J(«nes  (/.)  . 

tl509 

300 

48. 

Sweepstake. 

*1523 

65 

2.  Called  also  i'Jrti'^ue.    Soldl547. 

3.  '*  Bulleu,"  i.e.  Boulogne. 

5.  Also  called  Black  Bark,  Chris- 

topher, and  J/arfc  Florentine. 

6.  Alsot^led  C'/^rts(  o/LyHTi.    .She 

was  captured  in  1515. 
9.  Perhaiis called  a.Uo Mary  Lorette. 
10.  Taken  from  the  French. 
12.  Formerly  Maudlin. 


13.  Formerly   Salvalor,  of  LUbeck. 

Wrecked  iu  1514. 
15.  Zahra  means  pinnace. 

18.  Taken  from  Barton. 

19,  Vo^iaeTly  John  Supton. 
22.  Genoese  built. 

27.  See  15. 

28.  Taken  from  Barton. 


30.  Probabl.y  ex  Mary  Howard. 

35.  Eebnilt'l5'23. 

36.  Possibly  ex  James,  of  Hull. 
39.  Eebuilt  1536.    Overset  1545. 

42.  Rebuilt  of  300  tons,  about  1536. 

Given  to  Sir  T.  Sej-mour. 
45.  Taken  by  the  French,  1547. 
47.  Eebuilt  1624. 


List  of  the  Royal  Navy  on  Januaet  5th,  1548  (1  Bdw.  VI.)  in 

Akch^ologia  v.,  218  (with  dates  supplied  fob  the  most  part  from 

Oppenheim,  'Admix,  of  Rot.  Navy'). 


^  Henry  Grace  a  Dieu  (rebuilt) 

'  Peter  (rebuilt) 

^  Matthew 

'  Jesus 

'  Pauncy  (Pansy)    .      .      .      . 

'  Great  Bark 

^  Less  Bark' 

'  Murryan'' 

^  Struce  of  Datvske ' . 

'  Christopher'' 

^  Trinity  Henry 

'  Sweepstake 

'  Mary  Willoughhy' 

*  Anne  Gallant 

*  Salamander 

*Hart 

*  Antelope 

*  Swallow 

*  Unicorn' 


*  Built, 
t  Bought. 
J  Taken. 


*1540 
*1536 

tl539 
tl544 
*1544 
1 15.39 
1 1539 
1 1545 
tl544 
tl546 

*  1519 

*  1539 
*1536 
*1545 
tl544 
*1546 
*1546 
*1544 
1 1544 


1000 
600 
600 
700 
450 
500 
400 
500 
450 
400 
250 
300 
140 
450 
300 
300 
300 
240 
240 


700 
400 
300 
300 
300 
300 
250 
300 
250 
246 
220 
230 
160 
250 
220 
200 
200 
100 
140 


i  The  Hrmaniontcertiiiuly  varied  at  different  times. 
-  At  Woolwich. 


3  At  Portsmouth, 

*  Galleys  at  Portsmouth. 


Brass, 

19 
12 

10 

8 
13 
12 
11 
10 

0 

2 

1 
6 

0 

16 

9 

4 
4 


Iron. 

103 

78 

121 

66 

69 
85 
9S 
53 
39 
51 
63 
78 
23 
46 
40 
52 
40 
45 
30 


•  Ordered  to  be  rebuilt,  1551. 
b  Sold,  1551.    . 

•  Dawske— Danzig.    Sold,  1551. 


"  Ordered  for  sale,  1551,  but  noi  sold  till  1556. 

"  Takcu  by  the  Scots;  retaken,  1547 ;  rebuilt,  1551. 

f  Ordered  for  Bale,  1551 ;  eold,  1555. 


1548.] 


NAVr   OF  EDWARD    VI. 


421 


List  of  the  Royal  Navy  on'  January  5t»,  1548. — continued. 


*  Built. 

temp. 

)  HouKht. 

Toss. 

Men. 

Gu.s-s.i 

{  Takeu. 

Brass. 

Iron. 

*  Jennet 

*  153i) 

180 

120 

6 

35 

*  New  Bark 

*  UrSA 

200 

140 

5 

48 

*  Grei/Iiound' 

*  1545 

200 

140 

8 

37 

*  Tiyer 

*  154(! 

200 

120 

4 

39 

*  Bull 

*154G 

200 

120 

5 

42 

*  Lion'' 

*  153G 

140 

140 

*^ 

48 

■*  Geoiye 

t  1540 

60 

40 

2 

26 

*  I)ra<jon' 

*1544 

140 

120 

3 

42 

''  Falcon 

*1544 

83 

55 

4 

22 

■'  Black  Pinnace 

9 

80 

44 

2 

15 

'Bind' 

*154o 

80 

55 

2 

26 

°  Spanish  Shallop 

•p 

20 

26 

0 

'  Hare 

*  1545 

15 

30 

0 

10 

"  Sun 

*  154(! 

20 

40 

2 

6 

^  Cloud  in  the  Sun 

*  1546 

20 

40 

Q 

7 

°  Harp 

*  1540 

20. 

40 

1 

6 

"  Maidenhead 

*154G 

20 

37 

2 

6 

'■'  Oillyftoirer^ 

*  1540 

20 

38 

0 

0 

'■  Ontrirh  Feather 

*  1540 

20 

37 

1 

0 

"  Rose  Slip 

*  1540 

20 

37 

2 

6 

"  Flower  de  Luce 

*  1540 

20 

43 

2 

7 

"  J  lose  in  the  Sun 

*  1.54  G 

20 

40 

3 

7 

'^  Portcullis 

*  154G 

20 

38 

1 

G 

"  Falcon  in  the  FetTerlocl;    .      .      . 

*  1,546 

20 

45 

3 

8 

'  Grandmisfress'' 

*  1545 

450 

250 

1 

22 

1 1545 

40 

50 

4 

8 

'  Galley  Subtle,  or  Row  Galley 

*  1544 

200 

250 

3 

28 

'  Bryyandiiic 

*1545 

40 

44 

3 

19 

'  IJoy  Bark 

9 

80 

60 

0 

5 

'  Hawthorn 

*1546 

20 

37 

0 

0 

*  Mary  JIamborow' 

1 1544 

400 

246 

5 

67 

*  Phoenix 

tl546 

40 

50 

4 

33 

»  Saker 

*1545 

40 

50 

2 

18 

*1546 

20 

43 

3 

6 

53  ships 

11,268 

7,780 

237 

1,850 

1   ilie  armament  certainly  varied  at  tiiffereut  times.  5  Pinnaces  at  I'urtsmonth. 

•i  How  Barges  at  Portsmuutti.    Most  of  these  were  sold  in  154^—19. 
'  At  Deptford  Stroude.  s  In  Scotland. 


e  Wrecked  off  Eye,  1562. 
>>  Ordereil  to  be  rebuilt,  1551. 
'  Ordered  to  be  rebuilt,  1551. 


J  Sold  in  1555. 

"*  Condemned,  1551 ;  sold  in  1551. 

'  Sold  in  1655. 


Of  the  7780  men  in  the  fleet,  188.5  were  soldiers,  5136  mariners, 
and  759  gunners.  The  importance  of  Portsmouth,  where  no  fewer 
than  forty-one  of  the  fifty-three  vessels  were  stationed,  will  not  fail 
to-be  noticed. 

By  August,  1552,  as  a  list  in  Pepys's  Miscellanies,  viii.  14.3,  shows, 
there  had  been  added  to  the  above  the  Primrose  (launched  in  1551), 
Gyrfalcon  (120  tons),  Swift  (30  tons).  Moon,  Seven  Stars  (35  tons). 


422 


eiriL   EISTORY,   1485-1603. 


[1558. 


and  Barh  of  Bullen  (60  tons),  a''''  the  Henry  Grace  a  Dieu  had 
apparently  been  re-named  the  Edward.^  There  had  also  been  added 
a  French  prize,  the  Black  GaUeij,  taken  in  1549,  and  the  Lion,  taken 
from  the  Scots  by  the  Paitncij,  but  presently  lost  off  Harwich. 

In  1558,  the  year  of  the  death  of  Queen  Mary,  the  Eoyal  Navy 
had  been  reduced  to  twenty-six  vessels  of  7110  tons  in  all.  In  1565, 
the  eighth  year  of  Elizabeth,  there  were  but  twenty-nine  ships,  of 
an    unknown   total   tonnage.      In   1575,   the    eighteenth    year    of 


THE   GALLEY    '    SUBTILE. 
{From  the  drawiitfi  bij  Anthony  Antboinj  in  the  British  Mnsctwi.') 

Elizabeth,  the  niimber  of  ships  had  further  fallen  to  twenty-four, 

and  the  tonnage  was  but  about  10,470.     At  that  time  there  were  in 

England  one  hundred  and  thirty-five  other  ships  of  100  tons  and 

upwards,  six  hundred  and  fifty-six  of  from  40  to  100  tons,  about  a 

hundred  hoys,  and  a  large  but  unstated  number  of  small  barks  and 

smacks.     Practically  the  whole  of   the  Koyal   Navy  was   engaged 

against  the  Spanish  Armada  in  1588 ;  and  an  accomit  of  the  fleet 

then  employed  will  be  found  later  in  the  appendix  to  the  history  of 

Philip's  attempted  invasion. 

■■  But  she  was  again  known  as  the  Henry  Grace  a  Dieu  when  she  was  accidentally 
burnt  on  August  25th,  1553. — Machyn's  '  Diary ' :  Camd.  Soc. 


IGOO.] 


NAVT  OF  ELIZABETH. 


423 


I  insert,  for  reference  purposes,  an  alphabetical  key-list  of  all  the 
vessels  (except  a  few  small  prizes  taken  in  1562,  and  apparently 
returned  in  1564),  which,  I  have  been  able  to  satisfy  myself,  were 
acquired  for  the  Eoyal  Navy  during  the  reign  of  EHzabeth.  The 
tonnages  given  are  only  approximate.  Almost  every  contemporary 
docmuent  that  pretends  to  show  them  differs  more  or  less  from 
•every  other  : — 


Achates ' 

Adrantage  . 

Advantagia 

Adventure    . 

Advice    . 

Aid^      .      .      . 

Ansrver  . 

AnteJope  (rebuilt) 

Ark  Itoyal  . 

Black  Do(j   . 

Bonovolia,  galley 

Bryqandine 

BalKyebxaHy  . 

Charles  . 

Crane     . 

■Cygnet  . 

Defiance 

Dreadnought ''   . 

[Z'uc]  Repulse  . 

EngJe'^   .      .      . 

Eleanor,  galley '' 

[Eiiz(d>eth^  Bonaventure' 

Elizabeth  Jonas ' 

Foresight     . 

Flight    .      .      .  ■ 

French  Frigate. 

Gallerifa 

Oarland 

George,  hoy  (rebuilt) 

\_G(>ldeii\  Lion  (rebuilt) 

Greyhound  . 

Guide     . 

Handmaid  . 

Hope'"   .      .      . 

Lion's  Whelj)  (/.) ' 

Lion's  Wlielp  (IL) '' 

Makeshift  (J.)   .      . 

Makeshift  (IL)       . 


*  Bnilt. 
f  Bought. 
t  Taken. 


*  1.57.3 

*  1.5ii0 

*  IfiOl 

*  1594 

*  1.586 

*  1562 

*  1590 
1.581 

*  1587 

1 1590 
1584 

*1583 

1570 

*1586 

*  1590 

*  1585 
*1590 
*1573 

*  1596 
tl592 
il563 
tl567 
*1559 

*  1570 

*  1592 

1 1591 
*1602 

*  1590 
1601 
1582 

*1585 

*  1563 

*  1573 

*  1559 

*  1590 

tieoi 

*  1563 
*1586 


100 

200 

? 

250 
50 
250 
200 
400 
800 
? 

90 
200 

70 
200 

30 
500 
400 
700 

V 

? 
600 
900 
300 

•J 

? 

V 

700 

100 

500 

? 

? 

80 
600 

y 
? 

9 


•  BaUt. 
t  Bonght. 
t  Taken. 


Tons. 


Mary  Bose  (rebuilt) '" 
Mercury 
Mer  Honour 
Merlin   .... 
Minion^* 
Minnikin    . 
Moon     .... 
Nonpareil  (rebuilt)  '^ 
N.  S.  del  Rosario   . 
Popinjay 

Post 

Primrose  '^  . 
Primrose,  hoy  . 
Quittance     . 
Rainbow"  . 
Revenge "     .      . 
St.  Andrew  '^    . 
St.Mathew^"     .      . 
Scout  ^'  . 

Search    .... 
Seven  Stars. 
Speedwell,  galley  ^^. 

Spy 

Sun 

Superlativa . 
Swallow'^    . 
Swiftsure  ^* . 
Talbot    .... 
Tiger  (rebuilt)  ^^     . 
Tremuntana 
Triumph''".      .      . 
Trust     .... 
Tryright,  galley  '■"  . 
Vanguard  ^® 
Victory^ 
Volatilla 
Warspite 
IWliite'lBear'"       . 


1589 

*  1592 

*  1590 
*1579 
tl560 
*1595 

*  1586 
1584 

%  1588 
*1587 

*  1563 
1 1560 
*1590 

*  1590 

*  1586 

*  1.577 
J  1596 
1 1596 
*1577 
*1563 
*1586 

*  1559 
*1586 

*  1586 

*  1601 
?1573 

*  1573 
*1585 

1570 
*1586 
*1561 
*1586 

*  1559 

*  1586 
tl560 
*1602 

*  1596 
*1563 


600 


50 


60 
500 


y 
800 

80 
200 
500 
500 
900 
1000 
120 


50 
40. 

9 

360 

400 

y 

200 

150 

1100 

y 

y 
500 
800 

y 

'  600 
1000 


»  Converted  to  a  lighter. 

2  Conrlcmned,  1599. 

3  Ex  Eteaiwr,  rebuilt.    Sold  1599. 

*  Broken  np,  1594. 
s  llebuilt,  1592. 

*  A  Lilbecker,  useil  as  a  bulk. 
'  Probably  taken  from  Havre. 

8  Rebuilt.  1581. 

9  Upbuilt,  159-<. 

•0  licbuilt,  15S1  anil  1602. 


>'  Lost,  May  17th,  1591. 

I-  Bought  from  E.  of  Xottiugham. 

13  Built,  15513. 

n  Conderanod,  1570. 

ij  IC.K  Fhilii)  and  M^irtj,  rebuilt. 

15  Sold,  1575. 

"  Rebuilt,  1602. 

■8  Taken  by  .Spain,  1591. 

10  Taken  at  Cadiz. 

-0  Takeu  at  Cadiz. 


21  Converted  to  a  lighter. 

--  Disposcil  of  ca.  1580. 

-^  i'ondenmed,  1603. 

21  Rebuilt.  1592. 

2J  (Vuvprted  to  a  lighter. 

-'i  Rebuilt,  1596. 

2'  Dispose.l  of  i-a.  1580. 

29  Rebuilt,  1599. 

29  n)  E.\  Great  ChrMtipher.     Re- 

30  Rebuilt,  1599.  [built,  1686. 


424 


CIVIL   BISTORT,  1485-1603. 


[1603. 


At  the  death  of  the  gi-eat  Queen  in  1603,  the  effective  Eoyal 
Kavy,  according  to  a  hst  preserved  hy  Monson  in  his  '  Tracts,' 
corrected  and  here  supplemented,  as  to  certain  details  from  other 
contemporary  sources,^  was  as  follows  (see  table  on  following  page.) 

During  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.  the  position  of  officers  and  men, 


AN   ELIZABETHAN^  SHIP   OF    WAR. 
{From  Rrtirlbjson  MSS.  in  llie  Bodleian,  iv.,  192, /u/w  20.) 


as  regards  their  pay  and  "rewards,"  seems  to  have  remained  much 
as  before.  The  men  were  given  Is.  a  week  in  harbour,  and  Is.  '3d. 
at  sea.  Their  victuals,  early  in  the  reign,  cost  Is.  O^d.,  and  later 
Is.  2d.  a  week.  Masters  received  3s.  4d. ;  pursers  and  boatswains, 
Is.  8d. ;  quarter-masters,  Is.  6d. ;  and  stewards  and  cooks,  Is.  3d. 

'  Especially  from  a  MS.  list  of  1599,  which  is  printed  in  '  Archa:ologia,'  and  which, 
in  1707,  beloDged  to  Dr.  Leith  of  Greenwich. 


1603.] 


ARMAMENT   OF  SHIPS. 


425 


Toss. 

MEN. 

GUNS. 

i 

Heavieb. 

LlGHTEK. 

SHIPS. 

g 

i 

5 

2 

ca 

1 

i 

1 

1 

"3 

1 

p 

6 

a 

"a 

i 

1     11 

'^ 

1 

i 

3 

38 

1 

B-a 
2 

2 

5 

i:  3 

c  .a 

5-   -I 
1    i 

5,^ 

3 

s5 

Elizaheth' 
Jonas 

900 

340 

40 

120 

500 

3 

6 

8 

9 

9 

1    2 

10 

18 

56 

Triumph     . 

1,000 

340 

40 

120 

500 

4 

3 

17 

8 

6 

38 

1 

4 

5 

20 

30 

68 

White  IJiuv 

900 

340 

40 

120 

500 

3 

11 

7 

10 

31 

2 

7 

9 

40 

Victory 

800 

268 

32 

100 

400 

12 

18 

9 

39 

7 

13 

20 

59 

Mere  Honour' 

800 

268 

32 

100 

400 

4 

115 

16 

4 

39 

.. 

2 

,, 

2 

41 

At?c  Eoi/al 

800 

268 

32 

100 

400 

4 

4 

12    12 

6 

38 

4 

7 

2 

4 

17 

55 

St.  Matthew 

1,000 

340 

40 

120 

500 

4 

4 

16 

14 

4 

4 

2 

48 

.. 

.. 

,, 

,, 

0 

48 

St.  Andreiv 

900 

268 

32 

100 

400 

8 

21 

7 

2 

38 

,, 

3 

7 

2 

12 

50 

Due  Ilepiihf  - 

700 

230 

30 

90 

350 

2 

3 

13 

14 

6 

38 

9 

4 

2 

4 

12 

50 

Ouardland^ 

700 

190 

30 

80 

300 

16 

14 

4 

34 

9 

4 

2 

3 

11 

45 

li' cirs2)ite    . 

600 

190 

30 

80 

300 

2 

2 

13 

10 

2 

29 

.. 

,, 

,  , 

0 

29 

Mary  Hose 

600 

150 

30 

70 

250 

4 

11 

10 

4 

29 

3 

7 

,, 

,, 

10 

39 

Hope     . 

600 

150 

30 

70 

250 

2 

4 

9 

11 

4 

30 

4 

8 

2 

4 

18 

48 

Bonaventure 

600 

150 

30 

70 

250 

•? 

2 

11 

14 

4 

2 

35 

9 

4 

2 

4 

12 

47 

Lion  *    . 

500 

150 

30 

70 

250 

^^ 

4 

8 

14 

9 

1 

36 

8 

16 

24 

60 

Nonpart  il   . 

500 

150 

30 

70 

250 

2 

3 

7 

8 

12 

32 

4 

8 

4 

8 

'l\ 

56 

Defiance 

500 

150 

30 

70 

250 

14 

14 

6 

34 

2 

4 

2 

4 

12 

46 

Rainbov     . 

500 

150 

30 

70 

250 

6 

12 

7 

1 

26 

,, 

0 

26 

Dreadm.iKjht 

400 

130 

20 

50 

200 

2 

4 

11 

10 

2 

29 

.. 

4 

8 

12 

41 

Antelope 

350 

114 

16 

30 

160 

4 

13 

8 

1 

26 

2 

4 

2 

4 

12 

38 

Swiftsmr'' 

400 

130 

20 

50 

200 

2 

5 

12 

8 

2 

29 

4 

8 

12 

41 

SicaUow 

330 

114 

16 

30 

160 

,  , 

2 

1 

3 

2 

3 

5 

8 

Foresight    . 

300 

114 

16 

30 

160 

14 

8 

3 

3 

28 

3 

6 

9 

37 

Tide"    .      . 

250 

88 

12 

20 

120 

? 

? 

? 

•? 

? 

? 

? 

? 

',1 

? 

9 

? 

? 

y 

Crane   . 

200 

76 

12 

20 

108 

6 

7 

6 

19 

2 

3 

5 

24 

Adventure  . 

250 

88 

12 

20 

120 

4 

11 

5 

20 

2 

4 

6 

26 

Quittance    . 

200 

76 

12 

20 

108 

2 

6 

7 

4 

19 

2 

4 

6 

25 

Answer 

200 

76 

12 

20 

108 

5 

8 

2 

15 

.. 

2 

4 

6 

21 

Advan  tage 

200 

70 

12 

20 

102 

4 

11 

5 

20 

.. 

2 

4 

6 

26 

Tiger''  .      . 

200 

70 

12 

20 

102 

6 

14 

2 

22 

.. 

.. 

0 

22 

Tremontuna 

140 

52 

8 

10 

70 

12 

7 

2 

21 

0 

21 

Scout  ^  .      . 

120 

48 

8 

10 

66 

4 

.. 

6 

10 

0 

10 

Achates  ~ 

100 

42 

8 

10 

6Q 

6 

.. 

Q 

5 

13 

0 

13 

Cliarles 

70 

32 

6 

7 

45 

8 

9 

10 

.. 

2 

4 

6 

16 

Moon   . 

60 

30 

5 

5 

40 

., 

4 

4 

1 

9 

^, 

0 

9 

Advice . 

50 

30 

5 

5 

40 

4 

2 

3 

9 

.. 

;. 

0 

9 

Spnj      . 

50 

30 

5 

5 

40 

.. 

4 

9 

3 

9 

,, 

.. 

0 

9 

Merlin . 

45 

26 

5 

4 

35 

,j 

7 

7 

0 

Y 

Sun 

40 

24 

4 

2 

30 

1 

.. 

4 

5 

_ 

0 

5 

Cytjnet. 

20 

? 

? 

? 

20 

,. 

,, 

,, 

1 

2 

3 

.. 

3 

George,  hoy 

100 

? 

V 

? 

10 

V 

■; 

? 

? 

•} 

? 

? 

? 

? 

V 

? 

V 

y 

? 

Pr  irnrose  1 
hog            \ 

80 

? 

? 

? 

'> 

V 

'} 

? 

? 

1 

? 

? 

•> 

? 

■p 

? 

? 

149 

•? 

'5 

9 

42  ships 

17,055 

5,534 

804 

2,008 

8,346 

32 

60 

232 

326 

213 

43;50 

! 

o 

958 

29 

58 

78 

2  316 

1 

1,274 

1  The  original  and  meaning  of  this  name  are  obfcnre.    The  ship  sonietinios  is  called  Jfcre  Sonour,  sometimes  Mcr  Honour  :  some- 
times Ilortonr  dc  la  Mer ;  and  sometimes  Mary  Jlonora.  •  Or  Ifieu  liepulse.  3  Later  corrupted  into  '* Oailaud." 
•'  Alsncalloil  (•olden  Lion.                      ^  I.i:.  "  Swift  I^irsuer  "  pi'obaMy.    Later  corrupted  into  ".Swiftsure." 
<»  Ddulitfiil  whether  this  belonged  to  the  Koyal  Xavy  :  perliaps  hired. 
7  These,  converted  to  lighters,  were  iu  use  to  support  the  chain  at  L'pnor. 


426  CIVIL   HISTOEY,   1485-1603.  [1512. 

a  week  iu  harbour/  and  higher  pay  at  sea.     But  early  in  the  reign 

of   Henry  VIII.  an   alteration  was  effected.      The  nature  of   this 

is  shown  in  an  agreement  ^  made  in  1512  between  the   king  and 

Sir    Edward    Howard,   captain-general    of    the 

armed   force   at  sea   (or  Lord  High  Admiral). 

^i \''  \    ^^^"*  *^^  this  agreement  had  better  be  given  at 

length.     It  rims  thus  : — 


"  The  said  admiral   sliall  have   under  him  in  the   said 
service  three  tliousand  men,  harnessed  and  arrayed  for  the 
■warfare,  himself  accounted  in  the  same  nimiber,  over  and 
above  seven  himdred  soldiers,   mariners  and   gunners  that 
SIX  AXGEL  PIECE  OF       ^-^^^-^  ^^  j^  ^^^  g^jjjg,^  ^j^jp^  ^-^^  Regent.     A  thousand  seven 

hundred  and  fifty  shall  be  soldiers ;    twelve  hundred  and 

iFrom Rudimfs'AnnaU of       thirty-three   shall  be  mariners  and  gunners.  .  .  .  And  the 

the  Coinage  of  Great  Britain:)    g^id 'admiral   shall  have  for  maintaining  himself,   and   his 

diets  and  rewards,  daily  during  the  voyage,  ten  shillings. 
And  for  every  of  the  said  captains,  for  their  diets,  wages,  and  rewards,  daily  during 
the  said  cruise,  eighteen-pence.  .  .  .  And  for  every  soldier,  mariner,  and  gunner, 
he  shall  have,  every  month,  during  the  said  voyage,  accounting  twenty-eight  days 
for  the  month,  five  shillings  for  his  wages,  and  five  shillings  for  his  victuals, 
without  anything  else  demanded  for  wages  or  victuals,  saving  that  they  shall  have 
certain  dead  shares,  as  hereafter  doth  ensue ;  all  which  wages,  rewards  and  victual 
money  the  said  admiral  shall  be  paid  in  manner  and  form  following : — He  shall,  before 
he  and  his  retinue  enter  into  the  ship,  make  their  musters  before  such  commissioners 
as  it  shall  please  oiu-  said  sovereign  Lord  to  depute  and  appoint ;  and  immediately  after 
such  musters  shall  have  been  made,  he  shall  receive  of  our  sovereign  Lord,  by  the 
hands  of  such  as  his  Grace  shall  appoint,  for  himself,  the  said  captains,  soldiers, 
mariners,  and  gunners,  wages,  rewards,  and  victual  money,  after  the  rate  before 
rehearsed,  for  three  months  then  nest  ensuing,  accounting  the  month  as  above.  And, 
at  the  same  time,  he  shall  receive  for  the  cost  of  every  captain  and  soldier  four 
shillings,  and  for  the  cost  of  every  mariner  and  guimer  twenty  pence ;  and  at  the  end 
of  the  said  three  months,  when  the  said  admiral  shall  with  his  navy  and  retinue  resort 
to  the  port  of  Southampton  and  then  and  there  victual  himself  and  the  said  navy  and 
army  and  retinue,  he  shall  make  his  musters  before  such  commissioners  as  it  shall 
please  his  Grace,  the  King,  therefore  to  ajipoint  within  board ;  and  after  the  said 
musters  so  made,  he  shall,  for  himself,  the  said  captains,  soldiers,  mariners,  and 
gunners,  receive  of  our  said  sovereign  Lord,  by  the  hands  of  such  as  his  Grace  shall 
apjxiint,  new  wages  and  victual  money,  after  the  rate  before  rehearsed,  for  the  three 
months  next  ensuing ;  and  so,  from  three  months  to  three  months  continually  during 
the  said  time.  .  .  .  The  said  admiral  shall  have  for  his  dead  shares  of  the  ships 
as  hereafter  ensueth,  that  is  to  say,  for  the  Regent,  being  of  the  portage  of  1000  tons, 
oO  dead  shares  and  four  pilots ;  and  for  the— 

Mary  Rose  of  500  tons,  30i  dead  shares. 

Pfter  Pomegranate       „   400     „     23i     „         „ 
Nicholas  Reede  „   400     „     23.i     „        „ 


1  Augmt.  Off.,  bk.  316,  f.  72. 
-  Printed  in  Charnock,  ii.  36. 


1512.]  SIR   EDWARD   HOWARD'S  AGREEMENT.  427 


Mary  and  John 

of 

200  tons 

24J( 

iead  shar 

Ann,  of  Greenwich 

)> 

100 

)) 

24i 

»        >> 

Mary  George 

JJ 

300 

)» 

20^ 

Dragon 

»» 

100 

J) 

22J 

Barbara 

») 

1-10 

»J 

20i 

George,  of  Falmouth 

5» 

140 

J) 

20i 

Nicholas  of  Hampton 

»> 

200 

JJ 

22 

Martenet 

»» 

140 

J) 

22i 

Jennet 

»» 

70 

J> 

22i 

Christopher  Davy 

>» 

100 

J> 

224 

Sabyan  ' 

»J 

120 

)J 

20 

And  for  the  victualling  and  refreshing  the  said  ships  with  water  and  other  necessaries, 
the  said  admiral  shall  .  .  .  have  two  crayers,  the  one  being  of  three  score  and  fifty 
tons,  wherein  there  shall  be  the  master,  twelve  mariners,  and  one  boy ;  and  every  of 
the  said  masters  and  mariners  shall  have  for  his  wages  five  shillings,  and  for  his 
victual  money  five  shillings,  for  every  month,  accounting  the  month  as  above ;  and 
every  of  the  said  two  boys  shall  have  for  his  month's  wages  two  shillings  and  sixpence, 
and  for  his  victuals  five  shillings ;  and  either  of  the  said  masters  shall  have  three  dead 
shares ;  and  the  other  ci-ayer  shall  have  a  master,  ten  mariners,  and  one  boy,  being  of 
the  burden  of  55  tons,  with  the  same  allowances.  Also  the  said  soldiers,  mariners,  and 
gunners  shall  have  of  our  sovereign  Lord  conduct  money,  that  is  to  say,  every  of  them, 
for  every  day's  journey  from  his  house  to  the  place  where  they  shall  be  shipped, 
accounting  twelve  miles  for  the  day's  journey,  sixpence ;  of  which  days  they  shall  give 
evidence,  b.y  their  oaths,  before  him  or  them  that  our  said  sovereign  Lord  shall  appoint 
and  assign  to  pay  them  the  said  wages  and  conduct  money.  And  forasmuch  as  our 
said  sovereign  Loi-d,  at  his  costs  and  charges,  victuals  the  said  army  and  navy,  the  said 
admiral  shall  therefore  answer  our  said  Lord  the  one-half  of  all  manner  of  gains  and 
winnings  of  the  war,  that  the  same  admiral,  or  his  retinue,  or  any  of  them,  shall 
fortune  to  have  in  the  said  voyage,  by  land  or  water ;  all  prisoners,  being  chieftains,  or 
having  our  said  sovereign  Lord's  adversary's  power ;  and  one  ship  royal,  being  of  the 
portage  of  200  tons  or  above,  with  the  ordnance  and  apparel  of  every  such  prize  that 
shall  fortune  to  be  taken  by  them  in  the  said  war,  reserving  to  our  said  sovereign  Lord 
all  artillery  contained  within  any  other  ship  or  ships  by  them  to  be  taken." 

The  document,  to  put  it  briefly,  shows  that  at  the  time  of  the 
armament  of  1.512  the  daily  pay  of  an  admiral  was  10s. ;  the  daily 
pay  of   a   captain,  Is.  6fZ. ;    the   Imiar  monthly "-  wage   of  master, 

'  There  are  accidentally  omitted  from  this  copy  of  the  agreement : — 

"  John  Hopton's  Ship "     .  .  .  .400  tons. 

Lion      .......     120    „ 

Peter,  of  Fowey 120    „ 

These  bring  the  strength  of  the  tieet  up  to  eighteen  sail  (as  mentioned  elsewhere  in  the 
indenture),  or,  mth  the  crayers,  to  twenty  sail. 

^  Lunar  months,  of  thirteen  to  the  year,  were  there,  and  long  afterwards,  the 
ordinary  official  divisions  of  the  year.  A  MS.  list  of  the  services  of  captains  from  1088 
to  1717  (in  the  Author's  Coll.")  contains  such  entries  as  one  to  the  effect  that  Cayitain 
John  Norris  entered  on  the  command  of  the  Content,  prize,  on  March  24th,  1005,  and 


428  CIVIL   BISTORT,   1485-1603.  [1586. 

soldier,  mariner,  or  gunner,  5s.,  together  with  5.s.  for  victiials,  and 

the  lunar  monthly  wage  of  a  boy,  2s.  M.,  together  with  5s.  for 

victuals.     It  also  shows  that  the  men  were  allowed  conduct  monej' 

to  the  port  of   embarkation  at   the  rate  of  6d.  per  twelve  miles ; 

that  the  profits  of  prizes  were  to  be  divided,  one-half,  together  wdth 

one  vessel  of  200  tons    or  more,  and  all  ordnance  and    "apparel" 

(?  movable  fittings)  going  to  the  king,  and  the  rest  to  the  captors 

in  stipulated  proportions ;   and   it   appears   to  show  that,  as   head 

money,  a  sum  of  4s.  for  each  captain  and  soldier,  and  of  '20d.  for 

each  mariner  and  gunner,  was  payable  to  the  admiral,  although  this 

is   not  quite  clear.      The  "  dead   shares  "  were   non-existent  men, 

something  like  the  widows'  men  of   a  later  date.      Pay  on  their 

behalf  was  allowed,  aiid  the  pay  so  granted  was  divided  among  the 

really  existent  ship's  company.     This  extra  pay  took  the  place  of  the 

"  rewards  "  of   an  earlier  period.     But  it  does   not  appear  certain 

that,  after  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.,  the  seamen  participated  in  the 

dead  sjhares. 

In  the  earlier  years  of  Elizabeth,  the  seaman's  lunar  monthly 

pay  was  6s.  8(Z.     In  1586,  on  the  representation  of  Hawkyns,^  this 

was  raised  to  10s.,   and  other   pay  was  raised  in 

proportion,    so  that   a  captain's   pay,    which   had 

been  Is.  8f?.,  became  2s.  6d.  a  day,  besides  certain 

allowances   which   varied    according   to   ship   and 

circumstances.      The    practice    of    allowing   dead 

shares  continued ;  but  little,  if  any,  of  the  proceeds 

can  have  gone  to   the  men,   seeing   that  masters 

AN  ELIZABETHAN     and  master-gumicrs   each    received   a  whole  dead 

SEAMAN.  share,   boatswains   probably   the    same ;    quarter- 

(.From sMrh ill mirieiaii   mastcrs  half  a  dead  share;  some  of  the  gunners 
MSS.  167.  folio  ■m.')  ^ 

one-third  of  a  dead  share,   and  so  on.      But  the 

subject  is  still  in  much  obscurity. 


was  discharged  from  it  on  February  25th,  169G  (0.  S.),  liaving  served  in  the  ship  for 
0  years,  12  months,  0  weeks,  and  3  days.  For  many  purposes,  the  naval  month 
remained  twenty-eight  days  until  after  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century.  At 
present,  in  the  Navy,  1  month  equals  30  days ;  2  months  equal  61  days ;  3  months 
equal  91  days ;  4  months  equal  121  days ;  5  months  equal  152  days ;  6  months  equal 
182  days;  7  months  equal  212  days;  8  months  equal  243  days;  9  months  equal 
273  days ;  10  months  equal  308  days ;  11  months  equal  334  days ;  and  12  months 
(1  year)  equal  365  days,  unless  otherwise  provided. 
'  Dom.  Eliz.  cl.xxxv.  33,  ii. 


£ 

s. 

d. 

3 

6 

8 

t> 

0 

0 

0 

15 

0 

1588.]  PAY   OF  OFFICERS.  429 

In  1588,  the  superior  officers  who  served  against  the  Armada 
had  dail}'  pay  as  follows  : — ' 

The  Lord  High  Admiral 

Lord  Henry  Seymour,  as  his  Vice- Admiral  .. 

Sir  John  Hawkyus,  as  his  Hear- Admiral 

Sir  Henry  Palmer     1 

Sir  William  WynterV  commanding  under  Lord  Henry  Seymour  ..      10    0 

Sir  Martin  Frobiser  J 

Thomas  Gray,  "  Vice- Admiral "  under  Lord  H.  Seymour  (while  in 

command  of  a  detached  force)     ..  ..  ..  ..  ..068 

Sir  Francis  Drake,  "Captain  and  Admiral"  ..  ..  ..  ..      1  10     0 

Thomas  Fenner,  his  "  Vice- Admiral "  ..  ..  ..  ..      0  15     0 

Nichi.ilas  Gorges,  "  Admiral "  of  the  merchant  coasters,  for  him  and 

his  lieutenant        ..  ..  ..  ..  ..     0  13     8 

It  would  appear  from  the  above  that  both  rule  and  consistency 
were  lacking  in  the  apportionment  of  the  pay  of  these  officers  ;  and 
the  fact  is  that  the  rate  depended  quite  as  much  upon  the  social 
rank  and  title  of  the  recipient  as  iipon  his  position  in  the  fleet.  In 
all  these  cases  there  were  allowances,  though  of  unknown  amount 
in  addition.  In  the  Armada  period,  it  may  be  added,  the  master  in 
a  flagship  was  virtually  her  captain  in  all  senses  ;  and  the  Thomas 
Gray,  who  is  mentioned  above  as  having  commanded  an  in- 
dependent or  detached  squadron  with  the  temporary  rank  of  vice- 
admiral,  had  previously  held,  and  may  have  reverted  to,  the  position 
of  master  of  the  Ark. 

The  instructions  of  Howard  of  Effingham  and  Essex  to  the 
officers  under  their  command  for  the  Cadiz  Expedition  of  1596  are 
so  interesting,  and  throw  so  much  light  upon  the  naval  customs  of 
a  very  important  period  in  English  history,  that  they  are  here 
printed  at  length,  so  far  as  they  can  be  deciphered  from  the  damaged 
manuscript"  in  which  they  are  contained.  They  are  among  the 
earliest  instructions  extant,  and  seem  to  have  served  as  a  basis  for 
many  subsequent  regulations  of  the  same  sort. 

"Instructions  and  Articles  set  duwn  by  us,  Robert,  Earl  of  Essex,  and  Cltarhs, 
Lord  Howard,  Lord  Eiyli  Admiral  of  England,  Generals  of  her  Majesty's  forces 
employed  in  this  action,  both  by  sea  and  land,  to  be  observed  by  every  Captain  and  chief 
officer  of  the  Navy :  And  that  every  ships  company  may  nut  be  ignorant  hereof,  ive  do 
hereby  straitly  charge  and  command  all  Captains  to  give  order  that,  at  Service  time, 
they  may  be  openly  read,  twice  every  week. 

"  I.  Imprimis,  that  you  take  special  care  to  serve  God,  by  using  of  Common  Prayers 


'  From  a  pajier,  printed  in  'Defeat  of  Spanish  Armada'  (Navy  Rec.  Soc.)  by  Prof. 
•L  K.  Laughton,  ii.  314. 

"  Cotton  MSS.  Otho.  E.  is. 


430  CIVIL    HISTORY,   1485-1603.  ri59f>. 

twice  every  da\',  except  urgent  cause  enforce  the  contrary,  and  that  no  man,  soldier  or 
other  mariner  do  dispute  of  matters  of  religion,  unless  it  be  to  be  resolved  of  some 
doubts ;  and,  in  such  case,  that  he  confer  with  the  ministers  of  the  army :  for  it  is  not 
fit  that  imlearned  men  should  openly  argue  of  so  high  and  mystical  matters.  And  if 
any  person  shall  forget  himself  and  his  duty  herein,  he  shall,  upon  knowledge  thereof, 
receive  open  punishment  to  his  shame,  and  after  be  banished  the  army.  And  if  any 
shall  hear  it,  and  not  reveal  it  to  us.  Generals,  or  to  his  Captain,  or  some  other  especial 
officers,  whereby  the  knowledge  thereof  may  come  to  us,  the  Generals,  he  shall  likewise 
receive  punishment,  and  be  banished  the  army. 

"  II.  Item.  You  shall  forbid  swearing,  brawling,  diceing,  and  such  like  disorders  as 
may  breed  contention  and  disorders  in  your  ships ;  wherein  you  shall  also  avoid  God's 
disjileasure  and  win  His  favour. 

"  III.  Picking  and  stealing  you  shall  severely  punish ;  and,  if  the  fault  be  great, 
you  shall  acquaint  us.  Generals,  therewith,  that  martial  law  may  be  inflicted  upon  the 
oflenders. 

"  IV.  You  shall  take  great  care  to  preserve  your  victuals,  and  to  observe  such  orders 
therein  as  you  shall  receive  by  particular  directions  from  your  Generals.  And  that 
every  Captain  of  each  ship  receive  an  account  once  a  week  how  his  victuals  are  spent, 
and  what  remains,  that  their  provision  may  be  lengthened  by  adding  more  men  to  a 
mess  in  time. 

"V.  All  persons  whatsoever,  within  your  ship,  shall  come  to  the  ordinary  services 
of  the  ship  without  contradiction. 

"VI.  You  shall  give  special  charge  for  avoiding  the  danger  of  fire,  and  that  no- 
caudle  be-  carried  in  your  ship  without  a  lantern ;  which,  if  any  person  shall  disobey, 
you  shall  severely  punish.  And  if  any  chance  of  fire  or  other  dangers  (which  God 
forbid)  should  hajipen  to  any  ship  near  unto  j'ou,  then  you  shall,  by  your  boats  and  all 
other  your  best  means,  seek  to  help  and  relieve  her. 

"VII.  YouE  powder  you  shall  carefully  preserve  from  spoil  and  waste;  without 
which  we  cannot  undertake  any  great  service. 

"  VIII.  You  shall  give  order  that  your  ship  may  be  kept  clean  daily,  and  some- 
times washed ;  which  (with  God's  favour)  shall  preserve  from  sickness  and  avoid  many 
other  inconveniences. 

"  IX.  You  shall  give  order  and  especial  charge  that  your  top-masts  be  favoured,  and 
the  heads  of  your  masts,  and  that  you  have  care  not  to  bear  too  high  sail  when  your 
ships  go  by  the  wind,  and  especially  in  a  head-sea ;  for  the  spoil  of  our  masts  may 
greatl}'  hinder  us,  and  endanger  the  enterprises  which  otherwise  (with  God's  help)  we 
should  perform  with  safety. 

"  X.  All  such  as  are  in  ships  under  the  government "  [of  the  admiral  in  char ']  "  ge 
of  a  squadron,  shall,  as  near  as  in  them  lieth,  keep  with  it,  and  not  for  chase  of  other 
ships,  or  any  other  cause,  go  from  that  squadron,  but  by  the  command  of  the  admiral 
of  that  squadron ;  unless  any  of  the  two  Chief  Generals  shall  send  for  them,  or,  by 
message,  appoint  them  to  any  service,  or  that,  by  weather,  they  be  separated.  And 
then,  as  they  may,  they  shall  endeavour  to  repair  to  the  place  appointed  by  such 
instructions  as  shall  be  set  down.  And  if  there  be  any  sail  perceived  by  any  of  the 
ships  of  any  squadron,  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the  next  ship,  having  the  wind,  to  give 
chase,  the  ship  descried  being  to  the  windward;  and  the  like  of  any  that  shall  be 
nearest  to  bear  up,  if  the  sail  be  descried  to  the  leeward.-  But  because,  upon  every 
chase,  all  will  be  apt  to  follow  the  same,  and  so  be  led  away  upon  every  occasion  from 
the  Fleet,  it  shall  not  be  lawful  for  any  second  ship  to  follow  any  chase  (one  having 


'  There  is  a  hiatus.     These  words  are  conjecturally  supplied. 

2  This  permission  is  difficult  to  reconcile  with  the  first  clause  of  the  instruction. 
Apart  from  that,  it  is  wrongly  expressed.     But  the  meaning  is  clear. 


1596.]  INSTRUCTIONS  FOR    THE   CADIZ  FLEET.  431 

nnilertaken  the  saiiie),  unless  the  iidiniral  of  the  squadron  hang  out  two  flags,  one  over 
another.  If  it  be  necessary  that  three  do  follow,  then  shall  the  General,  or  admiral  of 
the  squadron  hang  out  three  flags,  oue  over  another,  which  shall  be  for  warrant  to  the 
next  and  fittest  to  follow  as  aforesaid.  But  if  the  admiral  bear  up,  and  come  upon  a 
wind  himself,  then  may  all  the  squadron  give  chase,  and  follow.  Which,  if  it  should 
seem  convenient  to  any  of  the  Lords  Generals  of  the  armj',  if  it  please  any  of  them  to 
hang  out  the  flag  of  coimcil,  the  same  may  be  a  warning  that  the  chase  is  misliked,  and 
.  that  then  all  give  over  and  keep  their  course. 

"XI.  Every  ship  shall,  towards  the  evening,  seek  to  come,  as  near  as  she  con- 
veniently may,  to  speak  with  the  admiral  of  the  squadron,  to  know  his  pleasure  and 
what  course  he  will  keep ;  and  that  the  admiral  of  a  squadron  do  bear  up,  or  stand 
upon  a  wind,  to  speak  with  us,  their  Generals,  if  he  conveniently  may.  The  rest  of  the 
squadrons  may,  notwithstanding,  keep  their  course  and  distance.  And  if  the  admiral 
of  the  squadron  cannot  recover  the  head  of  his  fleet  before  night,  the  rest  shall  then 
follow  the  light  of  the  vice-iidmiral  of  the  said  squadron. 

"XII.  That  every  squadron  keep  a  good  breadth  one  from  another,  and  that  the 
squadrons  do,  in  themselves,  keep  a  reasonable  breadth  one  from  another,  that  they  fall 
not  foul  one  of  another,  whereby  danger  may  grow ;  and  that  the  great  ships  have 
especial  regard  not  to  calm  the  smaller  ships.  And  if  any  of  these  smaller  ships  shall 
negligently  bring  themselves  in  danger  of  the  greater  ships,  the  Captains  and  Masters 
especially  shall  be  severely  punished.  And  further,  that  either  the  admiral,  or  rear- 
admiral  of  the  squadron  be  always  in  the  rearward  of  his  fleet. 

"XIII.  When  there  is  a  flag  of  council  of  the  red  cross'  out  in  either  one  of  the 
two  Generals'  ships,  half-mast  high  against  the  main  niiziien,-  then  the  Captains  and 
Masters  of  every  ship  shall  repair  on  board  that  ship  where  the  flag  is  so  hung  ovit. 
And  when  the  flag  of  arms^  shall  be  displayed,  then  shall  the  selecteil  Council*  only 
come  on  board. 

"  XIV.  If  your  ship  hapjien  to  spring  a  mast,  to  fall  into  a  leak,  or  such  mischance 
(which  God  forbid),  you  shall  shoot  off  a  piece  and  spring  a  loose.^  If  it  be  in  the 
night,  you  shall  shoot  off  two  pieces  and  bear  two  great  lights,  one  a  man's  height  and 
a  half  above  another. 

"  XV.  Every  Captain  and  Master  of  the  Fleet  shall  have  a  special  regard  that  no 
contention  be  foimd  betwixt  the  mariners  and  the  soldiers.  And  in  time  of  sickness  (if 
any  do  happen  amongst  you),  you  shall,  of  such  good  things  as  are  to  be  had  and  are 
needful  for  them,  distribute  unto  them  in  such  convenient  sort  as  you  may. 

"  XVI.°  If  you  happen  to  lose  conqiany,  your  token  shall  be  [.  .  .  .]  main-topsail 
twice,  if  it  be  foul  weather,  th  [.  .  .  .]  strike  your  main  mizzen  twice,  or  as  often  as  you 
list  [.  .  .  .J  nder  [....]  re  your  white  pennant  on  your  mizzen  yard.  And  if  you 
shall  be  of  the  company  of  us,  your  Generals,  you  shall  find  us  at  such  place  as  we  will 
give  you  instructions  for,  at  sea. 

"XVII.  If  in  chasing  of  any  ship  you  happen  to  fetch  her  up,  if  she  be  a  ship  in 
amity  with  her  Majesty,  you  shall  treat  her  well,  and  bring  her  to  us.  But  if  you  find 
her  to  be  an  enemy,  you  shall  make  no  siwil  of  the  goods  in  her,  but  shall  take  the 
captain  and  master  of  her  aboard  you,  and  put  into  her  some  sufficient  i)crsous  to  bring 


'  The  St.  George's  flag. 

^  Main  mizzen,  apparently  the  third  mast  of  a  four-masted  ship. 

'  I.e.,  with  the  Queen's  arms. 

*  The  Council  of  Five  Officers,  and  the  extra  mendiers,  if  any,  appointed  by  the 
Generals.     See  Chap.  xiv. 

"  Seventeenth-century  instructions  bade  the   disabled   sliip  haul   up   her    courses. 
"  Spring  a  loose  "  seems  to  mean,  "  let  fly." 

*  The  MS.  is  too  much  damaged  to  admit  of  this  instruction  being  intelli'nble. 


432  '  CIVIL   HISTORY,   1485-1608.  [1596. 

her  forthwith  unto  us,  your  Generals,  or  to  such  as  we  shall  assign,  that  order  may  be 
taken  what  shall  be  done  with  her. 

"  XA'III.  When  you  shall  be  appointed  to  give  chase,  and  that  you  shall  surprise 
any  enemy's  ship  that  shall  have  treasure  or  merchandise  of  value  in  her,  you  sliall 
take  great  care  that  those  commodities  in  her  be  preserved ;  in  respect  whereof,  and  for 
your  loyal  and  faithful  service  to  be  done  in  this  voyage,  her  Majesty's  favour,  bounty, 
and  pleasure  is  that  a  third  part  of  that  which  shall  be  taken  from  the  enemy,  so  it  be 
not  the  King's  treasure,  jewels,  or  a  carrack,  shall  be  employed  to  the  commodity  and  , 
benefit  of  the  whole  company,  over  and  above  his  ordinary  wages,  according  to  his 
desert. 

"  XIX.  No  Captain  or  Master  shall  suffer  any  spoil  to  be  made  aboard  any  ship  or 
bark  that  shall  be  taken  by  them  or  any  of  their  companies,  upon  pain  to  be  displaced 
of  their  offices,  or  some  great  punishment,  according  to  the  offence  given ;  because  the 
rest  of  the  company  have  interest  in  everything  that  shall  be  taken.  Therefore  the 
value  of  every  such  thing,  be  it  of  great  or  small  importance,  must  especially  be 
regarded  and  considered  of.  And  whatsoever  soldier  or  mariner  that  obeyeth  not 
acconlingly  shall  be  despoiled  of  that  which  he  hath  gotten,  and  his  person  extremely 
pmiished. 

"XX.  Whosoever  shall  enter  aboard  any  ship,  he  shall  give  accomit  of  those 
things  which  shall  be  wanting  and  taken  out  of  her ;  for  that  no  other  company  shall 
board  her,  rmless  there  shall  be  need  of  their  help. 

"  5X1.  If  we  happen  to  meet  with  any  great  fieet,  supposed  to  be  the  army  of  the 
King  of  Spain,  you  shall  endeavour  yourself  to  come  as  near  us.  Generals,  or  to  the 
admiral  of  your  squadron,  or,  in  our  absence,  to  the  vice-admiral,  or  rear-admiral  of 
the  Fleet  [as  possible],  to  know  what  you  shall  be  directed  unto,  as  you  will  answer  it 
upon  the  peril  of  your  lives. 

"XXII.  The  watch  shall  be  set  every  night  by  eight  of  the  clock,  either  by 
trumpet  or  drum,  and  singing  the  Lord's  Prayer,  some  of  the  Psalms  of  David,  or 
clearing  the  glass.  And  after  the  watch  is  set,  no  trumpet  or  drmn  shall  be  heard,  or 
any  piece  whatsoever  shall  be  shot  off,  without  such  great  cause  offered  as  is  before 
signified,  or  such  like. 

"XXIII.  Yotr  are  to  take  esjiecial  care  of  your  watch  by  night,  and  that  the 
soldiers  do  watch,  as  well  in  harbour  as  at  the  seas,  one-third  part  of  them  every  night, 
and  that  there  be  a  captain  of  the  watch  appointed,  who  shall  take  care  that  no  fire  or 
lisht  be  suffered,  but  only  such  candles  in  lanterns  as  are  allowed  to  the  quarter- 
masters, or  otherwise  upon  necessity:  and  that  in  harbour  a  certain  number  be 
appointed  to  keep  diligent  watch  in  the  forecastle  or  beak-head  of  your  ships,  for  fear  of 
cutting  of  cables,  which  is  a  practice  much  used  in  hot  coimtries. 

"  XXIV.  If  at  any  time  the  Generals  have  occasion  to  order  a  chase,  and  that  order 
be  given  to  any  other  ships  [.  .  .  .']  their  flags  until  their  return  imto  the  Fleet,  all  the 
[.  .  .  .^]  shall  follow  the  flag,  in  what  ship  soever  it  be  placed :  and  that  whatsoever 
ship  shall  be  nest,  the  same  shall  take  up  our,  your  General's,  boats,^  when  we  give 
chase,  or  the  boats  of  any  of  the  admirals  of  squadrons  or  others  whatsoever. 

"  XXV.  No  man,  upon  pain  of  death,  shall  presume  to  land  in  any  country  until 
his  return  into  England,  without  order  from  us,  your  Generals,  or  such  as  we  shall 
appoint  to  command. 

"XXVI.  No  person  shall  depart  out  of  the  ship  wherein  he  isjplaced  into  another, 
without  special  leave  of  his  Captain:   and   no  Captain   or  Master  shall   receive  any 


'  Possibly  insert,  "  to  take  them  on  board,  and  to  carry." 
^  Probably  insert,  "  other  ships." 

^  i.e.,  the  boats  in  which  the  Generals   had   proceeded  on   board  the  temporary 
flag-ships. 


iriOO.]  THE   CHEST  AT   CHATHAM.  433 

such  person  without  the  kni)\s'Ieil<!;e  of  us,  your|  Generals,  or  such  as  we  sliall 
appoint. 

"  XXVII.  In  fogs  (if  any  liappen),  when  yoiu-  sliips  are  becalmed,  you  shall  cause 
some  noise  to  be  made,  by  drum,  by  trumpet,  by  sliooting  off  a  musket  or  calliver  now 
and  then,  or  by  some  other  like  means,  tliat,  hearing  you  to  be  near,  every  one  may 
take  heed  lest  he  fall  foul  of  another. 

"XXVIII.  No  person  whatsoever  shall  dare  to  strike  any  Captain,  Lieutenant, 
Master,  or  other  officer,  upon  pain  of  death.  And,  furthermore,  whatsoever  he  be  that 
shall  strike  any  inferior  jiersou,  he  shall  receive  punislmient,  according  to  the  offence 
given,  he  it  l.\y  death  or  otherwise. 

"  XXIX.  There  shall  be  no  report  or  talk  raised  in  the  Fleet,  wlierein  any  officer 
or  gentleman  in  the  same  may  be  toiiclied  in  reputation;  or  matter  of  importance 
spoken,  without  his  author  sliali  be  severely  pimislied  as  an  evil  member  amongst  us." 

Up  to  the  twenty-third  year  of  Queen  Ehzabeth  there  was  no 
regular  provision  for  the  maintenance  of  seamen  disabled  in  the 
service  of  their  country.  In  that  year  an  Act  was  passed  to  assess 
every  parish  at  a  certain  weekly  sum  for  the  support  of  the  disabled 


GOLD   KIAL    OF    ELIZABETH. 
(From  liiulim/y  'Aniiah  of  the  Colnadf'') 


sailors  and  soldiers  belonging  to  the  county.  In  1.590,  thanks  to  the 
interest  displayed  in  the  matter  by  Nottingham,  Hawkyns  and 
Drake,  the  Chest  at  Chatham  was  established.  The  origin  of  the 
mutual  benevolent  fund  known  by  this  name  arose  out  of  the 
consideration  "  that  by  frequent  employment  by  sea  for  the  defence 
of  this  kingdom "...  divers  and  sundry,  "  masters,  mariners, 
shipwrights,  and  seafaring  men,  by  reason  of  hurts  and  maims 
received  in  the  service,  are  driven  into  great  poverty,  extremity  and 
want,  to  their  great  discouragement."  It  was  therefore  determined 
that  perpetual  relief  should  be  afforded  in  such  cases,  and,  in  order 
to  be  able  to  afford  it,  it  was  voluntarily  agreed  that  every  man  and 
Ijoy  in  the  navy  should  regularly  forfeit  to  the  fund  a  small 
proportion  of  his  monthly  wages,  such  contributions  to  be  from 
time  to  time  placed  "  in  a  strong  chest  with  five  locks,  to  that 
purpose   especially  provided."     The   chest,  which   is   of   iron,  still 

VOL.    I.  •  2    F 


434  CIVIL   HISTORY,    1485-1G03.  [H40. 

exists  in  Greenwich  Hospital,  where  it  was  placed  by  the  Admiralty 
in  1846.  The  fund,  which,  before  the  utilisation  of  banks,  and  the 
value  of  investments  became  properly  appreciated,  the  chest  con- 
tained, continued,  under  varying  regulations,  to  exist,  until  in  1803 
it  was  transferred  to  the  supervisors  and  directors  of  the  chest  at 
Greenwich,  and  practically  became  part  of  the  relief  funds  at 
Greenwich  Hospital.  Not  until  1829  did  the  stoppage  on  behalf  of 
it  of  sixpence  a  month  from  the  wages  of  every  seaman  of  the  Eoyal 
Navy  cease. 

Henry  VIII.  contributed  greatly  to  the  creation  and  development 
of  the  bases  and  arsenals  of  the  navy,  and  built  numerous  important 
works  of  defence  along  the  coast.  He  founded  Woolwich  Dockyard, 
and  much  improved  the  yards  at  Portsmouth  '  and  Deptford,  erecting 
at  the  latter  large  magazines  and  storehouses. 

The  fortification  of  Gravesend  and  Tilbury  was  his  work,  as  was 
also  the  building  of  the  castles  at  Walmer,  Deal,  Sandgate,  Sandown, 
Portland,  Hurst,  Cowes,  Camber,  Southsea,  Queenborough,  Pen- 
dennis,  and  St.  Mawes.     At  several  of  these  places  there  were  earlier 

'  "  The  land  here,  on  the  east  side  of  Portsmouth  Haven,  rimneth  further  by  a  great 
way  straight  into  the  sea,  by  south-east  from  tlie  haven  moutli,  than  it  doth  at  the 
west  point.     There  is,  at  this  point  of  the  haven,  Portsmouth  town,  and  a  great  round 
tower,  almost  double  in  quantity  and  strength  to  that  which  is  on  the  west  side  of  the 
haven,  right  against  it ;  and  here  is  a  mighty  chain  of  iron  to  draw  from  tower  to 
tower.     About  a  quarter  of  a  mile  above  this  tower  is  a  great  dock  for  ships,  and  in  this 
dock  lieth  part  of  the  ribs  of  the  Henri  Grace  a  Dieu,  one  of  the  biggest  ships  that 
have  been  made  in  hominum  memoria.     There  be  above  this  dock  creeks  in  this  part 
of  the  haven.     The  town  of  Portsmouth  is  fended  from  the  east  tower  .  .  .  with  a  mud 
wall  armed  with  timber,  whereon  are  great  pieces  both  of  iron  and  brass  ordnance ;  and 
this  piece  of  the  wall,  having  a  ditch  without  it,  runneth  so  far  flat  south-south-east, 
and  is  the  most  apt  to  defend  the  town  there  open  on  the  haven.     There  runneth  a 
ditch  almost  flat  east  for  a  space,  and  within  it  is  a  wall  of  mud  like  to  the  other,  and 
so  thence  [it]  goeth  roimd  about  the  town  to  the  circuit  of  a  mile.     There  is  a  gate  of 
timber  at  the  north-east  end  of  the  town ;  and  by  it  is  cast  up  a  hill  of  earth  ditched, 
wherein  are  guns  to  defend  entry  into  the  town   by  land.     There  is  much  vacant 
gi'ound  within  the  town  wall.     There  is  one  fair  street  in  the  town,  from  west  to  north- 
east.    I  learnt  in  the  town  that  the  towers  in  the  haven  mouth  were  begun  in  King 
Edward  the  Fourth's  time,  and  set  forward  in  building  by  Richard  the  Third.     King 
Henry  the  Seventh  ended   them   at   the   procuration  of  Fox,  Bishop  of  Winchester. 
King  Henry  the  Eighth,  at  his  first  wars  into  France,  erected  in  the  south  part  of  the 
town  three  great  brewing-liouses,  with  the  implements,  to  serve  his  ships  at  such  time 
as  they  should  go  to  the  sea  in  time  of  war.     One  Carpenter,  a  rich  man,  made  of  late 
time,  in  the  middle  of  the  High  Street  of  the  town,  a  Town  House.     The  town  is  bare, 
and  little  occupied  in  time  of  peace." — Leland,  '  Itinerary,'  iii.,  pp.  81,  82.     Leland  was 
on  his  journey  between  1536  and  1542  ;  so  that  this  description  of  Portsmouth  applies 
to  the  town  as  it  then  was.     The  allusion  to  the  ribs  of  the  Henri  Orace  a  Dieu  is 
obscure,  seeing  that  the  ship  was  in  existence  until  a  later  date. 


1450.] 


COAST  DEFENCES. 


435 


castles  or  towers,  but  Henry's  strongholds  were,  for  the  most  part, 
much  finer  coast  defences  than  had  previously  been  seen  in  England. 
The  sums  thus  spent  may  be  regarded  as  having  been  to  a  large 
extent  wasted ;  for,  even  in  those  days,  they  might  have  been  to 


CHART    OF   THAMES    MOUTH,    1580. 

{From  uri'jiinif  in  tiw  po^m'ssion  uf  Ihr  Marqni:ss  o/  Sniishurf/.    Capird  hti  pirtiii^xiini.) 

better  advantage  assigned  to  the  increase  of  the  fleet ;  but  in  an  age 
when  ships  were  much  more  at  the  mercy  of  the  winds  and  waves 
than  they  were  when  the  art  of  navigation  had  somewhat  further 
progressed,  it  would  perhaps  have  been  injudicious  of  the  govern- 

2  P  2 


436  CIVIL   BISTORT,   1485-1603.  [1496. 

ment  to  neglect  these  works  altogether.  At  one  crisis  during  his 
reign,  Henry  was  threatened  with  a  combination  between  France 
and  the  Empire  ;  and,  had  such  an  alliance  attacked  him  with  all 
its  resom-ces,  and  seized  the  most  favourable  occasion  for  doing  so, 
it  is  possible  that  the  coast  castles  might  have  proved  very  useful. 
Upnor  Castle  on  the  Medway,  and  works  at  Portland,  Hurst, 
Southsea,  Calshot,  and  elsewhere  were  built  under  Elizabeth,  who 
also  foimded  Chatham  Dockyard,'  on  the  site  of  the  modern  gun- 
wharf.  The  yard  was  transferred  to  its  present  situation  about  1622. 
Elizabeth,  too,  improved  the  defences  of  Plymouth.^  Scilly  was 
first  garrisoned,  and  St.  Mary's  Guernsey,  and  Jersey  were  fortified 
in  1593,  when  the  Treaty  of  Melun  was  concluded  with  France 
against  Spain. 

The  first  real  dry  dock  in  England  was  built  at  Portsmouth 
mider  Henry  VII.,  the  superintendent  of  the  work  being  Eobert 
Brygandine,  Clerk  of  the  Ships,  and  the  business  being  completed 
in  1496.  This  dock  was  of  wood  and  stone,  but  was  not  closed  by  a 
caisson,  or  a  dock  gate  on  hinges.  What  were  called  the  "  dock 
gates  "  were  two  walls  of  wood  or  stone,  one  within  the  other, 
which  overlapped  and  partiallj*  blocked  the  entrance.  A\Tien  a  ship, 
after  passing  between  these  walls,  had  been  berthed,  the  space 
between  the  two  walls  was  filled  with  earth,  etc.,  and  the  dock  then 
pumped  out.  Such,  at  least,  are  the  only  conclusions  to  be 
plausibly  drawn  from  contemporary  accounts  of  the  manner  in 
which  this  dock  was  utilised.^ 

Although,  as  has  been  said,  dockyards  were  estabHshed  or 
improved,  the  number  of  dry  docks  in  the  country  remained  very 

'  Camden  describes  Chatham  Dockyai'd  as  "  stored  for  the  finest  fleet  the  sun  ever 
beheld,  and  ready  at  a  minute's  warning,  built  lately  by  our  most  gracious  sovereign 
Elizabeth,  at  great  exijense,  for  the  security  of  her  subjects  and  the  terror  of  her 
enemies,  with  a  fort  on  the  shore  for  its  defence."  The  original  dockyard  became  the 
gun  wharf  in  the  reign  of  James  I.,  who  began  the  existing  j'ard  on  a  site  farther  to 
the  north.     This  was  enlarged  and  much  improved  imder  Charles  I. 

^  The  most  ancient  fort-  for  the  defence  of  Plymouth  was  built  in  the  reign  of 
Edward  III.  by  Edmund  Statford,  Bishoj]  of  Exeter,  and  is  described  by  Leland  as 
"  a  strong  castle  quadrate,  having  at  each  corner  a  great  round  tower."  This  fortress 
stood  on  the  south  of  the  town,  near  the  Barbican.  In  the  reign  of  Elizabsth, 
numerous  blockhouses  and  platforms  were  erected  on  different  points  of  the  shore  of 
the  harbour ;  and  several  of  them  were,  about  the  year  1592,  combined  into  a  fort, 
called  the  Fort  on  the  Hoe  Cliffs.  This  was  demolished  upon  tlie  building  of  the 
citadelju  1670-71. 

^  Cliapter  House,  bk.  vii.  y«/.s.bt//i,  jirinted  in  Ojipenheim's  '  Xav.  Accts.  and 
Inventories  of  Hen.  VII.' 


1546.]  NAVAL   REORGANISATION.  437 

small  until  after  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  centiuy.  From  a  letter 
addressed  to  the  Lord  High  Admiral  in  1588,  and  preserved  among 
Pepys'  'Miscellanies'  (viii.  198),  it  appears  that  there  were  then 
only  two  queen's  dry  docks  in  the  Thames,  one  at  Woolwich,  and 
the  other  probably  at  Deptford.  The  writers,  Sir  John  Hawkyns, 
WilHam  Wynter,  and  William  Folstoke,  proposed  "to  enlarge  that 
at  Woolwich  to  that  length  and  bigness  that  two  royal  ships  at  one 
time  might  be  brought  in  to  be  repaired  and  built  within  the 
same." 

Before  the  time  of  Henry  VIII.,  the  general  executive  govern- 
ment of  the  navy  and  some  of  the  various  other  functions  now 
discharged  by  the  Admiralty  were  for  a  long  period  in  the  hands  of 
the  Admirals-in-Chief,  no  matter  whether  they  happened  to  be 
called  at  the  moment  Admirals  of  the  North  and  of  the  West, 
and  held  divided  but  co-equal  authority,  or  whether  the  single  head 
was  Lord  High  Admiral.  The  civil  work  was  done  by  the  Clerk  of 
the  Ships,  and  occasionally  by  the  King's  Chancery.  But  the 
increasing  business  of  the  service  necessitated  the  erection  of  more 
elaborate  machineiy.  A  Lord  High  Admiral  continued  to  be 
appointed  as  before.  To  relieve  him,  however,  of  various  branches 
of  his  duty,  especially  in  his  administrative  work,  civil  officers, 
known  as  Commissioners,  were  appointed  in  April,  1.546,  to  attend 
to  victualling,  construction  and  repair  of  ships,  procm'ing  of  suitable 
ordnance,    etc.     These  civil  officers  constituted   the   Navy   Board. ^ 

'  The  Xavy  Board  was  established  b.y  patent  of  A]iril  24th,  1546.  The  officers 
then  appointed  were  a  Lieutenant  of  the  Admiralty  (whose  post  was  never  retilled 
after  the  deatlx  of  the  .second  occupiaut)  ;  a  Treasurer ;  a  Comptroller ;  a  Surveyor ;  a 
Master  of  the  Ordnance  of  the  Xavy  (whose  post  was  not  refilled  when  it  fell  vacant 
for  the  third  time,  in  1598) ;  and,  at  first,  a  couple  of  extra  officers.  In  1550,  a 
Surveyor  of  Victuals'  was  also  appointed.  The  sequence  of  officers  in  these  posts,  up  to 
the  end  of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  was  as  follows : — 

Lieutenant  of  the  Admiralty :  I   Comptroller  of  Ships: 

April  24,  154fi,  Sir  Thomas  C'lere.  I       April  24,  1546,  William  Broke. 

Dec.  IG,  1552,  Sir  William  Woodhouse.  Dec.  12,  1561,  William  Holstock. 

1589,  William  Borough. 
Treasurer  of  Marine  Cause, :  ^ec.  20,  1598,  Sir  Henry  Palmer. 

April  24,  1546,  Ilobert  Legge.  , ,  ,  „/  • 

',  ,      ^     .      .     ^  Surveyor  of  Ships : 

July  8,  lo4'J,  Benjamui  Gonson,  senr. 

Jan.  1,  1578,  John  Hawk.yns.  April  24,  1546,  Benjamin  Gonson,  senr. 

(In  abeyance  from  Xoc.  12,  1595.)  July  8,  1549,  William  Wynter. 

Dec.    22,    1598,    Fulke   Greville, '  Lord  July  11,  1589,  Sir  Henry  Palmer. 

Brooke  Dec.  20,  1598,  John  Trevor. 


438  CIVIL   HISTORY,   1485-1603.  [1566. 

To  assist  in  the  executive  business  of  the  Lord  High  Admiral,  the 
Admiralty  Office  or  Admiralty  Board  was  formed.  Fiall  regulations 
for  the  conduct  of  all  these  officials  do  not  seem  to  have  existed 
until  the  time  of  Edward  VI. ;  and,  indeed,  it  may  be  assumed 
that  no  department  of  such  great  importance  could,  at  the  mere  fiat 
of  an  individual,  leap  at  once  into  full  activity  and  usefulness.  The 
Commissioners  of  the  Navy  Office  met,  apparently  from  the  time  of 
their  first  appointment,  on  Tower  Hill,  in  a  building  which,  under 
Ehzabeth,  was  known  as  the  Queen's  Consultation  Eoom.  The 
Board  of  Admiralty,  in  the  earlier  days  of  its  existence,  had  no  fixed 
home,  and  met  sometimes  at  the  Lord  High  Admiral's  residence  and 
sometimes  even  afloat.^ 

At  the  instance  of  Sir  Thomas  Spert,^  Henry  VIII.  also,  in  1513, 
established  what  is  usually  known  as  Trinity  House,  but  is  properly 
entitled  "  The  Guild  of  the  Holy  and  Undividable  Trinity  and  Ht. 
Clement,  at  Deptford  Strond."  It  was  at  first  associated  to  some 
extent  with  the  navy,  part  of  its  duty  being  to  examine  into  the 
professional  qualifications  of  officers  and  petty  officers,  and  to  supply 
seamen  as  they  were  needed.  In  1566,  the  master,  wardens,  and 
assistants  of  the  Guild  were  empowered  to  set  up  beacons  and  sea- 
marks ;  and,  gradually,  lighting,  buoying,  and  pilotage  fell  more  and 
more  under  their  control,  until  their  original  connection  with  the 
navy  became  obscui'ed. 

Naval  punishments,  "according  to  the  custom  of  the  sea," 
which   was    extremely   barbarous,    were    much    the    saine    in    the 


Clerh  of  the  Ships :  Master  of  the  Ordnance  of  the  Savy : 

A     -1  o<    i-i/.   TT  1      1  TT      ,  ,.  I       April  24,  1546,  Sir  William  VVooilhouse. 
April  24,  lo46,  Eichard  Howlett.  -r,^     ,„',..'„,,  ,„.    „ 

Oct.  10,  lofaO,  George  \V  ynter.  „  '  _,.._     ,„.,,.        ,,.  ,    , 

■hf      1,01    i-uA  TiT-ii-       T3  u  ^O'^'-    '-)  l''»i,   William   \\  viiter  (who 

March  24,  l.>bO,  AVilliam  Borough.  j  ,    , ,  '         .J.    ^,  „  „ _■,„,•„  ,„„:, 


Xov.  6,  1588,  Benjamin  Gonson,  junr. 
1600,  Peter  Buck. 


held  it,  with  the  Surveyorship,  until 
his  death  in  1589,  when  the  office 
ceased  to  exist). 


Extra  Officers :  \  ^"'■''^^'"'  "-^  ^''=*""'^  •" 

June  28,  1550,  Edward  Baeshe. 

April  24,  1546,  William  Holstock.  June  30,  1587,  James  Quarles. 

April  24,  1546,  Thomas  Morlev.  Kot.  8,  1595,  Marmaduke  Darell. 

[A  continuation  of  these  lists  will  be  found  in  Chapter  X>'II.] 

'  It  may  still  meet  wherever  convenience  dictates. 

'  He  died  in  1541.  On  his  monument  in  St.  Dunstan's,  Stepney,  he  is  called 
"Comptroller  of  the  Navy,"  but  there  was  no  such  office  in  1541.  The  error  arises 
from  the  monument  being  of  a  much  later  ]ieriod.     He  was  ( 'lerk  of  the  Shi])s  in  1538. 


1583.]    ■  THE  SEAFARING   POPULATION.  439 

sixteenth  century  as  they  had  been  in  previous  ages ;  but  in  the 
account  of  Drake's  dealings  with  Thomas  Doughty,  in  1578,  and 
with  Captain  Wilhaiu  Borough,  and  the  other  mutinous  people 
in  the  Golden  Lion  in  1587,  we  have  indications  of  the  gradual 
evolution  of  the  court-martial,  and  of  a  more  just,  if  scarcely  less 
severe,  administration  of  marine  law.  Doughty,  charged  with  a 
plot  against  Drake's  life,  was  brought  before  a  body  of  officers,  who, 
hearing  him  confess  himself  guilty,  as  is  alleged,  unanimously 
signed  the  sentence  by  which  he  was  condemned  to  death. 
Borough,  convicted  before  "  a  general  coiu't  holden  for  the  service 
of  her  Majesty  aboard  the  Elizabeth  Bonaventure,"  was,  with  his 
abettors,  sentenced  in  contimiaciam,  "  to  abide  the  pains  of  death  " 
in  case  of  their  being  caught.  "If  not,  they  shall  remain  as  dead 
men  in  law."  ^ 

The  regular  seafaring  population  of  England,  as  distinct  from 
the  numerous  other  people  who  went  to  sea  upon  occasion,  was 
small  at  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  not  large  even 
in  the  early  days  of  Elizabeth.  In  1583,  a  census  of  the  maritime 
inhabitants  of  the  country,  Wales  being  excluded,  showed  that 
there  were  1484  masters,  11,515  mariners,  2299  fishermen,  and 
957  Thames  wherrymen,  or  in  all,  16,255  persons  who  were  in  some 
sort  accustomed  to  the  water. 

The  number  does  not  seem  to  be  proportionate  to  the  very  con- 
siderable sea-borne  trade  of  the  country  at  that  time.  Henry  VII. 
had  furthered  commerce,  and  at  the  same  time  benefited  himself, 
by  hiring  out  to  the  merchants  his  own  men-of-war,  when  they 
were  not  needed  for  the  service  of  the  State.  He  also  enacted 
navigation  Acts  in  his  first  and  fourth  years,  for  the  encourage- 
ment of  English  shipping.  Henry  VIII.  had  hired  out  many 
of  his  ships  of  war  ;  but  the  practice  had  fallen  into  disuse  about 
1534.  The  discoveries  of  Columbus,  Cabot,  and  the  Portuguese  had 
opened  fresh  markets.  The  trade  with  Iceland  had  received  great 
impetus,  owing  to  the  convention  of  1488,  whereby  Denmark  under- 
took not  to  interfere  with  it.  An  advantageous  commercial  treaty 
had  been  concluded  with  Castille.  Henry  VIII.  had  freed  the 
principal  rivers  of  England  from  weirs  and  obstructions  ;  suppressed 
illegal  tolls ;  improved  many  of  the  harbom-s,  including  Dover, 
where  he  built  a  new  pier ;  encouraged  commerce,  especially  with 
the  Levant,  where  he  appears  to  have  appointed  the  first  consul ; 
'  This  quanel  between  Drake  and  Borough  was  afterwards  peaceably  ])atclied  up. 


440  CIVIL   HISTORY,   1485-1603.  [1600. 

and  employed  his  diplomatic  agents  to  advance  the  interests  of  the 
merchants.  Under  Edward,  and  under  Mary,  the  Newfomidland 
trade  had  been  increased  and  freed  from  restrictions ;  English 
merchants  on  the  continent  had  been  signally  protected  and  en- 
couraged ;  the  African  trade  had  largely  grown ;  the  judicial 
privileges  of  the  merchants  of  the  Steelyard  had  been  withdrawn, 
and  their  other  privileges  curtailed ;  the  Eussia  Company  had 
been  established ;  and  there  had  been  enlarged  commercial  inter- 
course with  Spain. 

But  it  is  true  that  in  1583,  the  date  of  this  census,  the  stimu- 
lating atmosphere  of  the  Elizabethan  era  had  not  yet  j)roduced  its 
full  effect  upon  the  energies  of  the  country.  The  letters  patent  to 
the  Company  of  Traders  to  Barbary  were  not  granted  until  1585  ; 
and  the  origins  of  the  East  India  Company  date  only  from  1600. 

Elizabeth  seldom  neglected  an  opportunity  of  asserting  the 
dignity  of  her  country,  and  vindicating  the  interests  of  her  subjects, 
especially  where  trade  was  concerned.  Her  conduct  in  1597,  in  the 
matter  of  the  dispute  with  the  Hanse  Towns,  may  be  taken  as 
typical  of  her  general  attitude  in  such  cases.  Commercial  jealousy 
had  induced  the  Hanse  Towns  to  persuade  the  emperor  to  prohibit 
the  traffic  of  English  merchants  with  Germany.  Elizabeth  made 
remonstrances  to  the  emperor  and  the  electoral  princes,  and, 
obtaining  no  satisfaction,  adopted  prompt  retaliatory  measures. 
By  proclamation  she  ordained  that  upon  the  day  fixed  for  the 
English  traders  to  leave  Germany,  all  merchants  of  the  Hanse 
Towns  should  quit  England,  and  the  Lord  Mayor  should  seize  that 
locality  in  London  known  as  the  Steel  Yard,  which  the  merchants 
of  the  Hanse  Towns  had  been  privileged  to  occupy.  This  was  the 
deathblow  to  the  influence  of  the  Hanseatic  League  in  England. 
The  viltimate  effect  of  it  was  to  throw  into  English  hands  great  part 
of  that  Northern  European  trade  which  had  previously,  for  a  long 
period,  been  the  almost  exclusive  appanage  of  foreigners. 


(     441      ) 


CHAPTEE  XIV. 

MILITARY   HISTORY   OF   THE    NAVY,    1485-1603. 

Heni'V  VII. — The  Earl  of  Oxfurtl,  Lord  Admiral — Siiiiners  invatiion — 'Woodvilles 
expedition — Sir'Andrew  Wood — War  with  France — Expedition  against  Kavenstein 
— Siege  of  Boulogne — Peace  with  France — Warheck  in  Ireland  and  in  Scotland — 
His  invasion  of  England — Philip  of  Austria  in  England — Henry  VIII. — Co-opera- 
tion with  Spain  against  the  Moors,  and  with  Burgundy  against  Gelderland — Sir 
Andrew  Barton— The  Lord  Admiral's  whistle — Lord  Edward  Howard,  Lord 
Admiral — Action  with  the  French  off  Brest — A  French  account  of  it— Portzmoguer 
— Blockade  of  Brest — Proceedings  of  Echyngham — Actions  near  Brest- Death  of 
the  Lord  Admiral — Lord  Thomas  Howard,  Lord  Admiral— Pregeut's  raids — 
Howard's  revenge — The  Field  of  the  Cloth  of  Gold — Alliance  with  the  Emperor — 
Surrey,  admiral  of  the  combined  fleet— He  raids  the  French  coasts — A  Scots 
squadron  defeated — Peace  with  France — Pdchraond,  Lord  Admiral — Fitz  William, 
Lord  Admiral — Bedford,  Lord  Admiral— Lisle,  Lord  Admiral — War  with  France 
and  Scotland— Expedition  to  the  Forth — Boidogne  blockaded — Seymour's  cruise — 
"  Cajiitaine  Polain  " — D'Anncbaut — Attack  on  Portsmouth — Action  at  Spithead — 
Loss  of  the  Marii  Hose — Indecisive  action  in  the  Channel — Lisle  burns  Treport — 
Plague  in  the  tleet — Naval  skirmishes — Edward  VI. — Lord  Seymour  of  Sudely, 
Lord  Admiral — French  expeditions  to  Scotland — Capture  of  the  Lion — An  English 
fleet  in  the  Forth— Villegagnon— Seymour  defeated — Unofficial  war  with  France — 
Open  hostilities — Wynter  in  the  Channel  Islands — Clinton,  Lord  Admiral — Peace 
with  France — Piracies  in  the  Narrow  Seas — Exploit  of  the  Falcon — The  first 
voyage  to  Guinea — JIary  I. — Lord  Howard  of  Effingham,  Lord  Admiral — AVynter 
and  'J'hrogmorton — Philip  comes  to  England — He  is  obliged  to  salute  the  flag — 
Clinton,  Lord  Admiral — Loss  of  Calais — Clere  defeated  in  Orkney — The  tleet 
assists  Count  Egmont — Elizabeth — Peace  with  France — Renewal  of  the  war — 
Peace  with  Scotland — AN'ynter  in  the  Forth — Evacuation  of  Scotland  by  the 
French — The  Queen  and  the  continental  Protestants — Le  Havre  handed  over  to 
Elizabeth — Francis  Clarke — War  with  France — Evacuation  of  Le  Havre — Peace 
with  France — Detention  of  treasure — Spanish  irritation — Elizabeth  assists  La 
Eochelle — Gabriel  de  Montgomeri — Privateering — Holstock  and  the  pirates — 
Significance  of  the  struggle  with  Spain — Spanish  expedition  to  Munster — Lord 
Howard  of  Effingham,  Lord  Admiral — Elizabeth  assists  the  Low  Countries — The 
case  of  tlie  I'l-iiurom — The  case  of  the  Turkey  shi])s — War  with  Sjiain — The  first 
prize  of  the  war — Leicester  goes  to  Flushing — Ciuuberland's  first  voyage — Alliance 
with  Scotland — Drake  at  Cadiz — Capture  of  the  Sun  Frlipp — The  Spanish  Armada 
— Assistance  given  to  Don  Antonio  of  Portugal — Drake  and  Norreys  on  the  coast 
of  Portugal — Michelsou  to  Mexico — Hawkyn's  and  Frobiser's  expedition  to  Spain 
— Action  between  merchant  ships  and  Spanish  galleys — Ciuuberland's  fourth 
expedition — Lord  Thomas  Howard  to  the  Azores — Loss  of  the  Ttrrenijc — Fight  off 
Cape  Corrientes — Exploit  of  the  Ccntvrioii — Expedition  of  Frobiser  and  Biu'gh — 


442 


MILITABY  HISTORY,   l-i85-1603. 


[1485 


Cumberland'*!  filth  voyage — Cruises  of  Newport  and  King — White  and  the  quick- 
silver ships — Cumberland's  sixth  exjjedition — Frobiser  at  Brest — Death  of  Frobiser 
— Cumberland's  seventh  expedition — Last  expedition  of  Drake  and  Hawkyns — 
Cruise  of  Preston  and  Somers — Eighth  expedition  of  Cumberland — Expedition  to 
Cadiz — Cumberland's  ninth  expedition — Spanish  designs  on  Ireland — The  voyage 
to  the  islands — Fisliing  difBculties  with  the  French — Cumberland's  tenth  expedition 
— Rapid  moViilisation  of  a  fleet — Leveson  to  the  Azores — Attempted  Spanish 
descent  on  Ireland — Leveson  defeats  Siriaco — Parker's  privateering  cruise — Ex- 
peilitions  of  Gosuoll,  Mace,  and  Weymouth — Leveson  and  Jlonson  on  the  Spanish 
coast — Death  of  Elizabeth. 


TTENEY  VII.  loved  commerce,  and  was 
himself  a  great  trader;  he  was  a 
miser,  and  disliked  any  expenditure  which 
did  not  appear  to  him  to  be  absolutely 
necessary  ;  his  title  to  the  throne  was  bad, 
and  his  seat  upon  it  was  consequently  pre- 
carious ;  and  he  was  a  wise  man,  possessed 
of  marked  diplomatic  ability.  His  qualities 
moulded  his  policy.  His  reign  was,  upon 
the  whole,  pacific  ;  and,  although  he  invaded  France,  he  had  no 
insatiate  thirst  for  military  glory,  and  no  tyrannous  lust  of  conquest ; 
and  he  gladly  seized  the  first  opportunity  for  concluding  a  fairly 
honourable  peace.  His  only  other  important  foreign  expedition, 
that  for  the  repression  of  Bavenstein,  in  1492,  was  undertaken  in 
the  interests  of  commerce. 

Upon  his  accession,  he  appointed  John  de  Vere,  13th  Earl  of 
Oxford,  to  be  Lord  High  Admiral  from  September  '21st,  1485,  and 
this  officer  held  the  post  until  after  the  king's  death. 

It  was  Henry's  misfortune  that  the  fallen  House  of  York 
remained  for  many  years  popular  with  the  common  people  of  the 
comitry,  and  especially  of  Ireland,  and  that  the  lost  cause  still  had 
a  most  powerful  and  unscrupulous  supporter  in  the  person  of 
Margaret,  Duchess  of  Burgundy,  a  sister  of  Edward  IV.  Her 
court  became  the  natm-al  headquarters  of  all  conspirators  who 
sought  the  overthrow  of  the  House  of  Tudor. 

The  best  possible  claimant  among  the  Yorkist  princes  to  the 
crown  was  Edward  Plantagenet,  Earl  of  Warwick,  son  of  George, 
Duke  of  Clarence  and  nephew  of  Edward  IV. ;  but  Warwick  was  a 
prisoner  in  the  hands  of  Henry.  As,  therefore,  Warwick  was  not 
available  as  a  tool  for  the  malcontents,  a  false  Warwick  was  in- 
vented in  the  person  of  Lambert  Simnel,  a  baker's  son,  who  appears 
to   have  been  carefully  trained   for   his   part  by  Kichard  Simon,  a 


1488.]  LOUD    WOODVILLE'S   EXPEDITION.  443 

priest  in  the  confidence  of  the  Yorkist  leaders.  Lambert  was  re- 
cognised by  the  Earl  of  Kildare,  Lord  Deputy  of  Ireland,  by  John 
de  la  Pole,  Earl  of  Lincoln,  a  nephew  of  Edward  IV.,  and,  of 
course,  by  the  unscrupulous  Margaret  of  Burgundy ;  and  at  Dublin 
the  pretender  was  proclaimed  King  of  England,  as  Edward  VI.,  in 
May,  1487. 

Henry  replied  by  parading  the  real  AVarwick  through  the  streets 
of  London ;  but  this  measure  seems  to  have  had  little  or  no  effect 
upon  the  infatuated  people,  and  the  movement  continued.  It  may 
have  been  owing  to  Henry"s  parsimony  that  the  Narrow  Seas  were 
so  inefficiently  policed  as  to  allow  the  pretender  and  his  friends, 
accompanied  by  two  thousand  Germans,  under  Martin  Schwartz,  to 
land  in  Lancashire  ;  but  it  is  more  probable  that  the  king,  realising 
the  importance  of  capturing  his  impudent  rival,  deliberately  prefeiTed 
to  permit  him  to  invade  England.  Here  Simnel  gathered  few  fresh 
adherents,  except  a  small  body  of  men  under  Sir  Thomas  Broughton. 
He  determined  to  attack  Newark ;  but  Henry  judiciously  placed 
himself  between  the  rebels  and  that  town,  and  so,  on  June  16th, 
1487,  provoked  the  battle  of  Stoke,  where,  after  a  well-fought  action, 
Simnel  was  defeated  and  taken.  His  patron  Simon  was  imprisoned 
for  life.  Hardly  one  of  the  remaining  supporters  of  his  claims  who 
happened  to  be  present  escaped  with  his  life.  As  for  Simnel 
himself,  he  was  contemptuously  made  a  scullion  in  the  royal 
kitchen,  and  subsequently  promoted  to  be  a  falconer. 

Edward,  Lord  Woodville,  was  the  indirect  cause  of  the  hostilities 
with  France.  This  nobleman,  an  uncle  of  the  queen,  was  Governor 
of  the  Isle  of  Wight ;  and,  happening  to  be  in  sympathy  with  the 
Duchess  of  Brittany,  who  was  then  in  conflict  with  Charles  VIII. 
of  France,  he  took  advantage  of  his  position,  and,  in  spite  of  Henry's 
positive  orders  to  do  nothing  of  the  kind,  raised  four  hundred  men 
early  in  1488,  and  crossed  to  the  assistance  of  the  princess.^  He  and 
his  followers  were  cut  to  pieces  at  St.  Aubin,  on  July  28th,  and  the 
disaster,  though  perhaps  richly  merited,  gave  rise  to  so  much  public 
feeling  in  England,  that  Henry  felt  himself  obliged  to  send  to 
Brittany  eight  thousand  men  under  Lord  Brooke.  But  he  still  had 
some  kind  of  secret  arrangement  with  Charles,  and  possibly  no 
further  forces  would  have  been  dispatched,  had  not  Anne  of 
Brittany,  in  1491,  betrayed  her  English  friends  and  astonished 
Europe  by  marrying  her  whilom  enemy  Charles  VIII. 
'  'I'liis  expedition  is  iiienticmed  liv  Holinsherl. 


444  MILITARY  BISTORT,    1485-1603.  [1492. 

In  1490,  Scotland,  which,  owing  to  the  unworthy  machinations 
of  Henry  VII.  with  the  object  of  seizing  the  person  of  the  young 
king,  James  IV.,  had  no  cause  to  spare  England,  dealt  her  two 
small  but  stinging  blows  at  sea,  and  at  the  same  time  discovered 
that  she  possessed  at  least  one  exceptionally  able  naval  officer. 
This  was  Sir  Andrew  Wood,  of  Largs.  Upon  the  mm-der  of 
James  III.  he  had  declared,  against  the  Council,  for  that  monarch's 
son,  James  IV.,  and  he  served  the  new  king  bravely;  for  not  only 
did  he,  with  two  ships,  captui'e  five  English  vessels,'  but  also,  when 
three  more  were  sent  against  him  under  the  command  of  Stephen 
Bull,  he  took  them  likewise.  The  only  capture  from  the  Scots 
during  these  operations  seems  to  have  been  the  Margaret,  which 
was  added  to  the  navy.  James  IV.  established  the  first  efficient 
navy  ever  possessed  by  Scotland.  Towards  the  end  of  his  reign 
he  had  thirteen  men-of-war,  the  largest  of  which,  the  Michael, 
was,  in  her  day,  a  marvel  of  size.  And  in  Sir  Andrew  Wood,  and 
the  equally  famous  Andrew  Barton,  he  had  commanders  who,  \i\ 
a  very  short  period,  gave  the  young  Scots  navy  all  the  prestige 
it  needed.  Both  Wood,  and  Barton  whose  exploits  will  be  noted 
later,  were  somewhat  piratical  in  their  methods,  although  they  acted 
under  letters  of  marque ;  but  piracy — especially  on  land,  and  where 
cattle  was  concerned — was  a  recognised  and  characteristic  Scots 
institution  until  a  much  later  day.  It  must  also  be  remembered 
that  the  Scots  of  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  were,  in  most 
respects,  less  civilised  than  their  soiithern  neighbours. 

The  maiTiage  of  Anne  with  Charles  VIII.  gave  Brittany  to 
France,  and  was  midoubtedly  a  great  blow  at  English  prestige,  the 
more  so  seeing  that  she  had  been  previously  supposed  to  be  about 
to  marry  the  Archduke  Maximihan,  the  ally  of  Henry.  These  and 
other  considerations  determined  Henry  to  appear  to  fall  in  with  the 
obvious  desires  of  his  people  for  a  war  with  France ;  and  in  1491 
and  149'2  great  preparations  were  made  in  consequence.  But, 
privately,  the  king  had  no  wish  for  hostilities.  The  acts  of 
Woodville  had  forced  his  hand  in  1488 ;  the  excitement  of  his 
people  might  force  his  hand  again.  The  king,  however,  made  up 
his  mind  that  he  would  not  be  driven  so  long  as  he  could  stand 
still ;  and  that  if  he  should  be  driven,  he  would  do  his  latmost  to 
bring  the  war  to  a  speedy  conclusion.  In  the  meantime,  the 
patriotism    of    Pai-liament    and    the   enthusiasm    of    his    subjects 

'  Apparently  hired  craft. 


1492.]  UAVENSTEIN  AT  SLVIS.  445 

supplied  him  with  large  sums  of  money,  some  of  which  were 
expended  in  preparations,  but  still  more  of  which  remained  in 
the  coffers  of  the  tenacious  monarch,  much  to  his  personal 
advantage. 

An  occasion  soon  arose  for  pleasing  the  people  by  dealing  a 
bye-blow  at  France,  while,  at  the  same  time  benefiting  commerce, 
and  obliging  the  Archduke  Maximilian.  A  subject  of  the  latter, 
Philip  von  Kleve-Bavenstein,  was  in  rebellion  against  his  sovereign, 
and,  aided  by  citizens  of  Ghent  and  Bruges,  had  seized  the  town  of 
Sluis,  and  had  formed  a  piratical  stronghold  there.  It  is  siapposed 
that  he  was  in  receipt  of  some  countenance  from  France,  for  his 
master,  Maximilian,  was,  like  Henry,  on  unfriendly  terms  with 
Charles,  and  Philip  himself  subsequently  entered  the  French  service. 
Be  this  as  it  may,  it  is  certain  that  the  pirate  chief  had  done  much 
harm  to  Enghsh  trade  and  shipping  in  the  North  Sea,  and  that  for 
this  reason,  if  for  no  other,  Henry  was  glad  to  tender  his  help  to 
Maximilian  against  the  rebel.  A  squadron  of  twelve  ships  was  in 
consequence  fitted  out,  and  the  command  of  it  was  entrusted  to 
Sir  Edward  Poynings.' 

Sir  Edward  cruised  at  sea  for  a  few  days,  and  then  approached 
Sluis,  where  he  learnt  that  the  place  was  besieged  on  the  land  side 
by  the  Elector  of  Saxony.  He  therefore  blockaded  it  by  water,  and 
attacked  it  on  that  side.  Its  main  defences  consisted  of  two  towers 
or  castles,  which  were  connected  by  a  bridge  of  boats.  Poynings 
made  attempts  on  one  or  other  of  these  castles  every  day  for  twenty 
days  in  succession ;  but  failed  to  produce  any  impression,  and 
suffered  considerable  losses,  until  he  succeeded,  during  a  night 
assault,  in  burning  the  bridge  of  boats.  This  brought  about  the 
surrender  of  the  town  to  the  elector,  and  of  the  castles  to  the 
English.  In  the  course  of  the  siege,  a  brother  of  the  Lord  High 
Admiral,  the  Earl  of  Oxford,  lost  his  life. 

In  the  same  year  (1492),  on  October  2nd,  Henry  reached  Dover 
with  an  army  of  twenty-five  thousand  men  and  sixteen  hundred 
horses,  and  was  transported  to  Calais,  by  the  aid  of  a  large  fleet 
which  had  been  assembled  for  the  purpose.  About  October  19th, 
he  laid  siege  to  Boulogne ;  but  he  had  not  been  many  days  before 
the  town  ere  peace  with  France  was  in  principle  agreed  on.     Peace 

'  Second  son  of  Robert,  5th  and  last  Lord  Poynings  under  writ  of  11  Edw.  III. 
He  was  a  lifelong  friend  of  Henry  VII.  He  died  in  14  Hen.  VIII.  a  K.G.  One  of  his 
natural  sons,  'I'liomas,  was  created  Baron  Poynings  in  1545. 


44fi  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1485-1603.  [1496. 

was,  in  fact,  signed  at  Etaples  on  November  3rd  ; '  and  on  Decem- 
ber 17tb,  tbe  king  retui-ned  to  London.  The  chief  article  in  the 
stipulations  was  the  payment  to  Henry  of  the  sum  of  £149,000. 
Another  was  that  the  person  calling  himself  Eichard,  Duke  of  York, 
should  receive  no  more  shelter  and  assistance  in  France. 

This  person  was  in  reality  one  Perkin  Warbeck,  or  Osbeck, 
supposed  to  be  the  son  of  a  Jew  of  Tournay,  but  by  a  few  believed 
to  be  a  natural  son  of  Edward  IV.  He  claimed  to  be  the  Prince 
Bichard  whom  Eichard  HI.  is  generally  charged  with  having 
caused  to  be  murdered  in  the  Tower ;  and  in  149'2  he  appeared  as 
such  in  Cork,  and  was  so  well  received  there  that  Charles  VIII.  of 
France  invited  him  to  Paris.  He  had  previously  been  recognised 
by  the  unscrupulous  Margaret  of  Burgundy.  But,  as  has  been  seen, 
the  Treaty  of  Etaples  drove  him  out  of  France ;  and  he  went  to 
his  patroness  Margaret.  His  presence  in  Flanders  encouraged  a 
dangerous  conspiracy  in  England ;  but  Henry  was  ruthless  in 
searching  it  out  and  stifling  it;  and  when,  on  July  7th, '1495,  the 
pretender,  furnished  by  the  duchess  with  a  few  ships  and  troops, 
landed  some  men  near  Sandwich,  the  intruders  were  at  once 
captured  by  the  country  people.  This  miserable  attempt  led  to  the 
hanging  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  persons. 

Warbeck  returned  to  his  patroness  in  Flanders ;  but  the 
conclusion  in  February,  1496,  of  the  treaty  known  as  "  The  Great 
Intercourse,"  between  England  and  Burgundy,  proved  that  com- 
mercial advantages  were  stronger  and  weightier  than  dynastic 
considerations.  The  treaty  stipulated  for  his  expulsion ;  and  the 
pretender  went,  first  to  Ireland,  and  then  to  Scotland.  James  IV. 
welcomed  him  as  the  lawful  King  of  England,  and  gave  him  in 
marriage  Lady  Katherine  Gordon,  a  member  of  the  Scots  royal 
house.  Twice  Warbeck  attempted  an  invasion  from  the  north. 
By  July,  1497,"  James  had  gi'own  tired,  if  not  suspicious,  of  him ; 
and  Warbeck,  escorted  from  Scots  waters  by  the  celebrated  Andrew 

'  '  Foedera,'  xii.  497. 

^  At  about  that  time  there  was  in  Scots  waters  a  considerable  English  force  under 
Eobert,  Lord  Willoughby  de  Broke,  including,  besides  the  king's  ships  Regent,  Mary 
Fortune,  and  Siueepstahe,  the  hired  vessels,  Anthony,  of  Saltash,  Henry,  of  Bristol, 
Mary  Bird,  of  Bristol,  Mary  Tower,  of  Bristol,  Andrew,  of  Plymouth,  Miehael,  of 
Dartmouth,  and  a  bark  of  Penzance  (Augm.  Off.  bk.  316),  as  well  as,  possibly,  the 
Margaret  Bull,  Hermitage,  Ellen,  of  Calais,  Christoplier,  of  Calais,  Mary  Hastings, 
Peter,  Anne,  of  Maiden,  John,  of  Hampton,  Gregory  Ismay,  John  Castelyn,  and 
niunerous  transiwrts.  '  Nav.  Accts.  and  Invts.,'  1485-88  and  1495-97,  p]i.  xlv., 
84-102,  341-343. 


1497.]  sephession  of  piracy.  447 

Barton,  again  became  a  fugitive.  He  was  leading  a  precarious 
existence  in  Ireland,  when  he  was  invited  by  some  malcontents  of 
Cornwall  and  Devonshire  to  join  them.  On  September  '27th,  1497, 
he  accordingly  arrived  in  Whitsand  Bay,  near  Penzance,  with  four 
small  vessels,  and  landed  with  a  few  followers.  He  took  St. 
Michael's  Mount,  gathered  as  many  as  three  thousand  men,  and 
laid  siege  to  Exeter ;  but  on  the  approach  of  Giles,  Lord  Daubeney,' 
with  the  royal  forces,  he  fled  to  Taunton,  and  subsequently  to 
Beaulieu  Abbey  in  Hampshire,  where,  on  October  Sth,  he  sur- 
rendered himself.  His  life  was  spared,  and  he  was  generously 
treated,  until  repeated  attempts  to  escape,  and  participation  in  a 
plot  with  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  led  to  his  execution  in  1499. 

During  the  earlier  years  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.  there  were 
fewer  examples  than  might  have  been  expected  of  piracy  and 
unofficial  warfare  in  the  Narrow  Seas ;  and  in  1497,  the  year  of 
Warbeck's  surrender,  England  and  France  came  to  an  agree- 
ment which  had  the  effect  of  rendering  such  proceedings  less 
common  than  ever,  especially  in  time  of  nominal  peace  between 
the  two  countries.  A  treaty  was  signed,  in  pursuance  of  which 
shipowners  were  required,  ere  sending  their  vessels  to  sea,  to  furnish 
good  and  efficient  bail  that  they  would  obsevre  the  peace.     . 

In  the  year  1500,  the  plague  then  raging  in  London,  the  king 
and  his  family  went  to  Calais,  arriving  there  on  May  8th,  and 
returning  about  the  end  of  June.  Thereafter,  until  the  death  of 
Henry,  there  were  few  events  which,  by  any  stretch  of  the 
imagination,  can  be  associated  with  naval  affairs.  The  voyages  and 
explorations  undertaken  during  the  reign  are  separately  dealt  with 
elsewhere  ;  and  it  only  remains  to  note  that  when,  in  150(3,  Philip 
of  Austria,  who  had  succeeded  to  the  kingdom  of  Castille,  and  who 
was  on  the  way,  with  his  queen,  from  the  Netherlands  to  Spain, 
was  driven  by  bad  weather  into  Weymouth,  and,  contrary  to  the 
advice  of  his  suite,  ventured  ashore,  he  was  speciously  detained  by 
Henry,  under  various  polite  pretexts,  until  he  had  consented  to  a 
renewal,  very  advantageous  for  England,  of  the  treaty  of  commerce 
between  the  two  countries,^  and  had  engaged  to  deliver  up  Edmund 
de  la  Pole,  Duke  of  Suffolk,^  who  had  fled  the  kingdom,  and  who, 
being  a  nephew  of  Edward  IV.,  was  a  possible  thorn  in   Henry's 

'  Sixth  Baron  Daubeney.     He  lUeil  a  K.G.  in  1507. 

2  'Ftrdera,'  xiii.  ]42. 

^  Stowe,  484;  Holinsliecl,  ii.  703;  Bacon's  'Hist.  Hemy  VI[.'  ii.  350. 


448  MILITARY  BISTORT,   1485-1603.  [1511. 

side.  The  clnke,  on  his  surrender,  was  sent  to  the  Tower.  The 
king  died  at  Eichmond  on  April  22nd,  1509. 

Henry  VIII.  came  to  the  throne,  a  handsome  and  accomphshed 
young  man,  in  his  eighteenth  year.  He  was  as  able  as  his  father, 
but  in  eveiy  other  respect  utterly  unlike  him.  Generous,  genial, 
and  fond  of  amusement  and  display,  he  was  also  intensely  ambitious  ; 
and,  as  his  treasmy  was  full,  and  the  state  of  Europe  was  troubled, 
he  was  able  to  indulge  his  inclinations. 

In  the  second  year  of  his  reign  he  joined  Ferdinand  of  Spain  and 
Maximilian  of  Germany  in  the  Holy  League  against  Louis  XII. 
of  France ;  and,  about  the  middle  of  May,  dispatched  a  body  of  a 
thousand  archers  imder  Thomas,  Lord  d'Arcy,  to  co-operate  with 
Ferdinand  against  the  Moors.  The  expedition  left  Plymouth, 
escorted  by  four  men-of-war,  and  landed  at  Cadiz  on  June  1st. 
Its  mere  appearance  was  sufficient  to  secm:e  the  objects  for  which 
it  had  been  demanded.  The  Moors  made  terms  with  the  king,  and 
the  Enghsh,  dismissed  with  presents,  retiorned,  without  fighting, 
about  August.^ 

In  July  of  the  same  year,  another  force  of  fifteen  hundred 
men,  under  Sir  Edward  Poynings,  was  sent  into  Flanders  to 
assist  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  against  the  Duke  of  Gelderland. 
After  effecting  the  desired  ends,  it  returned  with  small  loss  and 
much  honour.^ 

But  by  far  the  most  important  naval  event  of  1.511  was 
the  action  off  the  Goodwin  with  the  famous  Scotsman,  Andrew 
Barton.  Barton  had  obtained  from  his  sovereign  letters  of  marque 
and  reprisals  against  the  Portuguese,  who  were  alleged  to  have 
killed  his  father,  and  seized  his  father's  ship,  and  who  had  afforded 
no  satisfaction  for  the  outrage.  Barton  had  thereupon  equipped 
two  vessels,  the  Lion,  carrying  thirty-six,  and  the  Jennet  Per  ivy  ?i, 
a  "pinnace"  or  tender,  carrying  thirty  gmis,  if  we  may  trust  the 
popular  Ehzabethan  ballad  on  the  subject.^  The  one  seems  to  have 
had  upwards  of  three  hundred,  and  the  other,  one  hundred  and 
eighty  men  on  board.  But,  under  pretext  of  cruising  against  the 
Portuguese,  Barton  seized  and  plundered  many  neutral  vessels, 
including  English  ones,  under  the   pretence  that  they  had  Portu- 

-■  '  Holinshed,  ii.  802 ;  Hall,  11. 

^  Grafton,  tl58 ;  Cooper,  274 ;  Stowe,  488. 

^  Their  gun  strength,  unless  tlie  guns  were  extremely  small,  must  be  greatly 
exaggerated  in  the  ballad,  for  the  tonnage  of  the  vessels  was  but  120  and  TO  respectively. 


1511.]  ANDllEW  BARTON.  449 

guese  goods  on  board ; '  and  complaints  on  the  subject  were  made 
to  Henry  VIII.-' 

To  Lords  Thomas  and  Edward  Howard,  the  two  sons  of 
Thomas,  Earl  of  Surrey,  and  subsequently  second  Uuke  of  Norfolk, 
was  apparently  entrusted  the  duty  of  dealing  with  this  piratical 
adventurer.  According  to  the  generally  received  account,  they  were 
assigned  by  the  king  two  ships  for  the  piu-pose ;  but  CoUiber,''  though 
he  does  not  say  on  what  authority,  states  that  these  young  noblemen 
fitted  out  two  vessels  at  their  own  charges. "*  Lord  Edward  Howard, 
the  younger  of  the  two  brothers,  had  been  knighted  for  his  bravery 
in  the  expedition  against  Kleve-Eavenstein,  and,  perhaps  on  account 
of  the  experience  thus  gained,  was  appointed  senior  officer. 

The  brothers  fell  in  with  Barton  off  the  Goodwin,  brought  him  to 
action,  and,  after  a  determined  struggle,  killed  him,  and  captured  his 
vessels.^  The  ballad  has  it  that  they  sunk  the  pinnace  with  all  on 
board,  and  took  only  the  Lion ;  but  the  fact  is  that  both  vessels 
were  added  to  the  English  navy. 

The  ballad  mentions  Barton's  use  of  a  whistle,  probably  to  direct 
his  men ;  and  adds  that  Lord  Edward  Howard,  or  Sir  Edward,  as 
he  is  commonly  called,  received  as  part  of  his  reward  Sir  Andrew's 
jewel  and  chain.  Soon  afterwards,  on  August  15th,  1512,  Lord 
Edward  •"  was  made  Lord  High  Admiral.'  The  account  of  his  death, 
presently  to  be  given,  shows  that  as  badge  of  his  rank  he  wore  a 
gold  whistle,  besides  a  chain  of  gold  nobles  about  his  neck ;  and  it 
may  well  be  that  this  whistle  was  the  one  which  had  been  taken 
from  Barton,  and  that  the  practice,  long  continued  by  Lord  High 
Admirals,  of  wearing  a  whistle  as  their  ensign  of  office,  com- 
memorated the  defeat  and  death  of  the  noted  Scots  seaman. 

I  Hall,  f.  15  ;  Buchanan,  xiii.  424,  425  ;  Leslie,  '  De  Reb.  Gest.  Scot.'  viii.  355. 

^  Surrey,  on  hearing  the  complaints,  remarked  that  "  The  Narrow  Seas  should  not 
he  so  infested  while  he  had  estate  enough  to  furnish  a  ship,  or  a  son  capable  of  com- 
manding it."     Lloyd's  '  State  Worthies,'  143. 

^  '  Columna  Kostrata,'  49. 

*  Surrey's  words  quoted  in  the  note  above  seem  to  indicate  that  he  fitted  out  tlie 
vessels. 

^  Stowe,  489,  says  that  the  Lion  struck  to  Lord  Thomas.  Herbert's  'Life  of 
Henry  VIIL'  7,  says  that  both  ships  were  brought  into  the  Thames  on  August  2nd, 
1511. 

"  Lord  Edward  Howard,  second  son  of  the  nid;e  of  Xorfolk.  He  had  served  with 
Sir  Edward  Poynings  in  the  expediticju  against  Sluis  in  1492.  Henry  VIIL  made  him 
his  standard-bearer  (Pat.  1  Hen.  VIII.  p.  1,  m.  24).  He  fell  in  action,  as  will  be  seen. 
He  had  married  Alice,  daughter  of  William  Lovel,  Lord  Morlev. 

'  Pat.  4  Hen.  VIII.  p.  2. 

VOL.    I.  2   G 


450  MILITARY  BISTORT,   1485-1G03.  [1512. 

The  Barton  affair  caused  much  ill  blood  between  Scotland  and 
England,  and  ultimately  served  as  one  of  the  pretexts  for  the 
invasion  which  ended  at  Flodden  Field  on  September  9th,  1513. 
Henry's  attitude,  when  James  IV.  remonstrated,  was  "that  pmiishing 
pirates  was  never  held  a  breach  of  peace  among  princes."  ' 

In  151'2,  in  furtherance  of  the  objects  of  the  Holy  League, 
Henry  VIII.  fitted  out  a  fleet  of  twenty  vessels,  and  entrusted  it  to 
the  command  of  Lord  Edward  Howard,  whom  he  had  made  Lord 
High  Admiral  for  the  purpose.^  The  immediate  mission  of  this 
force  was  to  convoy  an  English  army,  under  the  Marquis  of  Dorset, 
to  co-operate  with  King  Ferdinand  in  the  south  of  France.  The 
troops  were  carried  in  Spanish  ships ;  and  the  expedition  sailed 
on  May  16th,  and  reached  the  coast  of  Guipuscoa  on  June  8th.  ^ 

As  soon  as  the  army  had  been  landed,  the  Lord  High  Admiral 
proceeded  on  a  cruise  off  the  coasts  of  Brittany,  where  he  attacked 
several  places  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Le  Conquet  and  Brest,  and 
burnt  some  shipping. 

France  had  afloat  in  the  same  waters  a  force  under  Jean  de 
Thenouenel,  Admiral  of  Brittany ;  another  of  her  admirals,  Pregent 
de  Bidoux,  was  on  his  way  from  the  Mediterranean  with  a  re- 
inforcement of  four  large  galleys ;  and  a  French  ship  of  great 
force,  the  Marie  la  CordeUere,^  which  Anne,  Queen  of  France,  had 
some  years  before  caused  to  be  built  at  her  own  cost,  had  lately  been 
commissioned  by  a  noted  Breton  seaman,  Captain  Herve  de  Portz- 
moguer ;  ^  and  King  Henry,  .conscious  that  Howard's  command  was 
•scarcely  equal  to  contending  with  such  a  combination,  collected 
twenty-five  other  vessels  at  Portsmouth,  and,  after  having  himself 
reviewed  them,  dispatched  them  to  the  assistance  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief." Among  these  ships  were  the  Begent  and  the 
Sovereign,  the  two  finest  in  the  service.  The  former  was  com- 
manded by  Sir  Thomas  Knyvett,'  Master  of  the  Horse,  with 
Sir   John    Carew   as   his   second ;    and   the   latter   by    Sir    Charles 

'  Hall,  f.  15i  ;  Dmmmond,  '  Hist,  of  Five  .Jameses,"  130. 

^  Pat.  4  Hen.  VIII.  p.  2. 

'  Hall,  17 ;  Hist,  du  Roy.  de  Navarre  (Cliappuy),  G20. 

*  Said  to  have  carried  1200  men. 

■"'  Tlie  name  was  amusingly  Anglicised  as  "  Sir  Pier.s  Morgan." 

«  Holiushed,  ii.  815  ;  Hall,  21.  " 

'  Sir  Tliomas  Knyvett,  of  Buckenham,  had  been  made  a  K.G.  in  1509,  on  the 
occasion  of  Henry's  coronation.  He  married  Muriel,  daughter  of  Tliomas,  Duke  of 
Norfolk,  and  widow  of  John  Grey,  Lord  Lisle. 


w 

►J 


1512.]  BATTLE    OFF  BREST.  451 

Brandon/  with  Sir  Henry  Guildford.^  In  each  case  hoth  officers 
were  called  captain ;  so  that  in  the  arrangement  we  may  distinguish 
a  foreshadowing  of  the  modern  practice  of  appointing  a  commander 
as  well  as  a  captain  to  a  large  man-of-war.  Other  captains  in  the 
fleet  were  Sir  Anthony  Oiightred,  Sir  Edward  Echyngham,  and 
William  Sydney.'' 

Howard,  with  his  reinforced  fleet,  made  the  mouth  of  Camaret 
Bay  on  August  10th,  just  as  the  French  fleet  of  thirty-nine  sail  was 
coming  out.  Grafton,  his  spelling  modernised,  shall  continue  the 
story. 

"  When  the  Englishmen,"  he  says,  "  perceived  the  French  navy  to  be  out  of  Brest 
Haven,  then  the  Lord  Admiral  was  very  joyous ;  then  every  man  pi'epared  according 
to  his  duty,  the  arcliers  to  shoot,  the  gunners  to  loose,  the  men  of  arms  to  fight.  The 
pages  went  to  the  topcastle  with  darts.  Thus,  all  things  being  provided  and  set  in 
order,  the  Englishmen  approached  towards  the  Frenclimen,  which  came  fiercely 
forward,  some  leavhig  his  anchor,  some  with  his  foresail  onlj-,  to  take  the  most 
advantage ;  and  when  they  were  in  sight,  they  shot  ordnance  so  terribly  together  that 
all  the  sea  coast  sounded  of  it.  The  Lord  Admiral  made  with  the  great  ship  of 
Dieppe,  and  chased  her  still.  Sir  Henry  Guildford  and  Sir  Charles  Brandon,  being  in 
the  Sovereign,  made  with  the  great  carrack  of  Brest"  {Marie  la  Cordeliire')  "and  lay 
stem  to  stem  with  the  carrack;  but  by  negligence  of  the  master,  or  else  by  smoke  of 
the  ordnance,  or  otherwise,  the  Sovereign  was  cast  at  the  stern  of  the  carrack,  with 
which  advantage  the  Frenchmen  shouted  for  joy;  but  when  Sir  Thomas  Knyvett, 
which  was  ready  to  have  boarded  the  great  ship  of  Dieppe,  saw  that  the  Sovereign  had 
missed  the  carrack  which  Sir  Henry  Oughtred  chased  hard  at  the  stern  and  bowged  " 
(rannned)  "her  in  divers  places,  and  set  afire  her  powder  as  s(]nie  say,  suddeulj'  the 
JiegeiU  grappled  with  her  along  board ;  and  when  they  of  the  carrack  iierceived  that 
they  could  not  depart,  they  let  slip  an  anchor,  and  so  with  the  stream  the  ships  turned, 
an<l  the  carrack  was  on  the  weather  side,  and  the  Itegent  on  the  lee  side.  The  fight 
was  very  cruel,  for  the  archers  of  the  English  part,  and  the  crossbows  of  the  French 
part,  did  their  uttermost ;  but,  for  all  that,  the  Englishmen  entered  the  carrack,  which 
seeing,  a  varlet  gunner,  being  desperate,  put  Are  in  the  gunpowder,  as  others  say,  and 
set  the  whole  ship  of  fire,  the  flame  whereof  set  fire  in  the  Regent;  and  so  these  two 
noble  ships,  which  were  so  grappleil  together  that  they  could  not  part,  were  consumed 
by  fire.  The  French  navy,  perceiving  this,  fled  in  all  haste,  some  to  Brest,  and  some 
to  the  isles  adjoining.  The  English,  in  manner  dismayed,  sent  out  boats  to  help  them 
in  the  Regent;  but  the  fire  was  so  great  that  no  man  dared  approach;  saving  that,  by 
the  James,  of  Hull,  were  certain  Frenchmen  that  could  swim  saved.  This  burning  of 
the  carrack  was  happy  for  the  French  navy,  or  else  they  had  been  better  assailed  of 
the  Englishmen,  which  were  so  amazed  with  this  chance  that  they  followed  them  not. 
The  captain  nf  this  carrack  was  Sir  Piers  Morgan,  and  with  him  nine  hundred  men 


'  Created  Viscount  Lisle  in  1513,  and  Duke  of  Suffolk  in  151L  He  w.as  .also  a 
K.G.     Ho  died  in  1545. 

^  Sou  of  Sir  Richard  Guildford,  of  Hemsted,  who  had  been  Master  of  the  Ordnance 
under  Henry  VII.     Sir  Henry  died  a  K.G.,  2?>  Henry  VIII. 

'  Sydney,  who  was  knighted  at  about  this  time,  became  cliamberlain  and  steward 
to  Henry  VIII ,  and  died  at  the  end  cf  the  reign  of  Edward  VI. 

2   G   2 


452  MILITARY  HISTORY,   U85-1603.  [1512. 

slain  and  dead.  And  with  Sir  Thomas  Knyvett  and  Sir  John  Carew,  seven  hundred 
men  drowned  and  burnt ;  and  that  night  all  the  Englishmen  laj'  in  Bartram " 
(Bertheaunie)  "  Bay,  for  the  French  fleet  was  dispersed  as  you  have  heard." 

Such  was  the  EngHsh  account.  As  might  be  expected,  the 
French  accounts  bore  a  somewhat  different  complexion ;  and  it  is 
perhaps  but  fair  to  append  Monsieur  Guerin's  summary  of  them, 
although  it  must  be  premised  that  he  attributes  the  battle  to  a 
wrong  year,^  that  in  some  other  particulars,  his  story  is  demon- 
strably incorrect,  and  that  the  entire  description  is  obviously 
rather  picturesque  than  historical  in  its  mode  of  expression. 

"  The  English  fleet,"  he  says,  "  appeared  on  August  10th  off  Saint  Mahe  or  Saint 
Mathieu,  at  the  extremity  of  the  peninsula  of  Brittany.  The  French  fleet,  wliich  was 
chiefl)'  composed  of  JSTorman  and  Breton  vessels,  was  inferior  in  number  by  one-half, 
and,  moreovei-,  believing  the  enemy  to  be  well  occupied  in  Picardy,  Avas  taken 
vmawares.  Tlie  presence  of  mind  of  the  leaders  compensated  for  the  awkwardness  of 
the  moment;  their  courage  and  that  of  their  men  took  the  place  of  numbers.  The 
Preach  fleet,  which  Pregent  de  Bidoux  had  hiu'ried  to  join  with  his  galleys,-  was 
careful  to  retain  the  advantage  of  the  wind,  and  it  paid  its  attention  sole)}'  to  boarding, 
smashing  or  sinking  about  half  the  enemy's  vessels.  In  the  midst  of  this  general 
French  attack,  there  was  to  be  noted  above  all  others  a  large  and  beautiful  carrack, 
decorated  superbly,  and  as  daintily  as  a  queen.  She,  of  herself,  had  already  sunk 
almost  as  many  hostile  vessels  as  all  the  rest  uf  the  fleet ;  and  now  she  found  herself 
surrounded  by  twelve  of  the  principal  English  ships,  wliich  had  combined  all  their 
efforts  against  her.  She  was  the  Marie  la  Cordeliire,  which  Anne  of  Brittany,  Queen 
of  France,  had  caused  to  be  built  at  great  cost  at  Morlaix,  and  the  command  of  which 
she  had  entrusted  to  the  gallant  Portzmoguer,  the  worthiest  Breton  captain  of  his  da}'. 
The  Cordeliire,  alone  among  so  many  foes,  struggled  with  a  courage  whicli  was 
almost  miraculous.  Of  the  twelve  vessels  surrounding  her,  she  put  several  out  of 
action  and  drove  off  some  more.  A  large  English  ship,  commanded  by  Sir  Charles 
Brandon,  had  been  completely  dismasted  by  the  gun-fire  of  the  Cordeliire,  whose 
triumph  was  on  the  point  of  being  assured,  when,  from  the  top  of  a  hostile  vessel, 
tliere  was  flung  into  her  a  mass  of  firewoiks,  the  flame  from  which  instantly  took  hold 
of  her.  Some  of  the  soldiers  and  seamen  were  able  to  save  themselves  in  boats,  Init 
Captain  Portzmoguer,  after  having  given  every  one  the  option  of  relinquisliing  a  fight 
which  now  seemed  hopeless,  declined,  in  spite  of  the  entreaties  of  his  people,  to  avail 
himself  of  the  chance,  open  to  him  also,  of  saving  his  life.  His  life  was  entirely  bound 
np  with  the  existence  of  the  vessel  which  had  been  so  specially  entrusted  to  him  by 
the  queen ;  the  one  was  to  end  with  the  other.  Suddenly  the  Cordeliire  sighted  the 
Regent,  of  1000  tons,  in  which  Thomas  Knyvett,  squire  to  Henry  VIII.,  fulfilled  the 
fimctions  of  vice-admiral  of  England  ;  and,  like  a  floating  volcano,  bore  down,  a  huge 
incendiary  torch,  ui>on  her,  pitilessly  grappled  her,  and  wound  lier  in  her  own  flaming- 
robe.  Tlie  powder  magazine  of  the  Regent  blew  up,  and  with  it  the  hostile  ship,  her 
commander,  and  thousamls  of  burnt  and  mangled  limbs  went  into  the  air;  while  the 
Cordellere,  satisfied,  and  still  proud  amid  tlie  disaster,  blew  up  also,  and,  a  whirl  of 
fire  and  smoke,  vanished  beneath  the  waves,  like  her  immortal  Captain  Portzmoguei, 


'  l.'ilS,  as  Daniel  and  other  French  historians  also  do. 

-  It  is  extremely  doubtful,  however,  whether  Pregent  did  join  at  all  that  year. 


1513.]  BLOCKADE   OF  BREST.  453 

who  from  a  top  had  thrown  himself,  fully  armed,  into  the  sea.  The  ships  of  Diepi^u 
were  in  great  danger,  when  they  were  very  opportunely  succoured  by  three  or  four 
Breton  ships  belonging  to  Croisic,  which  made  chase  after  the  enemy.  The  English 
fleet  took  to  flight,  and  was  followed  up  as  far  as  the  coast  of  England." 

Portzmoguer  appears  in  many  French  histories  as  "Primoguet"; 
and  Hubert  Veille,  the  continuator  of  Eobert  Gaguin,  latinises  him 
as  Primangaius.  The  fight  of  the  Cordelih-e,  Hke  that  of  the 
Vengeur  in  1794,  and  of  our  own  Revenge  in  1.591,  has,  thanks  to 
patriotism,  poetry,  and  vulgar  tradition,  been  clouded  over  with  the 
rosy  mists  of  myth,  and  has  become  a  naval  legend.  So  much  so  is 
this  the  case  that,  although  the  French  fleet  in  modern  days  has 
always  included  a  vessel  supposed  to  be  named  after  the  gallant 
captain  of  the  Cordeliere,  he  is  commemorated,  not  as  Portzmoguer, 
but  as  Primauguet. 

Little  or  nothing  was  done  during  the  winter,  it  being  then  and 
long  afterwards  the  opinion  of  naval  officers  that  it  was  almost 
madness  to  attempt  to  keep  fleets  of  heavy  ships  at  sea  between  the 
end  of  autumn  and  the  beginning  of  spring.^  But  in  March,  1513, 
the  Lord  High  Admiral  sailed  again  for  the  coasts  of  Brittany,  with 
forty-two  men-of-war,  besides  small  craft.  Among  his  captains 
were  Sir  John  Wallop,-  Sir  Thomas  Cheyne,  Lord  Ferrers,^  Sir 
Henry  Sherburn,  Sir  William  Sydney,  Sir  Wilham  Fitz-Wilham,^ 
Sir  Edward  Echyngham,  Sir  Eichard  Cromwell,  Stephen  Bull, 
Compton,  and  others.  The  immediate  object  of  the  expedition 
seems  to  have  been  to  clear  the  seas  in  order  to  permit  Henry 
himself  to  pass  over  to  France  and  personally  conduct  the  campaign 
there. 

Upon  arriving  off  Brest,  Lord  Edward  learnt  that  the  French 
fleet  lay  within  ready  to  sail,  and  awaiting  only  the  appearance  from 
the  Mediterranean  of  the  galleys^  under  Pregent  de  Bidoux.  He 
blockaded  the  enemy,  who,  to  protect  himself,  threw  up  batteries  on 
each  side  of  the  harbour,  and  drew  across  it  four-and-twenty  hulks 

'  This  was  the  view  even  of  Sir  Clowdisley  Shovell  at  the  beginning  of  the 
eighteenth  century. 

^  Sir  John  "Wallop  was  made  a  K.G.  in  1.J44.  He  died  in  the  fifth  year  of 
Edward  VI. 

*  Sir  Walter  Devereux,  K.G.  lie  was  the  third  Baron  Ferrers,  and  in  1550  was 
created  Viscount  Hereford. 

*  Scm  of  Sir  Thomas  Fitz-AVilliam,  Kt.,  was  knighted  after  the  siege  of  Tournay, 
and  was  wounded  off  Brest  in  the  action  of  151.3.  In  153()  lie  was  made  Lord  High 
Admiral  and  Earl  of  Southampton.     He  died  a  K.G.  in  154.3.  ' 

°  As  noted  above,  they  do  not  ajipear  to  have  arrived  in  1512. 


454  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1485-1603.  [1513. 

chained  together.'  The  Enghsh  fleet  entered  Le  Goulet,  the 
narrow  mouth  of  the  harbour,  and,  manning  its  boats,  made  a  feint 
as  if  to  attempt  a  landing.  This  brought  down  the  French  in  great 
numbers  to  the  shore ;  and  while  the  admiral  held  them  there,  he 
advanced  farther  into  the  harbour,  and  landed  a  force  on  the 
peninsula  of  Plougastel,  opposite  the  town.  Bodies  of  men  ravaged 
the  country  between  the  rivers  Landerneau  and  Aven ;  but,  owing 
to  the  lack  of  stores  and  provisions  in  the  fleet,  the  operations  could 
not  then  be  followed  up.  Howard,  however,  continued  to  hold  Le 
Goulet,  and  to  blockade  the  port.  These  events  took  place  in  the 
first  and  second  weeks  of  April. 

The  expected  stores  were  meanwhile  on  their  way,  under  the 
convoy  of  Sir  Edward  Echyngham,  who,  in  a  letter  preserved  in  the 
Cottonian  Library,  has  left  an  account  of  his  proceedings.  He  left 
England  on  Wednesday,  April  13th,  and  almost  immediately  sighted 
a  vessel  which  he  recognised  as  French,  and  which  he  chased  until 
she  made  for  the  coast  of  Friesland.  On  Thursday,  the  following 
day,  he  sighted  fifteen  sail,  which  proved  to  be  Spanish,  and  which 
appear  to  have  Joined  company  with  him.  On  the  morning  of  the 
1.5th  he  fell  in  with  three  French  ships  and  prepared  for  action, 
making  arrangements  to  protect  his  people  with  cables  and 
mattresses,  encouraging  his  men,  and  getting  ready  his  morris  pikes 
and  other  weapons.  Observing  his  good  countenance,  the  French 
fled,  making  for  Fecamp,  under  the  walls  of  which  Echyngham 
chased  them.  When  beyond  pursuit  they  fired  at  him.  On  the 
16th  the  wind  was  S.S.W.  Nothing  particular  happened  on  the 
two  following  days;  but  on  the  19th,  at  10  a.m.,  while  chasing  a 
Breton  ship  and  some  transports,  Echyngham  discovered  several 
French  galleys  among  the  rocks.  The  chased  transports  were  two 
miles  from  the  galleys.  The  Spaniards  are  reported  to  have  been 
extremely  terrified  on  this  occasion.  Presently  Echyngham  sighted 
the  masts  of  other  ships,  and,  approaching  them,  found,  when  he 
had  made  about  ten  miles,  that  they  were  those  of  the  English 
fleet  in  Brest  Harbour.  He  went  on  board  the  Admiral,  who 
received  him  very  cordially  ;  for  the  stores  which  he  brought  wei'e 
sadly  needed,  the  English,  for  the  previous  ten  days,  having  been 
reduced  to  a  single  meal  a  day. 

The  French  galleys  which  Echyngham  had  observed  must  have 
been  those  of  Pregent  de  Bidoux  from  the  Mediterranean.     Four 

'  HolinBhcd,  ii.  816. 


1513.J  LOBD   EDWARD   HOWARD   AT  LE   CONQUET.  455 

had  originally  started,  but  there  were  now  six ;  and  with  them  were 
four  "  foists "  or  tenders.  Echyngham,  of  coiarse,  reported  to 
Howard  what  he  had  seen,  but  no  steps  seem  to  have  been  then 
taken  to  deal  with  Pregent ;  and  the  omission  had  serious  con- 
sequences ;  for  on  Friday,  the  '2'2nd,  Pregent,  with  his  galleys  and 
tenders,  made  a  dash  at  part  of  the  English  fleet,  probably  with  the 
idea  of  joining  his  friends  at  Brest,  or  of  forcing  the  raising  of  the 
blockade.  He  sank  the  vessel  commanded  by  Compton,  and  so 
severely  damaged  another  ship  commanded  by  Stephen  Bull,  that 
she  narrowly  escaped  foundering.  One  of  the  tenders  was  taken 
by  the  English  boats ;  and  Pregent,  apparently  baffled  for  the 
ti:ne,  went  into  Blanc-sablon  Bay,  where  he  remained  throughout 
Satm-day,  the  23rd,  placing  his  squadron  between  the  two  islets  at 
the  mouth  of  the  bay,  and  fortifying  both. 

On  the  night  of  Saturday  he  intended  to  disembark  six  thousand 
men  on  the  little  peninsula  between  the  bays  of  Blanc-sablon  and 
Le  Conquet,  so  as  to  take  the  galleys  in  the  rear,  but  the  move- 
ments of  the  enemy  caused  him  to  abandon  his  design  and  to  take 
his  fleet  back  to  Le  Goulet,  it  appearing  to  him  that  an  effort  was  to 
be  made  to  throw  supplies  into  the  town  of  Brest. 

On  St.  Mark's  Day,  Monday  the  25th,  Howard  determined  to 
essay  an  attack  upon  the  galleys,  which  were  so  situated  that  they 
could  not  be  approached  at  all  by  large  vessels,  and  that  the 
batteries  on  the  rocks  commanded  the  approach  of  even  boats. 
Captains  Sir  Thomas  Cheyne,  Sir  John  Wallop,  Sir  Henry  Sher- 
burn,  and  Sir  AVilliam  Sydney,  with  Lord  Ferrers,  were  associated 
with  him  in  the  hazardous  venture ;  and  two  small  galleys,  two 
large  barges  and  two  boats  formed  the  cutting-out  force,  which 
advanced  to  the  attack  at  about  4  p.m.^ 

Howard,  in  the  galley  which  he  personally  commanded,  got 
alongside  the  galley  of  Pregent.  He  had  told  off  fifteen  men  to 
fling  into  the  French  vessel  his  own  anchor,  so  as  to  hold  her,  and 
to  make  fast  the  cable  of  it  to  his  own  capstan,  with  directions  that 
if  the  French  ships  caught  fire,  the  cable  was  to  be  cut ;  but  either 
the  cable  was  at  once  cut  by  the  enemy,  or  the  Englishmen  failed 
to  carry  out  their  orders ;  for,  as  Howard,  followed  by  a  Spaniard 
named  Charrau  and  sixteen  others,  clambered  into  the  forecastle  of 
Pregent's  ship,  his  own  craft  swmig  clear  and  drifted  away,  leaving 

1  Du  Bellay,  i. ;  Herbert,  13  ;  '  Reg.  of  Garter'  (Austis),  ii.  1^75  ;  Dupleix,  iii.     See 
also  Stowe,  Speed,  and  Godwin. 


456  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1485-1 G03.  [1513. 

the  admiral  and  his  gallant  companions  fighting  for  their  lives.  At 
the  instant  of  boarding,  Charran,  who  had  forgotten  his  pistol,  sent 
a  servant  back  for  it.  When  the  man  had  found  it  he  was  unable  to 
rejoin  his  master  owing  to  the  distance  between  the  vessels.  The 
admiral  and  his  followers  were  quickly  driven  overboard  by  the  pikes 
of  the  Frenchmen,  and  nearly  all  were  drowned.  Charrau's  servant 
saw  the  admiral  swimming,  and  hailing  his  galley  to  come  to  him. 
When  he  saw  that  he  could  not  be  saved,  he  took  off  his  chain  of 
gold  nobles  and  his  gold  whistle  of  office,  and  threw  them  from 
him,  so  that  the  insignia  of  an  English  admiral,  even  after  his 
death,  might  not  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  After  that  he 
disappeared. 

A  second  English  craft  came  up,  but  her  commander  being 
killed,  she  retired.  Cheyne,  Wallop,  Sydney  and  Sherburn  all 
arrived  not  long  afterwards ;  and  the  two  latter  boarded  Pregent 
and  did  him  some  damage ;  but,  seeing  that  the  other  vessels  had 
withdrawn,  and  not  knowing  that  the  Lord  High  Admiral  had  ever 
quitted  his  galley,  they  also  withdrew  and  rejoined  the  fleet. 

For  a  short  time  Howard's  fate  was  in  doubt.  To  ascertain  it, 
Cheyne,  Cromwell,  and  Wallop  presently  went  ashore  in  a  boat  tinder 
a  flag  of  truce;  and,  upon  hearing  of  their  arrival,  Pregent  rode 
•down  on  horseback  to  meet  them.  He  assured  them  that  his  only 
prisoner  was  a  seaman,  but  added  that  an  officer  with  a  gilt  shield 
on  his  arm  had  boarded  him,  and  had  been  thrust  into  the  sea  by 
the  pikes ;  and  that  the  prisoner  declared  this  officer  to  have  been 
the  English  admiral. 

Lord  Ferrers,  in  the  second  English  galley,  had  engaged  the 
other  French  vessels,  but,  after  expending  all  his  powder  and  shot 
and  two  hundred  sheafs  of  arrows,  saw  that  the  admiral's  galley  had 
relinquished  the  combat,  and  followed  it  out  of  action. 

On  Saturday,  April  30th,  the  fleet,  in  mourning,  reached 
Plymouth  ;  and  on  the  following  day  it  disembarked  its  sick,  two  of 
whom,  according  to  Echyngham,^  fell  dead  as  they  landed 

Echyngham  makes  some  suggestive  comments  on  this  lamentable 
disaster.  He  says  that  after  Howard's  death  it  was  the  unanimous 
wish  of  the  fleet  that  the  king  would  send  it  a  commander  who,  in 
addition  to  noble  birth,  should  possess  wisdom  and  firmness,  and 
who  should  make  himself  equally  loved  and  feared,  no  fleet  having 
ever  been  more  in  need  of  a  man  wlio  would  keep  it  in  good  order. 
'  r^iuu  whose  letter  the  above  aecouut.is  chiefly  based. 


1513.]  LORD    THOMAS  HOWARD   AND   PREOENT.  457 

To  do  better  in  the  future  against  the  French,  there  must  he  brave 
captains  and  better  seamen ;  the  rowers  must  be  chained  to  their 
benches ;  there  must  be  plenty  of  archers  ;  and  those  who  should 
distinguish  themselves  must  be  rewarded,  and  those  who  should  fail 
in  their  duty,  punished.  These  expressions  seem  to  imply  that 
Howard,  brave  and  able  though  he  certainly  was,  had  suffered  the 
discipline  of  the  fleet  to  deteriorate  ;  that  some,  at  least,  of  the 
captains  had  disappointed  expectations ;  that  the  seamen  were 
inefficient ;  that  the  rowers  had  abandoned  their  posts  ;  and  that 
these  and  other  shortcomings  had  not  been  duly  punished.  It  may 
well  be  that  such  were  the  facts.  Yet  Howard's  devotion  and 
gallant  death  deserve  to  be  remembered. 

Lord  Thomas  Howard,'  who  had  but  recently  returned  from  the 
expedition  to  Picardy,  was  at  once  -  appointed  Lord  High  Admiral, 
in  succession  to  his  younger  brother,  and  took  the  sea  within  a  very 
few  weeks  ;  but,  in  the  meantime,  Pregent  de  Bidoux  had  followed 
up  his  success,  landing  some  men  in  Sussex  and  ravaging  the 
country.  During  the  course  of  this  raid  he  lost  an  eye.  Lord 
Thomas  Howard  chased  him  back  to  Brest,  then  returned  to  convoy 
the  king  and  a  large  army  in  four  hundred  vessels  to  Calais,  and  on 
July  1st,  1.513,  landed  at  Blanc-sablon  Bay  and  pillaged  the  adjacent 
country  in  revenge  for  Pregent's  raid  upon  Sussex.^  Thence  he 
hurriedly  returned  to  co-operate  against  the  Scots,  who  were 
endeavouring  by  an  invasion  of  England  to  get  satisfaction  for  the 
■death  of  Andrew  Barton.  Howard,  who  had  been  so  intimately 
concerned  in  that  affair,  commanded  the  van  of  the  English  army 
when  it  crushed  the  invaders  at  Flodden  Field  on  September  the 
9th.''  In  the  following  year,  the  Lord  High  Admiral,  for  his  various 
services,  was  created  Earl  of  Surrey. 

In  1514,  Pregent  again  made  a  descent  upon  Sussex,  and  burnt 
Brighton,  or,  as  it  was  then  and  long  afterwards  called,  Brighth elm- 
stone.  Sir  John  Wallop  was  entrusted  with  the  duty  of  carrying 
out  the  retaliatory  measures,  and  he  did  it  thoroughly,  landing  in 
Normandy  and  burning  twenty-one  towns  and  villages  ere  he 
withdrew.     This  was  one  of  the  last  operations  of  the  war  of  the 

'  Later,  Earl  of  Surrey,  was  eldest  sun  of  tlie  Duke  of  Norfolk,  whom  he  succeeded. 
He  died  1.554,  aged  6fi. 
2  On  May  -Ith,  1513. 

^  Hall,  246;  Godwin,  12,  13;  Stowe,  491. 
*  Grafton,  084 ;  Speed,  755. 


458  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1485-1603.  [1522. 

Holy  League,  and  for  about  seven  years  following  there  was  peace 
with  France. 

The  naval  events  of  the  peace  were  neither  numerous  nor  im- 
portant, the  most  striking  of  them  being,  perhaps,  the  transport 
by  Vice-Admiral  Sir  William  Fitz-William  of  Henry  VIH.  to  Calais 
in  1520  to  meet  Francis  I.  of  France  on  the  Field  of  the  Cloth 
of  Gold.  Some  notice  of  the  ships  engaged  on  that  occasion  will  be 
found  in  the  previous  chapter. 

The  war  recommenced  in  1522,  England  again  allying  herself 
with  the  emperor.  Vice-Admiral  Sir  William  Fitz-William  was  at 
once  sent  to  sea  with  a  fleet  of  twenty-eight  sail  to  protect  English 
commerce  and  annoy  French  trade,  which  he  effectually  did. 
Another  squadron  of  seven  ships  went  to  the  Firth  of  Forth,  and, 
as  a  precautionary  measure,  burnt  such  Scots  vessels  as  lay  there. 
A  little  later,  on  June  8th,  a  great  compliment  was  paid  to  England 
and  to  her  Lord  High  Admiral,  by  Surrey's  appointment  as 
commander-in-chief  of  the  combined  fleets  of  England  and  the 
Empire.  The  emperor's  patent  to  Surrey,  signed  in  London,  after 
reciting  that  Henry  had  fitted  out  a  fleet  "under  the  command  of 
the  most  illustrious  Thomas,  Earl  of  Surrey,  our  most  dear  cousin, 
Knight  of  the  most  noble  Order  of  the  Garter,  Lord  High  Admiral 
of  England,  Wales,  Ireland,  Normandy,  Gascony,  and  Aquitaine," 
and  that  it  had  been  determined  that  the  English  and  Imperial 
fleets  were  to  act  together,  and  that  one  captain-general  was  better 
than  many,  gave  the  command  of  the  whole  to  the  said  Admiral 
of  England,  he  to  exercise  exactly  the  same  power  and  authority 
over  the  Imperial  as  over  his  own  fleet. 

Sailing  immediately  after  the  receipt  of  this  patent,  Surrey, 
with  the  combined  fleet,  appeared  off  Cherbourg,  and,  landing  on 
June  13th,  executed  a  rapid  raid  on  the  neighbouring  country. 
After  having  returned  to  Portland,  he  recrossed  the  Channel,  and  on 
July  1st,  landed  near  Morlaix,  and  took  and  sacked  that  town.  He 
also  burnt  seventeen  sail  of  French  ships,  and  then  carried  a  great 
amount  of  booty  ^  to  Southampton,  leaving  Sir  William  Fitz-WilHam 
to  cruise  in  the  Channel.  At  Southampton,  Sm-rey  found  the 
emperor  waiting  for  a  passage  to  Spain.  His  majesty  and  suite 
embarked  on  board  the  fleet  on  July  6th  and  were  conveyed  without 
mishap  to  Santander. 

'  Inchuliiig,  apparently,  the  ships  later  taken  into  the  navy,  as  the  Bark  of  Morlaix, 
Mwry  Grace,  anil  Bark  of  Boulogne.     Roy.  MSS.  14,  Bk.  xxii.  A. 


1523.]  FITZ-WILLIAM  AT  SEA.  459 

In  this  and  the  following  year,  the  Lord  High  Admiral  served 
on  land  as  well  as  afloat,  and  was  continuously  and  very  arduously 
employed.  It  was  probably  owing  to  his  many  preoccupations, 
and  to  the  fact  that  he  had  to  provide  for  the  transport  to  France 
of  an  army  of  thirteen  thousand  men  in  August,  1523,  that  he  did 
not  cruise  during  that  summer.  Sir  William  Fitz-William  com- 
manded the  main  fleet  of  thirty-six  vessels ;  and  Anthony  Poyntz  '■ 
was  entrusted  with  an  inferior,  yet  still  considerable,  squadron 
which  cruised  to  the  westward. 

Fitz-William's  orders  were,  if  possible,  to  intercept  John,  Duke 
of  Albany,  who,  after  having  been  Admiral  of  France,  had  become 
Eegent  of  Scotland,  and  who  had  collected  in  France  a  large  force 
with  which  he  intended  to  enter  Scotland,  or  to  invade  England. 
The  vice-admiral  was  so  fortunate  as  to  meet  a  Scoto-French 
division  of  twelve  vessels  which  had  on  board,  among  other 
dignitaries,  the  Archbishop  of  Glasgow.  He  took  two-  of  these  ships 
and  chased  the  rest  into  Boulogne  and  Dieppe,  off  which  places  he 
left  small  blockading  squadrons.  With  the  rest  of  his  fleet  he 
ravaged  the  French  coast,  took  and  burnt  Treport,  destroyed  many 
vessels,  and  captured  much  booty  ;  but  he  returned  prematurely 
to  England ;  and  Albany,  who  had  recognised  the  futility  of 
attempting  to  cross  the  sea  while  Fitz-AVilliam  was  active  there, 
and  who  had  laid  up  his  ships  and  quartered  his  troops  ashore,  no 
sooner  learnt  of  the  withdrawal  of  the  vice-admiral  than  he  quickly 
re-manned  his  vessels,  sent  his  troops  on  board,  and  sailing  with 
great  promptitude,  landed  in  Scotland  on  September  '24th. ^ 

In  the  same  year,  one  Duncan  Campbell,  described  as  a  Scots 
pirate,  was,  according  to  Holinshed,  taken  after  a  long  fight  by  John 
Arundel  of  Cornwall. 

Peace  was  made  with  France  in  1525  ;  and  thenceforward  for 
many  years,  few  naval  events  of  sufficient  importance  to  demand 
notice  occurred.  On  July  16th,  1525,  Henry  Fitzroy,  Duke  of 
Eichmond,  a  natural  son  of  the  king  by  Elizabeth  Blount,  later,  wife 
of  Sir  Gilbert  Baron  Tailbois,  was,  though  only  about  nine  years  of 
age,*  appointed  Lord  High  Admiral  in  supercession  of  Surrey,  who 

'  Afterwards  knighted.  Seems  to  have  been  High  SheriiT  of  Gloucestershire  in 
1522  and  1527,  ami  to  have  died  26  Hen.  VIII. 

-  Possibly  including  the  one  which  was  added  to  the  navy  as  the  John  of  Greenwich. 
^  Drunimond,  180;  Buchanan,  xiv.  -148;  Leslie,  'Do  I!eb.  Gest.  Scot.'  ix.  400,  407. 
*  He  was  already  a  K.G. 


460  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1485-1603.  [1544. 

had  succeeded  to  the  dukedom  of  Norfolk  in  1524 ;  but  when  Rich- 
mond died  in  1-536,  the  office  was  more  deservedly  conferred  upon  Sir 
William  Fitz-William,  K.G./  who,  in  the  following  year  was  made 
Earl  of  Southampton  and  Lord  Privy  Seal,  being  already  Treasurer 
of  the  Household  and  Chancellor  of  the  Duchy  of  Lancaster.  At 
the  end  of  1539,  Southampton,  with  a  fleet  of  sixty  sail,  escorted 
Anne  of  Cleves  to  England.  This  was  almost  his  last  naval  service. 
In  1540  he  was  succeeded  as  Lord  High  Admiral  by  John,  Lord 
Eussell,  afterwards  Earl  of  Bedford  ;  -  and  he  in  turn  was  succeeded 
on  January  27th,  1543,  by  John  Dudley,  Lord  Lisle,  who  sub- 
sequently became  Earl  of  Warwick  and  then  Duke  of  Northumber- 
land, and  who  was  the  father-in-law  of  Lady  Jane  Gre)'. 

The  year  1544  found  Henr}^  VIII.  again  in  alliance  w-ith  the 
emperor,  and  again  at  war  with  France  and  Scotland.  Lisle,  with 
a  considerable  fleet, ^  picked  up  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tyne  a  convoy 
of  two  hundred  transports  laden  with  troops  under  the  Earl  of 
Hereford,  and  escorted  them  to  the  Forth,  where  the  army  was 
landed  near  Leith  on  May  5th.''  Edinburgh  was  taken  and  sacked, 
but  the  castle  held  out  so  stoutly  that  the  English  withdrew,  and 
the  fleet  returned  to  the  south  ravaging  and  plundering  the  Scots 
coasts  on  its  way.  Later  in  the  year  the  Earl  of  Lennox,  father  of 
Lord  Darnley,  who  had  temporarily  joined  the  English  party, 
manifested  his  zeal  by  heading  a  squadron  of  twelve  or  fourteen 
ships,  with  which  he  harassed  Arran,  Bute  and  Argj'll.  He  brought 
back  much  spoil  to  Bristol,  and  then  made  a  second  raid  with  a 
smaller  force. 

More  important  operations  were  undertaken  in  France.  Henry 
in  person  landed  at  Calais  on  July  14th,  and  took  the  field  with  an 
army  of  thirty  thousand  men.  He  laid  siege  to  Boulogne,  Lord 
Lisle  at  the  same  time  blockading  it  by  sea ;  and  on  September  14tli 
the  place  surrendered.^ 

Sir  Thomas  Seymour,  afterwards  Lord  Seymour  of  Sudeley,  was 
appointed  vice-admiral,  and  directed  on  October  "29th, ^  1544,  to  take 
command  of  a  fleet  for  the  conveyance  of  a  quantity  of  stores  to  the 

'  He  assumed  office  on  August  16th,  1536. 
^  He  assumed  office  on  .July  18tli,  1540. 

^  Speed,  782  ;  Stowe,  585 ;  Leslie,  '  De  Reb.  Crest.  Scot.'  x.  472.  Sir  Williaui 
AVyntei-  was  in  this  fleet. 

*  At  Leith  were  taken  the  Unicorn  and  Salamander,v;\\\c\\  were  added  to  the  nav\-. 
"  'Foedera,'  xv.  52;  Hall,  2586;  Holinshed,  ii.  004. 
«  S.  P.  Dom.  1544. 


1544.]  FAILURE    OF  SIR    TIlOMAS   SEYMOUR.  461 

newly  captured  fortress,  and,  after  having  accomplished  that  service, 
to  lie  in  mid-Channel,  and,  "  if  opportmiity  may  serve  thereunto, 
appoint  a  convenient  number  of  the  small  shallops  and  other  small 
vessels  to  pass  in  the  River  Estaples "  (the  Canche)  "  and  there 
burn  and  bring  away  such  vessels  of  the  enemy  as  may  be  there 
found,  or  do  other  such  annoyance  to  the  enemy  as  the  time  will 
serve."  If  the  ships  in  the  Canche  could  not  be  attacked,  other 
amioyance  might  be  caused  on  the  coasts  of  Normandy.  Finally, 
after  leaving  a  certain  number  of  ships  to  cruise  in  the  Channel, 
Seymour  was  to  return  to  Portsmouth  for  more  supplies  for 
Boulogne. 

Seymoiar  proceeded  at  once,  and  on  November  6th '  wrote  from 
off  Dover  to  the  Privy  Council  that  he  had  quitted  the  mouth  of  the 
Orwell  in  a  fog ;  that  be  had  learnt  of  seventeen  men-of-war  being 
at  Etaples ;  that  the  place  was  difficult  to  approach,  and  more 
difficult  to  get  out  of ;  and  that  he  begged  to  be  allowed  to  operate 
instead  upon  the  coasts  of  Brittany. 

Permission  to  attack  Brittany  was  given,  provided  Boulogne  was 
first  attended  to,  and  fourteen  ships  were  left  to  guard  the  Narrow 
Seas  ; '  but,  in  the  meanwhile,  Seymour  was  driven  from  Dover  by  , 
a  gale.  He  tried  to  make  Boulogne,  but  was  carried  too  far  to  the 
westward ;  and  then,  hearing  that  seventeen  sail  of  the  enemy  lay 
in  Dieppe,  and  seventeen  more  in  the  Seine,  determined  to  attack 
them.  But  the  gale  veered  to  E.S.E.,  and  he  was  obliged  to 
abandon  his  design.  With  much  difficult}',  and  with  the  loss  of  all 
his  boats,  he  reached  the  shelter  of  the  Isle  of  Wight. ^ 

Henry  wrote  angrily  to  Seymour  on  November  13th ;  but  the 
sailor  returned  a  straightforward  explanation,*  and  the  king  was 
satisfied.^  The  supplies,  however,  did  not  go  to  Boulogne  that 
winter. 

This  loss  of  the  valuable  fortress  spurred  France  to  great 
exertions.  Francis  I.  concentrated  his  whole  available  western  fleet 
on  the  coasts  of  Normandy  under  Claude  d'Annebaut,  Baron  de 
Betz  and  Admiral  of  France,  and  reinforced  it  in  1.545  with  twenty- 


1  S.  P.  Bum.  i.  772.  2  Ih.,  i.  773.  ■'  lb.,  i.  774. 

*  lb.  i.  778.  A  transpnrt,  with  25!)  uiit  of  300  souls  ou  board,  was  lost.  Another 
transport,  under  Sir  Henr_y  Seymour,  went  aslmre  at  Dartmouth,  but  her  ]ieople  were 
all  saved  except  three. 

^  Pat.  PioUs,  30  Hen.  VIII.  23,  where  Seymour  is  given  a  grant  of  land  on 
January  IGth,  1545. 


462  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1485-1G03.  [1545. 

five  galleys  from  the  Mediterranean  rinder  Polain/  Baron  de  la 
Garde,  and  Strozzi,  Prior  of  Capua.  Second  in  command  under 
D'Annebaut  was  Vice-Admiral  de  Moiiy  de  la  Meilleraye.  Polain's 
own  galley  was  the  largest  and  strongest  built  up  to  that  time,  and 
was  remarkable  as  having  five  slaves  to  each  oar.  Previous  galleys 
had  never  had  more  than  four.  This  combined  fleet  was  directed 
to  take  station  so  as  to  prevent  English  supplies  from  being  thrown 
into  Boulogne,  which  Francis  purposed  to  besiege  by  land. 

In  the  meantime,  English  cruisers  and  privateers  captured  many 
richly  laden  vessels ;  and  wine  and  fish  became  drugs  in  the  markets 
of  London.  HoHnshed,  quoting  Stowe,  also  mentions  that  the 
English  fleet  under  Lord  Lisle  looked  into  the  mouth  of  the  Seine 
where  the  French  fleet  lay,  and  exchanged  some  shot  with  it,  so 
inducing  the  galleys  to  come  out ;  but  that,  it  beginning  to  blow, 
both  parties  drew  off,  the  galleys  because  they  made  very  bad 
weather  of  it,  and  Lord  Lisle  because  he  had  not  sufficient  sea 
room  amons  the  shoals.     The  latter  returned  to  Portsmouth. 

D'Annebaut,  while  waiting  for  Polain,  had  collected  from 
between  Montreuil  and  Bayonne  all  the  merchantmen  and  pri- 
vateers which  he  could  lay  hands  upon,  and  had  got  together  an 
enormous  fleet,  which,  when  Lord  Lisle  saw  it  in  June,  numbered 
two  hundred  sail  without  the  galleys.  Du  BeUay  says  that  when  it 
sailed  it  consisted  of  one  himdred  and  fifty  large  ships,  fifty  vessels  of 
smaller  burden,  and  twenty-five  galleys  ;  and  although  some  modern 
French  writers  admit  only  forty-eight  ships,  fifty  smaller  craft,  and 
twenty-five  galleys,  they  do  not  appear  to  be  able  to  give  any  good 
authority  for  their  figures.  Francis,  not  being  yet  ready  to  begin 
the  siege  of  Boulogne,  ordered  this  large  force  to  attack  Portsmouth. 
The  English  fleet  at  anchor  at  or  off  Portsmouth  included  only 
sixty  sail,  apart  from  small  craft. 

The  various  divisions  of  the  French  fleet  sailed  simultaneously 

from  Le  Havre,  Honfleur,  Harfleur,  and  other  ports  in  the  estuary 

of  the  Seine,  on  July  6th.     Francis  I.  had  gone  to  Le  Havre  to 

watch  them  put  to  sea,  and  had  intended  to  give  a  grand  banquet 

on  board  the  flagship  Caraquon,  800  tons,  while  some  of  the  other 

ships  were  moving  out.     Owing  to  the  negligence  of  the  cooks,  the 

'  This  distinguished  seaman's  real  name  was  Antoine  Escalin.  For  some  imknown 
reason,  he  was  niclaiamed  Polain  (young  horse)  or  Le  Toulin.  He  was  born  about 
1498  of  poor  and  luimble  parents  at  La  Garde,  in  Dauphine.  He  gained  his  rank  of 
captain  in  an  infantry  regiment,  and  always  was  known  as  Captain  Polain,  even  when 
he  had  attained  the  highest  commands.     (Life  by  Richer,  and  by  Turpin.) 


o    - 
<    i 


1545.]  ATTACK  OX  POUTSMOUTR.  463 

ship  caught  fire,  and  the  flames  could  not  he  extinguished.  The 
galleys  managed  to  approach  and  take  off  the  treasure  which  had 
heen  placed  on  board  for  the  payment  of  the  seamen  and  troops. 
The  king,  his  suite,  and  some  of  the  ship's  company  were  also 
saved.  But  in  consequence  of  the  heating  of  the  guns,  which  were 
loaded,  the  galleys  were  soon  obliged  to  pull  clear  to  avoid  the  shot, 
and  numbers  of  people  perished  miserably.^ 

Arrived  off  the  Isle  of  Wight  on  July  18th,  D'Annebaut  sent 
Polain  with  four  galleys  to  reconnoitre  the  situation  of  the  English 
fleet  which  still  lay  within,  and  which  had  for  the  time  completely 
surrendered  the  command  of  the  sea.  Fourteen  English  vessels 
weighed  with  a  very  light  land  wind,  and  stood  out  of  harbour  as 
if  to  cut  oft'  the  galleys,  which  fell  back  upon  the  advancing  body  of 
the  French.  Thereupon,  the  rest  of  the  English  ships  weighed  and 
went  slowly  out ;  and  an  interchange  of  shot  at  long  range  ensued, 
no  particular  damage  however  being  done  on  either  side.  The 
English  manoeuvred  to  draw  the  enemy  among  the  shallows  on  the 
Spit  Sand  and  under  the  guns  of  the  defences  of  the  town  ;  but 
D'Annebaut  was  too  wary  to  be  thus  caught,  and,  as  night  came  on, 
retired  to  St.  Helen's  Eoad,  where  he  found  that  his  largest  ship, 
the  Maitresse,  was  making  so  nmch  water  that  he  had  to  send  her 
back  to  Le  Havre  to  be  docked. 

During  the  night  D'Annebaut  rearranged  his  order  of  battle, 
dividing  his  larger  ships  into  three  squadrons,  with  himself  in 
command  of  thirty  vessels  in  the  centre ;  De  Boutieres  with  thirty- 
six  vessels  on  the  right,  and  Baron  de  Curton  with  thirty-six  vessels 
on  the  left.  The  galleys  under  Polain  were  ordered  to  approach  the 
English  in  the  morning,  and  attempt  to  induce  them,  by  firing  at 
them,  to  follow  the  French  to  sea.  But  it  would  seem  that  these 
orders  were  not  ciU'ried  out  very  early. 

On  the  19th,  King  Henry  was  with  Lord  Lisle  in  the  Hcunj 
Grace  a  Diew  when  the  first  movement  of  the  enemy  was  noticed, 
and  he  at  once  ordered  an  attack  and  went  ashore.  In  moving  out 
the  Mary  Bose,  of  500  tons,  being  very  low  in  the  water,  heeled  so 
much  when  her  helm  was  put  hard  over,  that  the  sills  of  her  open 
lower  ports,  only  16  inches  out  of  the  watet  ere  she  heeled  at  all, 
were  submerged.'"     She  rapidly  filled  and  sank,  carrying  down  with 

^  Guerin,  ii.  GO,  01. 

-  Djijienhciiii,  'Admin,  of  Royal  Navy,'  60,  says,  referring  to  this  statement,  ■\vliieli 
ccnies  from  Ralegh,  "  There  is  the  great  improbability  that,  after  at  least  fifty  years' 


464  MILITARY  mSTOET,   1485-1603.  [1545. 

her  her  captain,  Sir  George  Carew,  and  all  hands,  except  about 
thirty-five  persons.  This  awful  catastrophe  was  witnessed  from  the 
shore,  not  only  by  the  king,  but  also  by  Lady  Carew,  the  wife  of 
the  gallant  and  unhappy  commander.^ 

French  historians  are  almost  unanimous  in  asserting  that  the 
Mary  Bose  was  sunk  in  action,  some,  as  Du  Bellay,  attributing  the 
result  to  gun-shot,  and  others,  as  Guerin  and  other  modern  writers, 
claiming  the  ship  as  the  victim  of  the  galleys  of  Polain.  There  is 
not  a  shadow  of  doubt  that  she  perished  as  has  been  related,  before 
she  had  an  opportunity  of  getting  into  action. 

The  wind  was  too  light  to  enable  the  English  ships  to  manoeuvre 
properly  ;  and,  as  the  French  galleys  did  not  depend  upon  wind, 
they  were  able  to  inflict  a  certain  amount  of  annoyance,  especially 
upon  the  Henry  Grace  a  Dieic.  But  the  armed  boats  of  the  fieet 
and  the  row-barges  made  a  good  fight  with  the  enemy  until,  late  in 
the  day,  the  wind  freshened.  The  galleys  were  then  driven  off,  and, 
had  not  D'Annebaut  moved  to  their  assistance,  would  have  suffered 
heavily.  No  serious  effort,  however,  was  made  to  engage  the  main 
force  of  the  French ;  and  once  more  the  English  spent  a  night 
among  the  shoals. 

On  July  20th,  the  French  landed  men  at  three  separate  places  in 
the  Isle  of  Wight  and  plundered  some  villages,  but  were  easily 
driven  off.  Soon  afterwards  the  whole  fleet  withdrew,  coasting  as 
far  as  Dover,  landing  at  Brighton  and  Newhaven,  but  being 
repulsed  there ;  and  then  crossing  to  Boulogne,  near  which  place 
D'Annebaut  put  ashore  four  thousand  soldiei's  and  three  thousand 
workmen  to  assist  in  the  long-deferred  siege. 

An  easterly  wind  presently  drove  D'Annebaut  from  off  Boulogne, 
and  obliged  him  to  anchor  near  the  English  coast,  probably  some- 
where off  the  Sussex  shore.  By  that  time  Lord  Lisle,  his  fleet 
reinforced  to  one  hundred  sail,  was  cruising  in  the  Channel,  and,  on 
August   15th,    sighted   the    enemy   to   leeward.      D'Annebaut   had 


experience  of  gunports,  they  shoukl  have  been  cut  so  low,  since  she  (the  Mary  Hosi') 
liad  been  rebuilt  in  or  before  1536.  Moreover,  Anthony's  drawings  show  them  to  have 
been  pierced  very  much  higher  in  other  vessels."  The  '  Life  of  Sir  Peter  Carew,'  in 
fact,  attributes  the  disaster  to  the  insubordination  and  disorder  which  reigned  on  board. 
Yet  still,  the  port-sills  may  have  been  low,  and  even  lo\yer  than  normal,  and  so  may 
have  conduced  to  the  accident.  When  the  Duke  of  WeUin(jton  left  Siiithead  during 
the  llussian  war,  her  lower  port-sills,  owing  to  the  extra  men  and  stores  on  board,  were 
little  more  above  water  than  those  of  the  Mary  liosr  are  alleged  to  have  been. 
'  'Life  of  Sir  Peter  Carew'  (Maclean),  3-t. 


•J3510I5IIIO 


■n.tia  >i  3'>»-iO  "■"'■'H 


laaij  qonoj^.i 


1545.]  EXPEDITION   TO    T RE  PORT.  -105 

already  weighed,  and  most  of  the  day  was  spent  in  nianituivrinf,'  lor 
the  weather  gauge '  which  the  EngHsh  eventually  lost ;  whereupon 
the  galleys  under  Polaiii  attacked,  hut  were  not  properly  supported 
by  their  consorts ;  and,  the  wind  increasing  considerably  towards 
night,  the  galleys  knocked  about  so  much  and  shipped  so  many  seas 
that  they  were  in  danger  not  less  of  foundering  than  of  being  taken. 
The  skill  of  Polain,  the  best  gallej'  commander  of  his  age,  saved 
them  ;  and  although  firing  continued  until  dark,  little  damage  was 
done  on  either  side.  This  does  not  prevent  I)u  Bellay  from 
declaring  that  in  the  morning  the  French  saw  a  number  of  dead 
bodies  and  much  wreckage  floating  on  the  water.  Night  separated 
the  combatants.  The  English  returned  to  Portsmouth,  and  the 
Fx'ench,  who  had  undoubtedly  gained  the  honours  of  the  affray, 
went  to  Le  Havre. 

The  indignities  thus  put  upon  England  were  in  part  revenged 
by  Lisle,  who,  crossing  to  the  coast  of  Normandy,  landed  6000  men 
near  Treport  on  September  2nd,  defeated  the  French  forces  opposed 
to  him,  burnt  the  town,  the  abbey,  and  thirty  ships  in  harbour, 
losing  only  foiu'teen  men,  and  went  back  unmolested  to  Spithead. 

All  this  time  the  plague  was  raging  to  a  terrible  extent  in  Lisle's 
fleet.  The  number  of  men  who  returned  from  Treport  was  12,000. 
This  was  about  the  4th  or  5th  of  September.  Some  were  sub- 
sequently discharged,  but  it  is  clear  from  the  tone  of  a  letter 
written  on  September  11th  by  Lisle,  Seymour,  and  Lord  St.  John  - 
(who  reported  that  thirteen  out  of  thirty-four  ships  were  then 
infected)  that  the  disease  was  very  virulent ;  and  musters  taken  on 
the  12th  showed  that  only  8488  men  remained  fit  for  duty.^  This 
number  was  on  that  day  further  reduced  by  discharges  to  6445,  a 
nmnber  far  too  small  for  the  exigencies  of  the  service,  even  on  the 
brink  of  winter,  for  as  Lisle  and  St.  John  lamented,  "  the  men  fall 
daylie  sick."  * 

The  discharges,  however,  were  very  necessary.  Eussell,  writing 
to  the  Council  from  Exeter  on  August  22nd,  when  the  fleet  was  still 
fully  manned,  said,  alluding  to  the  Devon  and  Dorset  fishermen, 
"  Many  of  them,  or  the  most  part,  are  taken  from  hence  as  mariners 
to  serve  the  king,  and  all  the  coast  here  (is)  so  barren  of  them  that 

'  S.  P.  1)0111.  i.  815. 

^  Sir  William  Paiilet  had  been  creatoil  Lurd  St.  .Juliii  iu  loS'.i.  In  15-15  lie  was 
made  Lord  Steward;  in  1550  Earl  of  Wiltshire,  and  in  1551  Marquis  of  Winchester. 
He  died  a  K.CK  in  1572. 

'  S.  P.  Dom.  i.  834.  ,  *  lb.,  i.  833. 

VOL.    I.  .  2   H 


466  MILITARY  HISTOBT,   1485-1603.  [1547. 

there  is  no  fish  almost  to  be  gotten  here  for  money  ;  but  that  such 
as  we  have,  the  women  of  the  fisher  towns,  eight  or  nine  of  them, 
with  but  one  boy  or  one  man  with  them,  bring  it  in,  adventuring  to 
sail  sixteen  or  twenty  miles  into  the  sea  afishing ;  and  have  been 
sometimes  chased  home  by  the  Frenchmen.  And  I  myself,  being 
upon  occasion  on  the  coast,  have  seen  the  fisher  boats  brought  in 
with  women  which  I  think  hath  not  been  seen  (before)."  ^ 

In  1546,  the  French  renewed  their  attempts  on  Boulogne,  and, 
in  order  to  sever  the  communications  by  land  with  Calais,  tried  to 
seize  Ambleteuse.  But  they  were  disappointed  by  the  vigilance  of 
Lord  Lisle  and  the  Earl  of  Hertford  ;  and  a  force  of  nine  thousand 
troops  encamped  near  it  for  its  protection.  In  the  spring  there 
were  several  naval  skirmishes  off  the  place ;  and  in  one  of  these, 
which  occurred  on  May  18th,  eight  English  men-of-war  engaged  an 
equal  number  of  French  vessels,  and  took  a  galley^  with  one  hundred 
and  eighty  soldiers  and  one  hundred  and  forty  rowers  ;  but  the 
operations  were  of  no  great  importance,  and  they  were  put  an  end 
to  by  the  conclusion  of  peace  on  June  7th.'  In  the  following  year 
D'Annebaut,  Baron  de  Eetz,  came  over  with  a  large  suite  and  with 
twelve  galleys,  to  pay  a  state  visit  to  England.  He  landed  under  a 
salute  at  Tower  Wharf,  and,  proceeding  to  the  king  at  Hampton 
Court  on  August  24th,  solemnly  swore  in  the  name  of  his  sovereign 
to  perform  the  articles  of  peace. 

This  was  the  last  naval  event  of  the  reign.  On  January  28th, 
1547,  Henry  VIII.  died,  leaving  the  crown  to  his  son  Edward  VI., 
who  was  then  little  more  than  nine  years  of  age.  On  Febnaary  17th, 
Sir  Thomas  Seymour,  who  was  brother  of  Edward,  Duke  of 
Somerset  and  Lord  Protector,  and  who  seems  to  have  been  already 
•on  excellent  terms  with  the  Queen  Dowager,  Katherine  Parr,  whom 
he  married  a  few  weeks  later,  was  created  Lord  Seymour  of  Sudeley 
and  Lord  High  Admiral. 

Henry  VIII.  in  his  last  years  had  cherished  a  project  for  the 
marriage  of  his  son  Prince  Edward  with  the  Princess  Mary, 
daughter  of.  James  V.  of  Scotland ;  and  he  had  succeeded  in 
inducing  the  Scots  Government  to  enter  into  an  agreement  that  the 
marriage  should  take  place.  After  Edward's  accession,  the  plan 
was  as  warmly  taken  up  by  the  Lord  Protector;  but  the  idea  of  the 

1  S.  p.  Doiii.,  i.  827,  828. 

-  Taken  into  the  navy  as  the  Galley  Blancherd. 

■'  MontUic,  i.  237;  Hall,  260;  Du  Bellay,  x. 


1547.]  THE  FLEET  IN  THE  FORTH.  467 

union  was  unpopular  in  Scotland,  and  was  especially  ofifensive  to 
France,  which,  as  a  Catholic  power,  strongly  objected  to  see  a 
Catholic  princess  of  a  house  long  friendly  with  France  allied  to  a 
Protestant  prince  of  a  house  which  was  France's  traditional  enemy. 
The  Lord  Protector  determined  to  endeavour  to  force  Scotland-  to 
observe  its  undertaking.  On  the  other  hand,  France  determined  to 
endeavour  to  secure  the  princess  for  the  Dauphin,  and  dispatched 
Leo  Strozzi,  general  of  the  galleys  of  France,  with  a  force  which  on 
July  3rd,  1547,  seized  St.  Andrews,  in  Fifeshire,  and  there  captured 
the  leading  Scots  Protestants  who  were  partisans  of  the  Enghsh 
match. 

Before  England  conld  strike  any  forcible  blow  there  were 
several  border  skirmishes  and  small  encounters  at  sea.  In  one  of 
the  latter,  if  Hayward  may  be  credited,  an  English  man-of-war 
called  the  Pensee^  was  attacked  by  a  Scots  ship  called  the  Lion, 
which,  although  of  superior  force,  she  took.  But  the  prize,  with 
most  of  her  men,  was  lost  off  Harwich  as  she  was  being  brought 
south. 

There  was  no  unnecessary  delay  in  England.  A  fleet  of 
sixty-five  sail,  including  thirty-four  large  ships  and  one  galley, 
was  placed  under  the  command  of  Admiral  Edward,  Lord  Clinton, 
and  Vice-Admiral  Sir  William  Woodhouse,  and  a  large  army  under 
Somerset  in  person  marched  northward."  On  September  10th,  the 
Scots  were  defeated  with  enormous  slaughter  at  Pinkie  Cleiach,^ 
near  Musselburgh,  the  fleet  co-operating  with  great  effect  on  the 
Scots  flank ;  and  Leith  *  was  taken  immediately  afterwards  and 
Edinburgh  plundered.^  But  in  spite  of  this  decisive  English 
triumph,  and  of  the  damage  done  along  the  coast  by  the  fleet, 
which  burnt  many  towns,  and  practically  annihilated  the  little 
Scots  fleet, ^  the  Scots  were  more  than  ever  determined  to  oppose 
the  English  marriage,  and  more  than  ever  inclined  to  further  a 
French  one.  France  reciprocated  in  1548  by  sending  to  Scotland 
six  thousand  men   under  Andre  de  Montalembert,  Baron  d'Esse, 

'  Oi-  Pauncy,  or  Pansy.     Slie  was  of  450  tons,  Imt  her  force  is  uiikuown. 

2  Speed,  804 ;  Holinshed,  ii.  980  ;  Burhanan,  xv. ;  Keith,  53. 

'  The  engagement  is  often  called  the  battle  of  Musselburgh.  Grafton,  128G ; 
Stowe,  594 ;  Cooper,  338i  ;  Buchanan,  xv. ;  Keith,  54. 

*  Here  the  Mary  WiUouijlihy,  which  had  previously'  been  taken  by  the  Scots,  was 
re-taken.     Holinshed,  989. 

^  Speed,  805  ;  Holinshed,  ii.  990. 

'  Cotton  MS.,  Cleop.  A.  11 ;  Stowe,  586,  587. 

2  H  2 


468  MILITARY  BISTORT,   1483-1603.  [1548. 

and  by  carrying  into  practice  a  cleverly  laid  scheme  for  the 
transport  of  Mary  Stuart,  the  subject  of  the  dispute,  from  Scotland 
to  Brittany. 

Villegagnon,^  Vice-Admiral  of  Brittany,  commanded  the  squadron 
which  conveyed  the  expeditionary  corps  to  Scotland.  He  landed 
the  troops  at  Dunbar  on  June  18th,  and  they  proceeded  to  lay  siege 
to  Haddington,  while  he,  announcing  his  intention  of  returning  to 
France,  put  to  sea.  But  as  soon  as  he  was  out  of  sight  of  the 
shore,  he  steered  north  instead  of  south,  and  passing  between  the 
Oi'kneys  and  the  Shetlands,  rounded  Scotland,  and  so  reached 
Dumbarton,  where,  by  arrangement,  Mary  Stuart  awaited  him. 
Sailing  again  without  unnecessary  delay,  he  entered  the  Channel  by 
way  of  the  Irish  Sea,  and  safely  landed  his  charge  in  Brittany  on 
July  13th,  1548.^ 

A  month  afterwards,  a  squadron  under  the  Lord  High  Admiral, 
Lord  Seymour  of  Siideley,  was  sent  to  the  eastern  coast  of  Scotland 
to  cause  a  diversion.^  Seymour  landed  a  force  at  St.  Ninian's,  in 
Fifeshire ;  but  it  was  met  by  James  Stuart,*  later  known  as  the 
Kegent  Murray,  and  driven  back  to  its  ships  with  a  loss  of  six 
hundred  killed  and  about  one  hundred  taken.  Seymour  made  an 
attempt  upon  Montrose,  but  he  fell  into  an  ambush  organised  by 
Erskine  of  Dun,  and  losing  six  hiandred  men  was  obliged  to  retreat. 
Although  in  the  course  of  his  cruise  he  destroyed  a  few  vessels,  he 
returned  to  England  with  little  gain  and  no  glory. 

Peace  nominally  continued  with  France  ;  but  in  July,  1548,  the 
French  off  Boulogne  fired  on  people  who  were  engaged  in  building 
a  mole  there,  and  subsequently  they  captui-ed  three  or  four  English 
victuallers,  and  made  incursions  within  the  English  pale.'  Remon- 
strance was  in  vain,  and  at  length  the  Council  decided  to  permit  the 
people  of  the  western  ports  secretly  to  proceed  to  sea  to  intercept 
the  home-coming  French  fishery  fleet  from  Newfoundland,  and  to 
entrust  the  conduct  of  this  strange  privateering  expedition  to 
Seymour,  Sir  Peter  Carew,  and  other  officers  of  rank.  But  the 
political  events  preceding  the  fall  and  execution  of  the  Lord  High 


island  and  fort  of  Villegagnon  in  Rio  de  Janeiro  Harbour. 

-  Guerin,  ii.  l-tiJ. 

•''  Burnet,  il.  17]. 

*  Xatural   son   of  James   V.,  liy  Lady  Margaret  Erskine :  born    1530 ;    Earl   of 
Murray  1.502  ;  Regent  1567  ;  murdered  1570. 

'-  S.  P.  MSS.  &jm.  N.  39. 


15-19.]  WYNTER   IN   THE   CHANNEL   ISLANDS.  469 

Admiral  hindered  the  carrying  out  of  the  design.  Sej'mour  was 
deprived  of  his  office  in  January,  1549,  and  was  beheaded  on 
March  20th. 

Open  war  with  Fi'ance  was  resumed  in  1549.  Henry  II. 
attacked  Boulogne ;  and  Leo  Strozzi,  with  twelve  galleys  convoy- 
ing transports  with  two  thousand  troops,  blockaded  Jersey  and 
Guernsey.  It  was  then  that  Captain  William  Wynter,  who,  under 
Elizabeth,  showed  himself  to  be  a  commander  of  unusual  ability, 
first  began  to  build  up  his  reputation,  although  he  had  served  as 
early  as  1544  during  the  operations  in  the  Firth  of  Forth. 
Entrusted  with  a  small  squadron  and  eight  hundred  soldiers,  he, 
in  spite  of  his  inferior  force,  so  boldly  attacked  Strozzi  that  he  took 
or  burnt  all  his  galleys,  killed  a  thousand  of  his  men,  and  drove  the 
rest  of  the  expedition  ignominiously  back  to  France.'  It  is  but 
just  to  add  that  the  French  histories  contain  no  mention  of  this 
affair.  They  do,  however,  assert  that  on  August  1st,  1549,  Strozzi 
off  Boulogne  gained  a  brilliant  victory  over  an  English  fleet,  and 
drove  the  shattered  remnant  of  it  to  Guernsey ;  and  this  action  is 
not  mentioned  by  English  writers.  The  evidence  as  to  Wynter's 
victory  is,  nevertheless,  too  strong  to  be  neglected ;  while  the 
evidence  as  to  the  French  success  is  exceedingly  and  even  sus- 
piciously weak.  There  is  less  doubt  as  to  the  successes  of  the 
French  on  land.  They  pressed  Boulogne  ^  severely,  cutting  off  all 
communication  with  it  save  by  sea ;  and  by  the  treaty  of 
March  14th,  1550,  ^  they  were  given  possession  of  it  and  its 
dependencies  upon  payment  of  400,000  crowns. 

Dudley,  Earl  of  Warwick,  who,  since  October  '28th,  1549,  had 
held  the  office  of  Lord  High  Admiral  for  the  second  time,  relin- 
quished it  on  May  4th,  1550,  to  Edward,  Lord  Clinton,  who  had 
been  governor  of  the  beleaguered  fortress,  and  who  had  negotiated 
the  treaty.* 

The  peace  between  England  and  France  was  very  displeasing  to 
the  emperor,  who,  in  consequence,  allowed  and  probably  encouraged 
his  Flamand  subjects  to  cruise  against  the  French  in  the  English 
seas  in  a  manner  destructive  to  all  security  of  commerce  and  inter- 
communication.    Tlie  French  naturally  retaHated,  the  result  being 

'  Godwin,  233;    Speed,  811;   Fox,  'Acts  and   Monuments,'  ii.  G71;    Holinslied, 
i.  1055. 

2  Edward's  Diary  ;  Cotton  MS.  Nero,  C.  x.  5. 

^  '  Fa'dera,'  xv.  211 ;  Leonai'd,  ii.  472. 

'  Strype,  ii.  230;  Edward's  Journal,  11,  13;  Grafton,  1314. 


470  MILITARY  BISTORT,   1485-1603.  [1553. 

that  the  Narrow  Seas  became  the  scene  of  all  sorts  of  piratical 
irregularities.  The  English  Government  did  its  best  to  stop  these 
proceedings,  and  to  protect  the  merchants,  whose  interests  were 
seriously  prejudiced.  A  squadron  of  six  ships  with  four  pinnaces 
and  a  brigantine  was  sent  on  a  preventive  cruise  in  July,  1551 ; 
and  the  brigantine  in  question,  or  another  craft  of  the  same  type, 
was  dispatched  to  Dieppe  to  warn  the  French  against  the  Flamands 
in  the  Channel.  It  is  noteworthy  as  showing  the  respect  with 
which  the  English  naval  power  was  then  treated,  that  when  this 
brigantine  in  her  course  encountered  some  Elamand  vessels,  they 
lowered  their  topsails  to  her.  Yet  the  Flamands  were  not  in- 
variably so  subservient.  In  February,  1552,  a  Flamand  ship  had 
the  temerity  to  attempt  to  search  the  Falcon — probably  the  English 
pinnace  of  that  name — for  Frenchmen,  whereupon  the  Falcon 
boarded  and  took  her. 

In  1551  there  occurred  the  earliest  recorded  English  voyage  to 
Guinea.  It  was  made  by  Thomas  Windham,  who,  in  the  following 
year,  repeated  it,  and  opened  a  remunerative  trade.  In  1553  he 
made  a  third  voyage,  with  three  ships,  but  perished  on  the  coast. 

On  March  1st,  of  1552,  four  barks  and  two  pinnaces  were  sent  to 
reinforce  the  cruisers  policing  the  Channels,  and  on  March  26th 
Sir  Henry  Dudley,  with  four  ships  and  two  barks,  was  sent  to  sea 
with  directions  to  protect  the  trade.  He  captured  two  pirates  and 
carried  them  into  Dover ;  but  he  appears  upon  the  whole  to  have 
performed  his  task  but  indifferently,^  for  the  lawless  proceedings 
continued,  and  those  of  the  French,  which  in  a  space  of  twenty 
months  cost  English  merchants  a  loss  of  £50,000,  became  so  in- 
sufferable that  very  sharp  remonstrances  were  addressed  to  the  court 
of  France.^  These  led  to  strained  relations,  and  a  rupture  appeared 
to  be  imminent  when,  on  July  6th,  1553,  Edward  VI.  died. 

Mary,  who  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  the  partisans  of  the 
unfortunate  Lady  Jane  Grey,  succeeded  her  brother,  owed  her 
elevation,  in  a  large  measure,  to  the  attitude  of  the  navy.  The  ■ 
Duke  of  Northumberland,  on  behalf  of  Lady  Jane,  sent  a  squadron 
of  six  ships,  immediately  after  the  king's  death,  to  blockade 
Yarmouth  with  a  view  to  preventing  Mary,  who  was  in  the  eastern 
counties,  from  leaving  the  country.  But  it  happened  that  forces 
for  Mary's  support  were  at  that  moment  being  levied  in  the  town, 

'  Edward's  Journal,  Mar.  20,  1552 ;  Strype,  ii.  b.  ii.  c.  x. 
^  Ih.,  62-66 ;  Strype  ii.  332. 


1554.]  PHILIP   OBLIGED    TO   tiALUTE   THE  FLAG.  471 

where  the  princess's  interest  was  strong.  Sir  Henry  Jernegan,  one 
of  the  officers  engaged  in  this  levy,  had  the  courage  to  put  off  to  the 
squadron  in  an  open  boat,  and  the  abihty  to  persuade  the  whole 
command  to  declare  for  Queen  Mary.  At  about  the  same  time  the 
Warden  of  the  Cinque  Ports  took  the  same  course,  and  the  result  of 
these  and  other  pronouncements  was  that  opposition  ceased  before 
blood  had  been  shed,  and  that  Mary  mounted  the  throne  peaceably.' 
In  the  following  year,  on  March  26th,  she  appointed  William,  first 
Lord  Howard  of  Effingham,  to  be  Lord  High  Admiral. - 

In  the  meantime.  Captain  William  Wynter  had  been  sent  with 
a  squadron  to  Ostend  to  bring  to  England  the  ambassadors  of  the 
Emperor  Charles  V.,  who  were  charged  to  negotiate  the  pre- 
liminaries of  a  marriage  between  his  son,  Philip  of  Spain,  and  the 
new  queen. ^  The  emperor  on  this  occasion  sent  Wynter  a  chain 
of  gold,  which  upon  his  return  to  England  the  honest  seaman 
showed  to  Sir  Nicholas  Throgmorton,  who  exclaimed :  "  For  this 
gold  chain  you  have  sold  your  country."*  Such  indeed  was  the 
unpopularity  of  the  proposed  match  that  Sir  Thomas  Wyatt's 
abortive  rebellion  was  the  instant  outcome  of  the  arrival  of  the 
ambassadors.  But  nothing  sufficed  to  stay  the  execution  of  the 
project,  and  in  the  summer  of  1-5.54,  Philip  with  an  imposing  fleet 
of  one  hundred  and  sixty  sail  set  out  for  England. 

Effingham,  with  twenty-eight  ships,  had  ere  this  begun  to  cruise . 
in  the  Channel,  nominally  to  guard  the  trade,  but  really  to  welcome 
the  arrival  of  the  future  King  Consort.  He  welcomed  it  in  strange 
fashion.  Philip  came  up  Channel  with  the  Spanish  flag  at  his 
main,  and  when  he  sighted  Effingham's  squadron,  proudly  kept  the 
flag  flying  in  expectation  that  Effingham  would  salute  it.  The 
Lord  High  Admiral  did  salute,  but  it  was  with  a  shotted  gun. 
It  did  not  seem  fitting  to  him  that  any  foreigner,  no  matter  his 
rank  and  pretentioias,  should  enter  the  seas  of  the  Queen  of  England 
without  paying  the  accustomed  deference  to  her  rights  there.  The 
shot  caused  Philip  to  strike  his  colours  and  lower  his  topsails,  the 
marriage  being  too  important  a  part  of  his  plans  to  permit  of  his 
then  disputing  the  English  claims ;    and  the  gallant  Effingham  at 

'  .Tuurnal  of  P.  C.  (Haynes),  156;  Stowe,  611,  612;  Holinshed,  ii.  1087;  Gmlwin, 
268,  271 ;  Speed,  817. 

2  Pat.  1  Mary,  7  ;  '  Fadera,'  xv.  382. 

'  Holinshed,  ii.  1106 ;  Stryi^e,  iii.  59. 

*  Botli  Wynter  and  Throgmorton  nearly  suffered  for  this.  Tlie  trial  is  in 
Holinshed. 


472  MILITAFiY  inSTOIiF,    1485-1603.  [1557. 

once  returned  the  salute  in  the  usual  friendly  way.  Hervey  calls 
this  "  a  noble  instance  of  spirit  which  well  deserves  to  be  com- 
memorated." Campbell  considers  it  "a  circumstance  worthy  of 
immortal  remembrance,  and  one  would  think  too  of  imitation."  ^ 

Philip  landed  at  Southampton  on  July  19th,  and  the  marriage 
took  place  at  "Winchester  on  the  2.5th  of  the  same  month.  On 
August  12th,  the  royal  pair  made  their  public  entry  into  London, 
amid  the  barely  repressed  disgust  of  the  greater  part  of  the  nation. 

Philip  remained  in  England  only  until  September,  1555,  and  did 
not  revisit  the  country,  save  for  a  short  period  in  1557  ;  yet  he  was 
not  without  influence  upon  its  policy ;  and  his  accession  to  the 
throne  of  Spain,  upon  the  abdication  of  his  father  in  January,  1556, 
enabled  him  to  involve  England  in  disastrous  wars  with  France  and 
Scotland.  Nor,  in  all  probability,  was  be  entirely  irresponsible  for 
the  supercession,  on  February  10th,  1557,  as  Lord  High  Admiral,  of 
Howard  of  Effingham  by  Edward,  Lord  Clinton ;  although,  no 
doubt,  Howard's  devotion  to  the  Princess  Elizabeth  was  the  osten- 
sible reason  why  the  change  was  made. 

The  French  campaign  opened  well.  William  Herbert,  Earl  of 
Pembroke,  with  seven  or  eight  thousand  men,  and  in  co-operation 
with  Spanish  troops,  contributed  to  the  victory  of  St.  Quentin,  in 
Picardy,  on  July  7th,  1557 ,"  but  there  was  soon  a  great  misfortune 
to  be  set  off  against  this  somewhat  useless  success.  On  January  1st, 
1558,  Francis,  Duke  of  Guise,  suddenly  appeared  at  the  Bridge  of 
Nieullay,  close  to  Calais,  and  sui-prised  the  defences  there.  Next 
day,  D'Andelot  de  Coligny^  seized  Fort  Kisban  on  the  sea  front; 
and  on  the  5th,  the  citadel  was  can-ied  by  assault.  On  the  7th, 
Lord  Wentworth,  the  governor,  who  had  but  five  hundred  men  at 
his  disposal,  capitulated  ;  and  so,  after  upwards  of  two  hundred 
years  of  English  occupation,  this  important  strong  place  was  lost, 
owing  to  the  culpable  indifference  of  the  English  Government, 
which,  although  it  was  war  time,  had  failed  to  provide  it  with 
necessary  men  and  supplies.^  On  January  20th,  Earl  Grey  de 
Wilton  had  to  surrender  Guines  ; "  and  presently  there  remained  to 
England  not  a  single  foot  of  her  once  splendid  dominions  in  France. 

'  See  also  Monson's  'Tracts,'  in  Cliurcliiirs  Voyages,  243;  Speed,  824;  Holinshed, 
ii.  1118. 

^  Brother  of  Gaspard,  the  Admiral  uf  France. 

'  Grafton,  1354,  1355;  Godwin,  330,  331;  Daniel,  viii.  210;  Stowc,  031,  632; 
Burleigh's  Diary  (Murdin),  747  ;  Dupleix,  iii.  576,  577 ;  Guerin,  ii.  174,  175. 

*  Grafton,  1357-1359;  Godwin,  331,  332;  Stowe,  C32. 


1058.]  AC'CESmON   OF   QUEEN  ELIZABETH.  473 

Thirty  j^ears  later,  bad  England  still  held  Calais,  the  Spanish 
Armada  might,  in  all  probability,  have  been  completely  destroyed 
there. 

The  naval  campaigns  of  1557  and  1558  were  hardly  more  satis- 
factory. In  the  former  year  a  squadron  of  twelve  sail,  under 
Sir  John  Clere  of  Ormesby,  Vice-Admiral  of  England,  was  sent  to 
sea  to  annoy  the  Scots,  and  to  protect  the  home-coming  Iceland 
fleet  of  fishing  vessels.  A  descent  was  made  by  it  on  the  mainland 
of  Orkney  on  August  l'2th  ;  but  on  the  day  following,  an  over- 
whehning  force  of  Scots  fell  upon  the  landing  j)arty,  killed  three 
captains  belonging  to  the  squadron,  took  all  Clere's  artillery,  and 
drove  the  survivors  to  their  ships.  Clere's  boat,  as  he  was  being 
pulled  off,  was  upset,  and  he  was  drowned.^ 

In  the  summer  of  1558,  Lord  Chnton  put  to  sea  with  a  fleet  of 
one  hundred  and  forty  sail,  reinforced  by  thirty  ships  belonging 
to  Philip's  Netherlands  possessions,  with  orders  to  attempt  the 
reduction  of  Brest.  Part  of  the  command  seems,  however,  to  have 
been  detached  to  the  northward  ;  for,  on  July  13th,  twelve  English 
ships,  chancing  to  find  themselves  off  Gravelines,  where  a  battle  was 
being  fought  between  Count  Egmont  and  the  Marshal  de  Thermes, 
were  able  so  to  gall  the  French  with  their  gun-fire  as  to  decide  the 
fight,  which  resulted  in  a  decisive  victory  for  Egmont. 

But  the  main  fleet,  under  the  Lord  High  Admiral,  effected  no 
good.  It  landed  seven  thousand  men  in  Brittany,  and  on  July  31st, 
1558,  took  and  burnt  Le  Conquet.  Against  Brest,  however,  it  did 
nothing;  and  a  party  of  Flamands,  who  had  wandered  into  the 
country  out  of  gun-shot  of  their  ships,  was  cut  off  by  the  French. '•^ 

Queen  Mary  died  on  November  17th,  1558. 

Queen  Elizabeth,  who  succeeded  her  sister,  was  a  little  more 
than  twenty-five  years  of  age.  "  There  never  was,  perhaps,"  as 
Campbell  remarks,  "  a  kingdom  in  a  more  distressed  condition  than 
England  at  the  accession  of  this  princess.  It  was  engaged  in  a  war 
abroad  for  the  interest  of  a  foreign  prince  ;  at  home  the  people  were 
divided  and  distracted  about  their  religious  and  civil  concerns. 
Those  of  the  reformed  religion  had  been  lately  exposed  to  the 
flames,  and  those  of  the  Koman  communion  found  thenaselves  now 
in  a  decUning  state.     On  the  continent,  we  had  no  allies ;  in  this 

'  Leslie,  'De  Reb.  Gest.  Scot.'  .\. ;  Strype,  iii.  420;  Bialuiuaii,  xvi. 
2  Grafton,  1363,1364;  Stowe,  G33;  Godwin,  334;  Dupleix,  iii.  583,584;  Daniel, 
viii.  232. 


474  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1485-1603.  [1558. 

very  island,  the  Scots  were  enemies,  and  their  queen  claimed  the 
English  crown.  The  exchequer  was  exhausted,  most  of  the  forts 
and  castles  throughout  the  kingdom  were  mouldering  into  ruins  ; 
at  sea  we  had  lost  much  of  our  ancient  reputation,  and  a  too  sharp 
sense  of  their  misfortunes  had  dejected  the  whole  nation  to  the  last 
degree."  ^ 

Happily,  Elizabeth  was  a  woman  of  ability,  good  education, 
lofty  patriotism,  high  spirit,  devotion  to  her  exalted  duties,  and 
something  more.  Her  youth  had  been  stormy,  and  she  had  often 
been  the  unwilling  centre  of  intrigues,  which  had  taught  her 
much  concerning  both  men  and  women.  She  never  forgot  her 
early  lessons,  nor  did  she  fail  to  apply  them.  They  made  her 
independent  and  self-reliant ;  and  although  she  was  fortunate  in 
having  as  able  advisers  and  servants  as  had  ever  lent  aid  to  an 
Enghsh  sovereign,  she  trusted,  throughout  her  long  reign,  first 
of  all  to  herself ;  and  she  deserves,  in  consequence,  the  first  credit 
for  the  many  glories  and  triumphs  of  the  Elizabethan  age. 

The  naval  affairs  of  the  time  are  intermixed,  more  than  those  of 
any  other  period,  with  affairs  not  purely  naval.  During  much  of  the 
reign,  unofficial  warfare,  not  now  very  easily  distinguishable  from 
piracy,  was  waged  by  the  queen's  subjects  against  foreign  powers ; 
and  many  of  the  chief  leaders  in  these  operations  had  been,  or  were 
to  become,  officers  in  the  Eoyal  Navy.  Again,  queen's  ships  were, 
on  more  than  one  occasion,  employed  for  purposes  of  private  gain, 
adventure,  or  discovery,  and  were  whoUy  or  partially  fitted  out  and 
maintained  at  private  charges.  And  still,  as  previously,  vessels  and 
seamen  of  the  merchant  marine  were  frequently  used  for  national 
purposes.  Unusual  difficulty  is,  therefore,  experienced  in  drawing 
a  satisfactory  line  between  the  naval  operations  proper  of  the  reign 
and  those  operations  which  were  more  particularly  adventurous, 
commercial,  exploratory,  or  piratical.  It  is  hoped,  however,  that 
assisted  by  the  references  in  the  notes  below,  the  reader  will  easily 
find  in  Chapter  XVI.  an  account  of  such  expeditions  as  are  not  here 
treated  of ;  since  it  has  been  deemed  most  convenient  to  confine  the 
present  chapter  mainly  to  the  consideration  of  the  warlike  under- 
takings of  the  State,  and  of  those  naval  events  which  directly 
affected,  or  proceeded  from,  the  national  policy. 

One  of  Elizabeth's  first  cares  was  for  the  safety  of  the  Narrow 
Seas.     On   November  21st,  ere  she  had  been  queen  a  week,  she 
'  Campbell  (ed.  1817),  i.  407. 


1560.]  THE  FRENCH  IN  .•SCOTLAND.  475 

ordered  Malyn,  the  vice-admiral,  to  collect  as  large  a  fleet  as  possible 
for  the  protection  of  the  trade,  and  for  the  prevention  of  un- 
authorised persons  from  entering  or  leaving  the  kingdom.  So 
strictly  was  the  service  performed  that  it  was  presently  found 
necessary  to  relax  the  orders,  and  to  explain  that  the  queen  had  no 
intention  of  unduly  restraining  her  subjects  in  the  prosecution  of 
their  lawful  concerns.^  Lord  Clinton,  although  he  had  not  been 
conspicuously  successful  in  his  operations  during  the  previous  reigns, 
was  confirmed  in  his  office  as  Lord  High  Admiral. 

On  April  2nd,  1.559,  peace  was  concluded  with  France  at  Cateau 
Cambresis.^  Among  the  stipulations  was  one  for  the  restitution 
of  Calais  to  England  at  the  expiration  of  eight  years,  or  for  the 
payment  then  of  fifty  thousand  crowns  by  way  of  penalty.  Another 
stipulation  was  to  the  effect  that  the  fortresses  built  and  manned  by 
the  French  upon  the  Scots  border  should  be  evacuated  and  razed  ; 
and  it  was  further  agreed  that  the  Dauphin,  later  Francis  II., 
and  the  Dauphiness,  Mary  of  Scots,  should  ,  confirm  the  treaty 
and  recognise  the  right  of  Elizabeth  to  the  crown  of  England. 

But  nothing  came  of  these  arrangements.  Eeligious  considera- 
tions had  induced  Elizabeth,  as  early  as  February  '27th,  1559,^  to 
take  the  Protestant  party  in  Scotland  under  her  protection ;  and 
similar  considerations  induced  France  to  strain  every  nerve  to  assist 
the  Eoman  Catholic  party  there.  Nor  would  the  Dauphin  and 
Dauphiness  confirm  the  treaty.  And  when  the  Dauphin,  in 
July,  1559,  by  the  death  of  his  father,  was  elevated  to  the  throne  of 
France,  and,  in  the  character  of  King  of  Scotland  also,  sent  large 
forces  thither,  open  war  naturally  recommenced. 

Early  in  1560,  Elizabeth  concluded  the  Treaty  of  Berwick  with 
the  Scots  Lords  of  the  Congregation,  promising  to  assist  them  in 
the  expulsion  of  the  French ;  and,  iimnediately  afterwards,  she 
dispatched  to  the  north  an  army  under  Earl  Grey  de  Wilton, 
a  fleet  under  Wynter  having  already  sailed  for  the  Firth  of  Forth. 
Wynter  attacked  the  French  ships  in  the  roadstead,  and  took  or 
destroyed  them.  He  then  rigidly  blockaded  Leith ;  and,  had  the 
army  of  Grey  and  the  Confederates  been  as  active  as  the  navy  was, 
the  place  would  probably  have  fallen.  Wynter  had  not  only  to 
co-operate  with  the  besiegers,  but  also  to  guard  against  the  daily 

'  Strype,  Ann.  i.  6. 

^  Forties's  Coll.  S.  P.  i. ;  Buchanan,  xvi.  xvii. ;  Holinslicil.  ii.  118-1. 

^  Treaty  of  Berwick.     '  Foedera,'  xv.  ."lOD. 


476  MILITAEY  HISTORY,   1485-1603.  [1562. 

expected  arrival  from  France  of  a  relieving  fleet  under  the  Marquis 
d'Elbeiif.  This  fleet,  however,  was  dispersed  by  a  storm,  and 
obliged  to  return  to  France ;  and  Francis  II.,  realising  the  difficulty 
of  conducting  operations  at  so  great  a  distance  from  his  bases,  and 
the  probabihty  that,  in  spite  of  all  his  efforts,  Leith  would  fall 
sooner  or  later,  came  to  terms. 

The  Treaty  of  Edinburgh,  signed  on  July  (5th,  15(50,^  procured 
the  evacuation  of  Scotland  by  French  troops,  the  razing  of  the 
fortifications  of  Leith  and  Dunbar,  and  the  payment  of  a  fine  for 
Mary's  blazoning  of  the  arms  of  England  with  those  of  Scotland 
and  France. 

Mary  declined  to  be  a  party  to  this  arrangement ;  but  as  her 
husband,  Francis  II.,  died  on  December  5th,  1560,  and  as  France 
was  thenceforward  less  intimately  concerned  with  the  affairs  of 
Scotland,  Mary's  refusal  gained  her  nothing.  Indeed,  a  full  and 
frank  concession  of  the  Enghsh  demands  in  1560  might  have  spared 
her  the  long  tragedy  which  ended  at  Fotheringay  in  1587.  Mary 
returned  to  Scotland  from  France  in  August,  1561.  An  English 
squadron,  then  at  sea,  is  generally  supposed  to  have  received  orders 
to  intercept  her,  in  order  that  she  might  be  detained  in  England 
until  she  should  ratify  the  Treaty  of  Edinburgh ;  but  she  was  not 
sighted  by  it,  and  she  landed  without  any  interference. 

It  was  ever  part  of  Elizabeth's  policy  to  encourage  and  support 
the  Protestant  party  on  the  continent.  After  the  accession  of 
Charles  IX.  to  the  throne  of  France,  the  long  growing  tension 
between  the  Protestants  and  Catholics  in  France  reached  breaking 
point ;  and  in  1562,"  as  a  consequence  of  the  massacre  of  Vassy, 
religious  war  broke  out  there.  As  the  chief  strength  of  the 
Protestants  lay  along  the  north-west  coasts  of  the  country,  the 
civil  war  extended  to  the  Channel,  whither  each  party  dispatched 
numerous  privateers.  Most  of  these  vessels  confused  piracy  with 
their  privateering,  and  the  trade  of  neutrals  suft'ered  so  intolerably 
that  Elizabeth  found  no  difficulty  in  discovering  a  pretext  for 
lending  material  support  to  the  Huguenots.^  They  had  long  begged 
for  her  assistance,  and  had  offered  to  put  the  port  of  Le  Havre  into 
her  hands.      In   1562,    therefore,    she   accepted   the   offer,    and   in 

1  'Fccdera,'  xv.  593. 

^  This  year  .Julm  Ha\vk\'ns  made  his  first  voyage  to  tlie  AVest  Indies.  See 
Chap.  XYI. 

'  The  queen's  niauifesto  is  given  liy  Stowe. 


156.3.]  EVACUATION   OF  LE  HAVRE.  477 

October  sent  over  Ambrose  Dudley,  Earl  of  Warwick,  with  a 
squadron  conveying  a  considerable  body  of  troops,  to  occupy  the 
place.' 

France  at  once  declared  all  English  ships  good  prize,  so  long  as 
Elizabeth  held  Le  Havre.  The  queen  replied  by  declaring  all 
French  ships  good  prize  also.  In  this  informal  war  the  English 
privateers  made  immense  gains  at  sea.'^  One  Francis  Clarke,  for 
example,  by  means  of  three  vessels  which  he  had  fitted  ov;t, 
captured  no  fewer  than  eighteen  ships,  valued  at  i'.50,000,  within 
three  weeks."'  But  the  English  privateers,  like  the  French  ones, 
soon  developed  piratical  tendencies  ;  it  became  necessary  to  restrain 
their  operations  by  proclamation,  and  an  embassy  was  sent  to 
France  to  excuse  their  practices.''  Sir  William  Woodhouse,  with 
a  small  squadron,  composed  of  the  Lion,  Hope,  Hart,  Sivallow,  and 
Hare,  was  sent  to  sea  to  repress  piracy,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  render  such  aid  as  might  be  possible  to  the  Huguenots  ;  and  he 
seems  to  have  cruised  with  success,  lying  at  intervals  at  Ports- 
mouth, during  the  winter.^ 

But  Elizabeth  was  soon  deserted  by  her  proteges.  On  March 
l'2th,  1-563,  the  French  Protestant  and  Cathohc  leaders  concluded 
peace  at  Amboise  ;  and,  as  the  English  continued  to  hold  Le  Havre, 
formal  war  between  France  and  England  was  declared  on  July  7th, 
and  the  re-united  parties  combined  to  press  with  equal  energy  the 
siege  of  the  town,  under  the  direction  of  the  Constable  Anne  de 
Montmorenci.  Warwick  held  out  until  the  .28th,  a  fleet  of  sixty 
sail,  sent  to  succour  him,  arriving  only  in  time  to  carry  off  his 
forces.  The  campaign  was  put  an  end  to  on  April  11th,  1.564,^  bj' 
the  Treaty  of  Troyes.'  In  virtue  of  this,  the  French  queen-mother 
agreed  to  pay  120,000  crowns  to  England ;  free  trade  between  the 
two  countries  was  conceded ;  and  French  hostages  in  English 
hands  were  released. 

Late  in  1.566,  a  little  trading  expedition,  under  George  Fenner, 

'  Strype,  i.  367;  Forbes's  Cull.  S.  P.  ii. ;  Burleigh's  Diary  (MurJin),  753,754; 
Leonard,  ii.  571.    Eleven  small  French  vessels  were  taken  in  the  \«-<vi. 

^  Cauulen,  i.  94;  Speed,  835;  Hulinslieil,  ii.  111)6. 

^  Stowe,  653. 

■*  Camden,  '  Ann.'  i.  08. 

"  S.  P.  (Haynes),  3'J4;  S.  P.  (Forbes),  ii.  171 ;  Stowe,  G52;  Strype,  i.  367;  Holiu- 
shed,  ii.  1197. 

*  This  year.  .John  Hawkyns  made  his  second  voyage  to  the  West  Indies.  See 
Chap.  XVI. 

'  '  Fcedera,'  .w.  640. 


478  MILITAEY  HISTORY,   1485-1603.  [1568. 

consisting  of  three  ships  and  a  pinnace,  left  Plymouth  for  Guinea 
and  Cape  Verde.  In  May  following,  off  Terceira,  one  of  the  English 
vessels  was  treacherously  attacked  by  seven  Portuguese  craft,  nearly 
all  of  which  were  of  superior  force.  She  gallantly  resisted  them  for 
two  entire  days,  and  finally  beat  them  all  off.^  -- 

A  new  religious  war  broke  out  in  France  in  1667 ; "  and  once 
more,  in  spite  of  the  treatment  which  she  had  previously  received 
from  them,  EHzabeth  rendered  assistance  to  the  Protestants,  sending 
them  100,000  crowns  in  gold  and  a  park  of  artillery.  She  also 
showed  favour  to  the  persecuted  Protestants  of  the  Spanish  Nether- 
lands. Her  attitude  was  even  more  resented  by  Spain  than  by 
Prance ;  and  soon  other  difficulties  arose  to  intensify  the  ill-feeling 
which  had  been  sown  early  in  the  reign  by  Elizabeth's  refusal 
to  listen  to  the  matrimonial  advances  of  her  brother-in-law,  Philip. 

Early  in  1568,^  some  Genoese  merchants,  purposing  to  establish 
a  bank  in  the  Netherlands,  obtained  from  King  Philip  a  licence  to 
transport  thither  in  Spanish  bottoms  a  large  sum  in  specie.  As  the 
vessels  entered  the  Channel,  they  were  chased  by  some  French 
privateers  into  Plymouth,  Falmouth,  and  Southampton,  where  they 
were  well  received.  At  the  request  of  the  Spanish  ambassador,  the 
specie  was  carried  ashore.  But  in  the  meantime,  the  queen  was 
informed  that  the  Duke  of  Alva,  who  was  Governor  of  the  Nether- 
lands, intended  to  seize  the  money  on  its  arrival,  and  to  use  it 
to  the  prejiidice  of  the  Protestants.  She  therefore  impounded  it, 
promising,  however,  to  return  it  with  interest  to  the  Genoese, 
should  it  prove  to  be  indeed  intended  for  their  legitimate  business, 
or  to  hand  it  over  to  the  King  of  Spain,  should  he  make  good  a 
claim  to  it.*  The  real  object  of  the  somewhat  high-handed 
proceedings  appears  to  have  been  to  prevent  Alva  from  getting 
improper  possession  of  the  treasure.  Both  Alva  and  Philip  strongly 
resented  the  act.  Philip  attempted  to  tamper  with  certain  English 
statesmen,  and  to  stir  up  a  rebellion  in  Ireland  ;  and  Alva  laid  hands 
on  all  English  property  in  Flanders  and  granted  letters  of  marque 
and  reprisals.^  Elizabeth  thereupon  permitted  reprisals  also  ;  but, 
as  before,  the  privateers  soon  developed   piratical   tendencies,  and 

'  Hakluyt,  ii. 

^  This  year  John   Hawkyns  made  his  third  voyage   to   the   West   Indies.     See 
Chap.  XVI. 

*  This  year  the  Eussia  Company  sent  agents  to  Persia. 
'  Camden,  i.  175 ;  Stowe,  6G2 ;  Turquet,  ii.  1-132. 
"  Burleigh's  Diary  (Murdin),  760  767. 


1573.]  BLOCKADE   OF  LA   BOCHELLE.  479 

had  to  be  repressed  by  proclamation.'  The  matter  was  presently  • 
compromised,  hiit  it  did  not  fail  to  leave  much  bad  blood  on  both 
sides.  Nevertheless,  when  in  1570  Philip  was  about  to  marry  his 
niece,  the  Archduchess  Anne  of  Austria,  Elizabeth  very  politely  sent 
a  squadron  under  Charles  Howard,  afterwards  Lord  Howard  of 
Effingham,  to  honourably  escort  the  princess  from  Zeeland  to 
Spain.' 

In  1572  ^  there  was  a  new  treaty  with  France ;  yet  Elizabeth 
was  unable  to  regard  the  proceedings  of  her  nearest  continental 
neighliour  without  the  gravest  anxiety  and  suspicion.  The  massacre 
of  St.  Bartholomew's  Day  served  to  increase  her  misgivings  ;  and, 
as  a  fourth  religious  war,  which  centred  about  La  Kochelle,  had 
broken  out,  the  sympathies  of  most  Englishmen  were  in  an  excited 
condition,  which,  even  taken  alone,  was  a  soiirce  of  difhculty  and  of 
danger  to  peace.  Nor  was  the  Protestant  struggle  going  on  only  in 
France.  The  Prince  of  Orange  had  entered  the  Netherlands  at  the 
head  of  an  army  recruited  in  Germany. 

Elizabeth  was  as  desirous  of  avoiding  foiTnal  war  as  she 
was  of  befriending  the  Protestant  cause.  She  dispatched  help  to 
the  Prince  of  Orange,  under  Thomas  Morgan  and  Sir  Humphrey 
Gilbert ;  and,  at  first  less  openly,  she  assisted  the  Protestants  of 
La  Eochelle.  The  celebrated  Captain  Polain  blockaded  that  port ; 
but  he  had  only  five  galleys  and  three  ships,  besides  small  craft ; 
and  the  success  of  one  of  the  Protestant  commanders  named  Miran, 
in  running  the  blockade  and  throwing  provisions  into  the  town, 
seems  to  have  encouraged  Gabriel  de  Montgomeri,  a  Protestant 
leader  who  was  at  the  time  a  refugee  in  England,  to  attempt  an 
entei-prise  of  a  similar  kind  on  a  larger  scale.  He  fitted  out  a  fleet 
of  fifty -three  vessels,  not,  of  course,  without  the  more  or  less  active 
co-operation  of  the  English  Government ;  and  he  had  as  his  second 
in  command  Jacques  Sore,  the  best  naval  commander  that  Protestant 
France  had  then  produced.  Yet,  in  spite  of  these  advantages,  when, 
in  April,  1573,  he  appeared  off  the  beleaguered  town,  he  effected 
nothing ;  nor,  although  he  persisted  in  his  efforts,  did  he  si;cceed  in 
breaking  down  Polain's  guard  before  the  conclusion  of  the  arrange- 
ment in  virtue  of  which  the  siege  was  raised  on  June  25th. 

"When    the  French  ambassador  in  London  complained  of   this 

'  S.  P.  (Murdin),  257,  274 ;  Meteren,  '  Hist,  des  Pays  Bas.'  iii. 

2  Camden,  '  Ann.'  ii.  220,  221 ;  Hawkyns's  '  Observats.'  22. 

'  In  this  year  Drake  made  his  first  great  expedition.     See  Chap.  XVI. 


480  MILITARY  HISTORY,    1485-1603.  [1575. 

expedition  having  been  suffered  to  leave  the  shores  of  England,  and 
of  English  merchants  having  supplied  the  besieged  with  provisions, 
the  queen  was  able  to  disown  personal  knowledge  of  Montgomeri's 
design.  Concerning  the  other  allegation,  she  very  aptly  said  that 
merchants  were  men  who  followed  their  gain,  wheresoever  they 
hoped  to  find  it ;  and  that  since  they,  being  Protestants,  were  in 
danger  of  being  butchered  in  every  other  port  of  France,  it  was  no 
wonder  that  they  carried  their  goods  where  they  might  hope  to  vend 
them  in  safety. 

A  fifth  war  of  religions  raged  in  France  from  1574  to  1576.  As 
usual,  Elizabeth,  while  countenancing  the  Huguenots,  endeavoured 
to  keep  on  terms  of  peace  with  France ;  and,  at  the  height  of  the 
stn;ggle,  she  sent  the  Earl  of  Worcester  on  a  complimentar}' 
mission  to  the  French  Court.  The  Protestants  of  La  Eochelle  had, 
as  on  previous  occasions  of  the  kind,  taken  advantage  of  the  civil 
strife  to  fit  out  privateers,  which  eventually  began  to  commit 
piratical  acts  against  vessels  of  all  nations.  Some  of  these  cruisers 
were  so  rash  as  to  seize  a  vessel  containing  part  of  the  Earl's 
baggage,  and  in  the  affray  they  killed  three  or  four  people.^  This 
was  more  than  the  queen  could  suffer,  even  from  her  proteges.  The 
Lord  High  Admiral,  who,  in  1572  had  been  created  Earl  of  Lincoln, 
was  instructed  to  clear  the  Narrow  Seas  of  all  freebooters,  Protestant 
or  Catholic.  He  appointed  the  Controller  of  the  Navy,  WiUiam 
Holstock,  as  his  vice-admiral,  and  entrusted  him  with  the  command 
of  three  fast  vessels,  having  three  hundred  and  sixty  men  on  board. 
With  these,  in  about  six  weeks,  Mr.  Holstock  took  twenty 
privateers,  with  nine  hundred  men,  and  retook  fifteen  merchantmen. 
The  prizes  were  sent  into  Sandwich,  Dover,  and  Portsmouth ;  and 
in  one  of  them  were  found  three  of  the  persons  who  had  been 
concerned  in  the  plundering  of  the  Earl  of  Worcester's  baggage. 
These,  after  trial,  were  hanged  as  pirates." 

In  1575,^  the  Prince  of  Orange  and  the  States  General  of  the 
Netherlands  offered  Elizabeth  the  possession,  or,  if  not,  the 
protectorate  of  Holland  and  Zeeland.  The  queen  graciously  de- 
clined the  offer,  but  promised,  if  possible,  to  use  her  influence  with 
Spain  to  procure  peace  for  the  United  Provinces.     Had  she  accepted 

'  Camden,  ii.  270,  275  ;  Daniel,  viii.  750  ;  Stowe,  074. 
^  Strype,  ii.  171,  172  ;  Holinsbed,  iL  1257. 

'  In    this   year   Jolin    (^xenham    made   a   voyage    to   tlie   "  Soutli   Seas."      Sn 
Chap.  XVI. 


1576.]  REPRESSION  OF  PIRACY.  481 

the  responsibility,  she  would  iDrobably  have  experienced  great 
trouble  in  controlling  her  new  subjects ;  for  in  the  following  year, 
1576,  the  privateers  of  Holland  and  Zeeland,  under  the  pretence 
that  English  merchants  had  been  assisting  Dunquerque,  Spain  and 
Antwerp,  did  so  much  damage  to  English  shipping  that  the  re- 
pressive services  of  Mr.  Holstock  had  to  be  again  called  for.  He 
proceeded  to  sea  with  a  small  squadron  and  captured  a  number  of 
Dutch  seamen,  two  hundred  of  whom  he  sent  to  English  prisons. 
The  queen,  moreover,  sent  Sir  William  Wynter  and  Mr.  Eobert 
Beal,^  Clerk  of  the  Council,  to  Zeeland  to  endeavour  to  obtain 
restitution  of  wrongfully  captured  goods  ;  but  in  this  they  were  not 
successful. - 

Elizabeth,  nevertheless,  did  not  cease  to  show  numerous  kind- 
nesses to  the  continental  Protestants,  and  especially  to  those  of 
them  who  took  refuge  in  England.  This  pohcy  of  hers  had  the 
incidental  effect  of  drawing  into  her  realm  many  excellent  artificers 
and  workpeople,  whose  advent  greatly  benefited  the  trade  and 
manufactures  of  the  countrj'  and  correspondingly  weakened  those 
of  the  places  whence  they  came.  Spain  deeply  resented  the  injmy 
thus  done  to  her  Netherlands  dominions ;  and  signs  are  not  want- 
ing that,  as  early  as  1.580  or  before,  the  more  far-seeing  of  English 
statesmen  realised  that  Spain's  enmity  was  of  a  kind  which  would 
not  exhaust  itself  in  vapourings,  nor  indeed  in  hostile  action  of  the 
ordinary  kind.  It  was  perceived  that  sooner  or  later  there  must 
coine  a  moment  when  the  great  champions  of  Catholicism  and  of 
Protestantism,  antagonised  not  only  by  differences  of  religion  and 
by  trade  rivalry,  but  also  by  the  savage  piratical  warfare  that  had 
long  unofficially  subsisted  between  them  in  the  New  World, ^  would 
stake  their  all,  the  one  for  dominion,  and  the  other  for  liberty  and 
existence. 

Yet  probably  it  was  not  then  understood,  and  assuredly  it  has 
not  always  been  since  comprehended,  how  much  depended  upon 
the  result  of  the  straggle.  It  was  not  merely  that  Spain  and 
England  were  pitting  themselves  one  against  the  other;  it  was 
not  merely  that  Catholicism  challenged  Protestantism ;  it  was  not 
merely   that    the    Latin    race    threatened    the    Anglo-Saxon   one. 

1  Stowe,  681 ;  Hulinsliea,  ii.  12G2 ;  CamJen,  ii.  303,  30i. 

^  In  1576  Jolin  Barker  made  a  voyage  to  the  AVest  Indies,  and  Martin  Frobiser 
started  on  the  search  for  a  K.AV.  passage.     See  Cha]i.  XVI. 

'  Drake  began  his  famous  voyage  round  tlie  world  in  1577.     Sue  Chap.  XYI. 
VOL.   I.  2   I 


482  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1485-1603.  [1580. 

Viewed  from  the  present,  the  long  growing  and  carefully  nourished 
hatreds,  which  settled  their  disputes  in  the  English  Channel  in 
1.588,  were  mainly  important  to  the  world  at  large  because,  in- 
directly, they  involved  the  fate  of  America.  Had  Spain,  and  not 
England,  been  victorious,  the  American  continent  might  still  have 
developed  into  a  congeries  of  republican  states ;  but  we  may  be  sure 
that  the  prevailing  republicanism  of  those  states  would  have  been 
rather  of  the  central  than  of  the  northern  American  type,  and  we 
may  well  doubt  whether  a  republican  union,  such  as  was  founded 
under  Washington,  and  kept  together  under  Lincoln,  would  have 
been  ever  possible  in  the  New  World. ^ 

Before  publicly  putting  forth  her  whole  strength  against  England, 
Spain  more  than  once  tried  to  injure  her  enemy  by  surreptitious 
blows.  In  1-580,^  for  example,  Munster  was  in  the  throes  of  civil 
war,  and  the  opportunity  seemed  a  good  one  for  dispatching  from 
Corunna  a  little  expedition  to  foment  the  rebellion  against  the 
English  power.  Italians  as  well  as  Spaniards  took  part  in  it. 
They  landed  at  Smerwick,  in  Dingle  Bay,  in  September ;  but  Arthur, 
Earl  Grey  de  AVilton,  who,  as  Lord-Lieutenant,  had  gone  to  Ireland 
earlier  in  the  same  year  with  a  large  body  of  picked  troops,  speedily 
made  himself  master  of  a  fort  which  had  been  built  on  the  coast  in 
the  previous  year  by  James  Fitzmaurice  and  a  feeble  Papal  force, 
and  which  was  occupied  by  the  new  invaders,  hardly  one  of  whom 
escaped  to  tell  the  story.  In  his  preface  to  Vol.  XII.  of  the  new 
series  of  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council  of  England,  Mr.  J.  E.  Dasent 
notes  a  curious  coincidence  in  connection  with  this  abortive  invasion. 

"On  some  unknown  day^  in  1580,"  he  saj's,  "the  PeUcan,  soon  to  he  re-named 
the  Golden  Hind*  which  liad  sailed  with  her  consorts  from  Plj'mouth  in  November, 
1577,  returned  alone  to  England,  laden  with  the  plunder  of  the  Spanish  settlements  in 
the  Pacific,  and  cast  anchor  in  Plymouth  Soimd  after  circumnavigating  the  globe,  thus 
narrowly  escaping,  as  she  crossed  the  mouth  of  the  Bay,  the  Spanish  squadron  which 
bore  the  invaders  from  Corunna  to  Dingle.  As  these  luckless  invaders,  who  could 
show  no  commission  from  Philip,  were  treated  by  Grey,  so,  no  doubt,  would  the 
Spaniards  have  treated  Drake,  who  had  no  commission  from  Elizabeth.  .  .  .  The 
Smerwick  invasion  following  so  soon  after  that  of  James  Fitzmaurice  no  doubt 
rendered  it  difficult  for  the  Spanish  ambassador  to  press  his  complaints  against  Drake." ' 


'  In  1578  Martin  Frobiser  again  attempted  a  N.W.  passage.     (S'ce.Chap.  XVI. 
^  In  this  year  Charles  Jackman  and  Arthur  Pett  sought  a  N.W.  passage.     See 
Chap.  XVI. 

*  Generally  said  to  have  been  September  26th. 

*  She  had,  in  fact,  been  so  re-named  in  August,  1578. 

^  In  1582  Edwanl  Fenton  set  out  on  his  voyage  to  South  America,  and  in  1583 
Sir  Hum^jhrey  Gilbert  set  out  on  his  expedition  to  Newfoundland.     See  Chap.  X'N'I. 


1585.]  HELP   TO    THE    UNITED    PSOVINCES.  483 

On  the  death  of  Edward,  Eail  of  Lincohi,  in  1585,  the  office  of 
Lord  High  Admiral  was  conferred,  on  July  8th,  upon  Charles,  Lord 
Howard  of  Effingham,  K.G.^ 

After  Elizabeth's  refusal  to  become  cither  sovereign  or  protector 
of  Holland  and  Zealand,  the  United  Provinces  had  made  a  similar 
offer  to,  and  had  received  a  similar  refusal  from,  Henry  III.  of 
France.  In  1585,"  being  hard  pressed  by  Spain,  they  renewed  the 
offer  of  the  sovereignty  to  Elizabeth.  The  queen  dechned  once 
more  ;  but  this  time  she  agreed  to  fm-nish  them  with  five  thousand 
infantry  and  a  thousand  cavalry,  upon  condition  that  after  the 
conclusion  of  an  advantageous  peace,  the  States  should  pay  the  cost, 
and  that,  in  the  meantime,  as  secimty  for  the  payment,  Flushing 
and  Eammekins  in  Zeeland,  and  Brielle  in  Holland  should  be 
delivered  to  her.  She  also  agreed  to  take  the  United  Provinces 
under  her  protection,  and  she  stipulated  that  if  she  should  see  fit  to 
send  a  fleet  to  sea,  the  States  should  contribute  an  equal  number  of 
ships,  to  be  placed  under  the  command  of  an  English  admiral.^ 

These  measures  and  the  increasing  boldness  of  the  English  in 
the  West  Indies  might  well  have  provoked  Spain  to  an  immediate 
plunge  into  active  war,  but  that  slow-moving  power  was  not  yet 
ready  to  deal  the  great  blow  which  she  had  in  contemplation.  She 
only  redoubled  her  enonnous  preparations  and  the  strength  of  her 
determination.  Indeed,  England  risked  much  by  the  Netherlands 
alliance.  And  she  risked  scarcely  less  by  the  attitude  which  she 
adopted  in  the  same  year  towards  the  Huguenots  of  France.  Henri 
de  Conde  came  as  a  suppliant  to  Elizabeth's  court.  She  received 
him  well,  gave  him  50,000  crowns  in  money,  and  lent  him  ten  ships, 
with  which  he  was  able  to  contribute  to  the  relief  of  La  Kochelle, 
where  Henry  of  Navarre  was  besieged.  Happily  for  England,  the 
Spanish  cause  in  the  Netherlands  was  already  a  lost  one,  and  the 
star  of  Henry  of  Navarre  in  France  was  in  the  ascendant ;  so  that 
Elizabeth,  in  both  instances,  ranged  herself  with  the  winning  side. 
But  Spain  was  still  strong  at  sea — the  strongest  Power  in  the 
world.  It  had  already  been  determined  to  launch  the  whole  sea 
power  of  Spain,  of  Spain's  Italian  dependencies,  and  of  Portugal,  all 
under  Philip's  direction,  against  the  island  kingdom.  It  was  now 
determined  to  launch  it  with  as  little  delay  as  possible. 

'  He  was  tlicn  forty-nine.  He  had  succeeded  his  father,  the  first  Lord,  in  1573. 
'^  Tliis  year  Sir  Kichard  Grcynvile  made  a  voyage  to  Virginia.  Scv  Chap.  XVI. 
3  '  Foedera,'  xv.  793. 

2   I   2 


484  MILITAIiT  niSTORY,    1485-1003.  [1586. 

The  nature  of  Spanish  feeling  and  pohcj^  was  shown  in  the  case 
of  the  Primrose,  150  tons,  of  London,  Foster,  master.  On  May 
26th,  1585,'  the  ship,  a  trader,  lay  off  Bilbao,  and  was  visited  by 
seven  Spaniards,  including  the  corregidor,  or  chief  magistrate,  of  the 
province.  After  these  people  had  been  hospitably  entertained,  four 
of  them,  including  the  corregidor,  returned  to  the  shore.  Presently 
a  boat  containing  seventy  people,  with  another  containing  four-and- 
twenty,  was  observed  approaching  the  vessel.  The  people  looked 
like  merchants.  They  betrayed  a  desire  to  go  on  board ;  but 
Foster,  being  suspicious,  and  having  only  twenty-seven  men  with 
him,  refused  to  admit  more  than  the  corregidor,  who  was  of  the 
party,  and  three  or  four  others  ;  and  he  made  the  rest  promise  to 
remain  in  their  boats.  But,  instead  of  doing  so,  they  all,  in  a  short 
time  produced  hidden  arms  and  boarded,  the  corregidor  summoning 
Foster  to  yield  and  causing  him  to  be  seized.  The  men,  however, 
determined  to  rescue  their  captain,  and,  attacking  gallantly,  killed 
many  of  the  enemy  and  drove  the  rest  overboard.  Four  of  them, 
who  were  wounded  and  drowning,  were  taken  up  again,  one  being 
the  corregidor  ;  and  they  were  carried  prisoners  to  England.  Asked 
for  explanations  of  his  treacherous  conduct,  the  ofhcial  produced  a 
commission  from  the  King  of  Spain  for  a  general  embargo  upon 
all  English,  Netherlands,  and  German  shipping  along  the  coast. ^ 
Thenceforward,  the  two  countries  were  in  a  state  of  war,  although, 
for  a  time,  Spain  still  postponed  her  grand  stroke. 

Another  case  was  that  of  the  engagement  in  the  Mediterranean, 
on  July  13th,  1586,  between  some  vessels  of  the  Turkey  Company 
and  thirteen  Spanish  craft.  Not  content  with  the  produce  of  the 
embargo  which  he  had  laid  on  ships  in  his  ports,  Philip  had  ordered 
his  galleys  in  the  Levant  to  take  all  English  ships  which  they  could 
meet  with,  the  intention  being  to  utilise  for  the  service  of  the 
Armada,  then  preparing,  all  craft  that  might  be  deemed  suitable  for 
the  purpose.  The  Turkey  Company,  in  consequence,  took  care  to 
send  only  well-built  ships  to  sea ;  to  arm  and  man  them  thoroughly ; 
and  to  oblige  several  of  them  to  sail  in  company.  Five  left  England 
together  in  November,  1585,  the  Merchant  Boyal,  the  Toby,  the 
Edward  Bonaventure,  the  William  and  John,  and  the  Susan.     Off 

'  Tliis  year  Drake  led  an  expedition  to  the  West  Indies.     See  Chap.  XVI. 

^  Hakluyt,  ii.  P.  ii.  112.  Doubtless  by  error,  the  affair  is  attributed  to  May  2Gth, 
and  Philip's  commission  of  embargo,  to  May  20th,  1585.  Tlie  latter  was,  of  course, 
anterior  to  the  former. 


1586.]  GALLANT  FIGHT  OF   THE   TURKEY  SHIPS.  485 

Sicily  they  separated,  eacli  proceeding  to  her  port  of  destination,  and 
all  agreeing  to  a  rendezvous  off  Zante  for  the  return  voyage.  When 
they  met  again,  having  learnt  that  the  Spaniards  were  in  search  of 
them,  they  appointed  Edward  Williamson,  master  of  the  Merchant 
RoijaJ,  as  their  "  admiral  "  or  leader,  and  undertook  to  ohey  him. 
Off  Pantelaria,  they  sighted  eleven  galleys  and  two  "  frigates"  (fast 
sailing  vessels),  flying  the  colours  of  Sicily  and  Malta,  places  then 
in  the  pay  and  service  of  Spain.  The  "  frigates  "  were  sent  forward 
to  order  the  English  captains  and  pursers  to  repair  on  board  the 
Spanish  admiral,  Don  Pedro  de  Leyva.  The  captains  and  pursers, 
as  a  body,  refused ;  but  sent  a  supercargo,  Mr.  Eowet,  who  was  very 
haughtily  received,  and  informed  that  the  English  ships  must  sur- 
render at  discretion.  Eowet,  in  the  name  of  all,  declined,  and  had 
no  sooner  retm-ned  to  his  ship  than  the  Spanish  admiral  fired  a  shot ; 
whereupon  a  general  engagement  began.  After  live  hours'  hot 
fight,  the  enemy's  vessels,  some  of  which  appeared  to  have  suffered 
badly,  made  off";  nor  were  they  pursued  ;  for  the  English,  who  had 
lost  only  two  men,  had  no  wish  to  hazard  their  ships.' 

Eeprisals  were,  long  ere  this,  of  course  allowed  by  the  English 
government.     Sir  William  Monson  says  : 

"I  was  then  (1585-86-)  a  youth  of  sixteen  years  of  age,  and  so  iudined  to  see  the 
world  abroad  that,  without  the  knowledge  of  father  or  mother,  I  put  myself  into  an 
action  by  sea,  where  there  was  in  company  of  us  two  small  ships  fitted  for  men-of-war, 
that  authorised  us,  by  commission,  to  seize  upon  the  subjects  of  the  King  of  Spain. 
We  dejiarted  from  the  Isle  of  AVight,  to  which  place  we  returned  with  our  dear-bought 
prize.  8he  was  a  Biscayner,  of  three  hundred  tons,  well  manned,  sufficiently  fiu-nished, 
and  bravely  defended.^  She  came  from  Grand  Bay,  in  Newfoundlaixl,  which,  at  our 
first  arrival  upon  the  coast  of  Spain  we  met  with,  and  (she)  refusing  to  yield  to  Ub, 
we  suddenly  boarded,  and  by  consent  of  all  our  men  entered  her.  But,  the  waves  of 
the  sea  growing  high,  we  were  forced  to  ungrapple,  and  to  leave  our  men  fighting  on 
board  her  from  eight  of  the  clock  in  the  evening  till  eight  in  the  morning.  The 
Spaniards  betook  themselves  to  their  close-fight,  and  gave  two  attempts,  by.  trains  of 
powder,  to  blow  up  her  decks  on  which  we  were.  But  we  happily  prevented  it  by 
fire-pikes.  Thus  continued  the  fight  till  seven  in  the  morning,  when  the  Spaniards 
found  they  had  so  many  men  killed  and  disabled  that  they  were  forced  to  yield. 
When  we  came  to  take  a  view  of  tmr  people,  we  found  few  left  alive  but  could  show  a 
wound  or  shot  through  their  clothes  in  that  fight.  We  were  a  woeful  spectacle,  as 
well  as  the  Spaniards;  and  I  dare  say  that  in  the  whole  time  of  the  war  there  was  not 
so  rare  a  maimer  of  fight,  or  so  great  a  slaughter  of  men  on  b"th  sides." 

It  was  in  1586  that  George  Clifford,  Earl  of  Cumberland,  one  of 

'  Hakluyt,  ii.  P.  ii.  285. 

-  'l"he  year  of  John  Davis's  departure  to  search  for  a  N.W.  passage.     See  Chap.  XVI. 
^  This    vessel,   which   afterwards    belonged    to    Sir    Geo.   Carew,   was    re-named 
Comraander. 


486  MILITARY  EISTOEY,    li85-1603.  [1586. 

the  most  distinguished  adventurers  of  an  adventurous  age,  fitted  out 
the  first  of  his  numerous  privateering  expeditions.  It  consisted  of 
three  small  ships,  the  Bed  Dragon,  Burl:  Clifford,  and  Boe,  and  a 
pinnace,  the  Dorothy,  belonging  to  Ealegh,  the  whole  being  under 
the  command  of  Kobert  Widrington.  In  the  Channel,  the  adven- 
turers rifled  some  Hambiirg  ships  which  were  alleged  to  have 
Spanish  goods  on  board  ;  on  the  west  coast  of  Africa  they  came  into 
what  appears  to  have  been  unnecessary  hostile  collision  with  the 
negroes  ;  off  the  Rio  de  la  Plata  they  captured  two  Portuguese 
craft,  from  one  of  which  they  learnt  of  the  taking  of  John  Drake 
of  the  Francis,  of  Fenton's  expedition  ;  at  Bahia  they  seized  more 
Portuguese  ships ;  and,  after  making  other  prizes,  they  returned  to 
England,  having  abandoned  their  original  design  of  cruising  in  the 
Pacific.^ 

In  the  same  year,  Ealegh  fitted  out  two  little  pinnaces,  the 
Serpent  and  the  Mary  Sparke,  for  a  cruise  to  the  coast  of  Spain 
and  the  Azores.  After  having  taken  several  prizes  and  started 
on  their  return  to  England,  they  fell  in  with  four-and-twenty 
Spanish  merchantmen,  with  which  they  maintained  a  running 
fight  for  thirty-two  hours.  Ealegh  did  not  himself  accompany  this 
expedition. - 

In  pursuance  of  her  promise  to  the  Netherlanders,  Elizabeth,  at 
the  beginning  of  1586,  sent  the  Earl  of  Leicester  to  Flushing  with  a 
fleet  of  .fiftj''  sail,  and,  in  addition  to  troops,  a  body  of  five  hundred 
gentlemen.  Leicester,  to  the  great  displeasure  of  his  royal  mistress, 
accepted  from  the  States  the  title  of  Governor  and  Captain-General 
of  Holland,  Zeeland,  and  the  United  Provinces,  and  was  informed 
by  the  queen  that  although  she  was  ready  to  relieve  her  distressed 
neighbours,  she  never  meant  to  assume  any  power  over  them.  The 
earl,  in  spite  of  his  considerable  force  and  large  powers,  did  no  good, 
and  returned  at  the  end  of  the  year  in  something  very  like  disgrace. 

A  more  important  event  of  1586,  as  bearing  upon  the  prospects 
of  England,  around  which  the  thickest  clouds  were  gathering,  was 
the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of  alliance  and  "  stricter  amit_y  "  with 
Scotland.  The  execution  in  the  following  year  ^  of  James's  mother, 
Mary  of  Scots,  did  not  disturb  this  alliance  nor  prevent  King  James 
from  co-operating  in  the  preparations  against  the  Spanish  Armada. 

'  Harris,  '  Voyages,'  ii.  685 ;  Hakluyt,  iii.  TOO. 
-  Hakluyt,  i.  P.  ii.  121. 

lu  1587  Cavendish  departed  ou  liis  voyage  round  tlie  workl.     Si-e  C'haji.  XVI. 


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1587.]  •' tilNGEINO    THE  KING    OF  SrAIJN','i   BEAEDr  487 

Philip's  preparations  were  not  ignored  in  England,  nor  was 
there  any  misapprehension  concerning  their  aims  and  objects. 
AValsyngham,  always  -well-infonued,  had  private  intelligence  from 
Madrid  to  the  effect  that  the  King  of  Spain  had  written  to  the  Pope, 
advising  him  of  the  projected  invasion  of  Elizabeth's  dominions,  and 
asking  for  the  Papal  blessing  upon  the  undertaking.  And  not  only 
the  intentions  of  the  Spaniards,  but  also  the  whereabouts  and  extent 
of  their  ever-growijig  armaments  were  matters  of  common  know- 
ledge among  English  naval  officers,  who,  although  there  was  then 
not  even  an  embryo  Naval  Intelligence  Department,  made  up  in 
individual  zeal,  keenness,  observation,  and  intelligence  for  what  they 
lacked  in  corporate  organisation. 

It  was  therefore  determined,  early  in  1-587,  to  attempt  a  blow  at 
the  Spaniards  while  they  were  still  in  their  ports  and  busy  with 
their  imcompleted  preparations  ;  and  Sir  Francis  Drake  was  chosen 
to  lead  a  naval  expedition  for  the  purpose. 

The  squadron  entrusted  to  him  was  not  a  powerful  one.  Strype 
says  that  it  included  forty  sail :  Hakluyt  and  Monson  put  the 
number  at  only  thirty.  But  nearly  all  these  were  hired  merchant- 
men, not  to  be  compared,  either  force  for  force,  or  in  general 
efficiency,  with  regular  war  ships.  Only  four  large  vessels  and  two 
small  pinnaces  seem  to  have  belonged  to  the  Navy  Eoyal.  Drake 
hoisted  his  flag  in  the  Elizabeth  Bonaventure,  of  600  tons,  250  men, 
and  47  guns.  WiUiam  Borough,  a  distinguished  navigator  and 
hydrographer,  but  no  warrior,  either  by  inchnation  or  experience, 
was  second  in  command,  and  sailed  in  the  Lion,  or,  as  she  was 
commonly  called,  the  Golden  Lion,  of  500  tons,  250  men,  and 
38  guns.  Captain  Henry  BeUingham  commanded  the  Bainbow,  of 
500  tons,  250  men,  and  54  gmis ;  and  Captain  Thomas  Fenner,  a 
most  excellent  ofiicer,  had  command  of  the  Dreadnought,  of  400  tons, 
190  men,  and  32  guns.  These  ships,  and  the  majority  of  their 
officers  and  men,  undoubtedly  formed  the  backbone  of  the  expedi- 
tionary force.  Borough,  however,  contributed  little  to  the  end  in 
view.  The  temerity  of  Drake's  projects  frightened  him  and,  having 
been  put  under  arrest,  he  fled  home  with  his  vessel,  professing  to  go 
in  fear  of  his  life.  In  a  rambling  letter  to  Burghley,^  dated  from 
the  White  Bear,  off  Queenborough,  on  February  21st  following,  he 
pleaded  that  he  had  received  "  gi'eat  discontent"  "through  Sir 
Francis  Drake's  injurious,  ungodly,  and  extreme  dealings,  which  are 

'  S.  P.  Dom.  ci-viii.  "7. 


488  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1485-1603.  [1587. 

unsupportable,"  and  complained  that  he  had  been  "openly  defamed 
and  causelessly  condemned ;  "  but  as  Drake  had  sentenced  hnn  in 
contumaciam,  and  as  the  formal  document  which  Borough  styled 
"  mine  answer  touching  an  objection  against  me  for  the  coming 
away  of  the  Lion,"  though  enclosed  with  the  letter  to  Burghley,  has 
not  been  preserved,  it  is  now  impossible  to  sift  all  the  merits  of  the 
case.  We  know,  however,  that,  thanks  to  Burghley's  good  offices, 
the  affair  was  smoothed  over,  and  that  in  1588  Borough  commanded 
the  galley  JBonavolia  against  the  Armada. 

Early  in  April  the  squadron  sailed  from  Plymouth.  On  the 
16th,  when  off  the  mouth  of  the  Mondego,  it  fell  in  with  two 
Middelbm-g  traders,  and  from  them  learnt  that  at  Cadiz  there  were 
enormous  supplies  of  provisions  and  ammunition,  ready  to  be  sent 
to  Lisbon,  where  the  Armada  was  collecting.  Passing  Lisbon, 
therefore,  Drake  steered  for  Cadiz,  and  arrived  off  the  to\\^l  on 
April  19th. 

He  at  once  di'ove  in,  iinder  shelter  of  the  castle,  six  galleys 
which  made  a  show  of  opposing  him,  and  then,  boldly  entering  the 
bay,  sank  or  took  about  a  hmidred  vessels,  chiefly  laden  with  stores 
and  ammunition.  Most  serious  among  the  Spanish  losses  were  a 
galleon  of  1'200  tons,  belonging  to  the  Marquis  of  Santa  Cruz,  and 
a  richly  freighted  Kagusan  merchantman  of  1000  tons,  mounting 
40  brass  guns.  The  whole  brilliant  operation  was  performed  with 
insignificant  loss  in  the  space  of  a  day  and  two  nights,  and  the 
comparative  ease  with  which  it  was  carried  to  a  conclusion  cannot 
have  failed  to  give  Drake  and  his  companions  an  encom-aging 
assurance  for  the  future. 

From  Cadiz,  which  he  quitted  on  the  21st,  Drake  ravaged  the 
coast  westw^ard  as  far  as  Cape  St.  Vincent,  where  he  surprised  the 
castle  and  three  neighbouring  works.  His  methods  were  stern  and 
perhaps  a  little  barbarous.  He  regarded  not  only  the  military  forces 
of  Spain,  but  also  Spanish  fishermen  and  their  nets,  as  legitimate 
objects  on  which  to  wreak  his  vengeance ;  but  he  effectually 
attained  the  end  which  he  had  in  view,  and  most  thoroughly  in- 
timidated the  enemy.  So  much,  indeed,  was  this  the  case  that 
when,  on  arriving  off  Cascais,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tagus,  he 
formally  invited  the  Marquis  of  Santa  Cruz  to  come  out  and  engage 
him,  the  distinguished  vanquisher  of  Strozzi  neither  accepted  the 
challenge  nor  adopted  any  measures  for  stopping  his  opponent's 
further    depredations.      Drake    therefore    took    and    plundered    or 


1587.]  THE  "SAN  FELIPE"    TAKEN.  489 

burnt  about   a   hundred    more   sliips,   besides   again    harrying   the 
coasts. 

Huge  quantities  of  iniHtary  stores  were  thus  destroyed  or  taken. 
But  there  was  small  gain  of  rich  stuffs,  of  spices,  and  of  treasm'e, 
and  the  nmuerous  merchant  adventurers  who  had  associated  them- 
selves with  the  fortunes  of  the  expedition  naturally  looked  for  some 
other  reward  than  the  spectacle  of  exploding  powder-magazines  and 
burnt  accumulations  of  provisions.  It  was  to  satisfy  them  that, 
after  quitting  Cascais,  Drake,  although  his  ships  were  falHng  short 
of  food  and  water,  headed  westward  for  the  Azores.  On  a  day  in 
June,  off  the  island  of  St.  Michael,  the  English  squadron  fell  in 
with  the  great  carrack,  San  Felipe,  homeward  bound  with  a  rich 
cargo  from  the  East  Indies.  Her  foes  were  too  many  for  her,  and 
she  was  speedily  taken.  The  booty  found  in  her  more  than 
dehghted  the  merchants,  yet  it  was  perhaps  the  least  valuable 
part  of  her  lading ;  for  in  her  cabin  were  discovered  papers  which 
so  convincingly  drew  attention  to  the  enormous  profits  of  the  East 
India  trade,  and  so  clearly  described  the  methods  by  which  that 
trade  had  been  prosecuted  by  the  Spaniards,  that  the  Enghsh 
adventurers,  upon  returning  home,  were  able  to  establish  a  similar 
trade  upon  their  own  account,  and,  a  very  few  years  later,  founded 
the  East  India  Company — probably,  upon  the  whole,  the  most 
successful  as  well  as  the  most  gigantic  commercial  association  of 
which  history  provides  any  record. 

It  has  been  said  that  Drake's  descent  upon  Cadiz  had  the  effect 
of  postponing  the  sailing  of  the  Spanish  Annada  from  1.587  to  1-588. 
This  scarcely  appears  to  be  true.  But,  undoubtedly,  Drake's  oj)era- 
tions  greatly  confused  and  complicated  the  difficulties  in  Philip's 
way,  and  rendered  the  attempt  of  1588  not  only  much  more  costly, 
but  also  far  less  formidable  than  it  would  otherwise  have  been. 
The  whole  expedition  was  well  planned  and  well  carried  out ;  and  at 
that  jmicture  England  could  liardly  have  been  better  served,  the 
enemy  more  seriously  injured,  or  the  adventuring  merchants  more 
signally  benefited.' 

The  history  of  the  Armada  of  1588- is  of  so  much  importance, 
and  has  to  be  told  in  such  detail  and  at  so  much  length,  that  it  has 
l)een  made  the  subject  of  a  separate  chapter. 

'  Letter  of  Drake  to  Burgliley,  A\n-\\  27tli,  1")8T,  in  Strvpo,  iiu  4.51;  Monson's 
'Tracts,'  170;  Camden,  .551;  Ilakliiyt,  ii.  jit.  ii.  121;  Kisdon's  '(Survey  of  Devon,' 
iii.  261.  '      . 


490  MILITARY  EISTOBY,   1485-1603.  [1589. 

The  objects  of  the  Armada  were  effectually  frustrated ;  but  when 
the  immediate  danger  was  overpast,  thinking  minds  began  to  ask 
themselves  whether,  after  all,  the  general  policy  of  national  defence 
would  not  be  furthered  rather  by  attacking  the  enemy  in  his  own 
waters,  than  by  merely  checking  his  attacks  upon  England,  The 
victory  over  the  Armada  had  been  won  in  English  waters,  and 
within  sight  of  the  English  shores.  Should  the  struggle  have  been 
fought  out  there  ?  Ought  it  not  to  have  been  fought  out  in  Spanish 
waters,  seeing  that  Queen  Elizabeth  claimed  to  be  sovereign  of 
the  Narrow  Seas,  and  that,  gi'anting  her  claim,  her  realm  had  been 
actually  invaded,  and  that  the  invasion  had  been  repelled  only 
after  it  had  insulted  her  territory  ? 

These  and  similar  considerations  led  to  the  adoption  of  a  more 
active  policy.  The  moral  value  attaching  to  a  vigorously  offensive 
defence  obtained  recognition  ;  and,  while  Cumberland,  to  whom  the 
queen  lent  the  Golden  Lion  for  the  purpose,  was  commissioned  to 
undertake  a  privateering  venture  to  the  South  Seas,^  it  was  deter- 
mined to  vigorously  attack  Spain  at  home,  ere  she  should  have 
time  to  organise  a  new  offensive  expedition. 

Philip,  as  has  been  seen,  had  added  Portugal  to  his  dominions. 
The  popular  candidate  for  the  throne  of  that  country,  Dom  Antonio, 
was  a  refugee  in  England,"  and  believed  that,  with  a  little  naval 
assistance,  he  could  gain  a  crown.  Moreover,  Portugal  had  been 
the  scene  of  the  fitting  out  of  one  Armada,  and  might  be  the  scene 
of  the  fitting  out  of  a  second,  Lisbon  being  the  most  convenient 
Atlantic  port  in  Spanish  hands.  For  more  than  one  reason,  there- 
fore, Portugal  seemed  to  be  the  best  pioint  at  which  to  strike. 

An  expedition  was  accordingly  fitted  out  in  1589,  partly  at  the 
queen's  expense,  but  chiefly  at  the  charges  of  private  individuals, 
among  whom  Sir  Francis  Drake  and  Sir  John  Norreys,  with  their 
immediate  friends,  were  the  most  conspicuous.^  The  States  of 
Holland  also  co-operated.  Some  pieces  of  artillery  for  land  service, 
a  number  of  horses,  several  Dutch  ships,  and  a  considerable  body 
of  men  either  failed  to  join  the  fleet  ere  it  sailed,  or  failed  to  get 
across  the  Bay  of  Biscay ;  so  that  the  expedition  was  in  many 
respects  ill-found,  and  inadequate  for  the  work  in  hand.     It  put  to 

'  In  tliis  expedition,  the  Earl  accomplisheil  very  little.  Purchas,  iv.  1142  ;  Harris, 
'  Voyages,'  i.  086. 

-  Stuwe,  752 ;  Camden,  iii.  600,  601 ;  Faria  y  Souza,  v.  c.  3. 
3  Ualduyt,  ii.  P.  ii.  134  ;  Purchas,  iv.  !)14. 


1589.] 


EXPEDITION   OF  DIIAKE  AND   NOB  HE  VS. 


491 


sea,  however,  in  April  from  Plymouth,  with  eighty,  or,  as  some  say, 
one  hundred  and  forty-six  ships,'  of  which  six  belonged  to  the  Royal 
Navy,-  and  with  eleven  thousand  soldiers  under  Sir  John  Norreys. 
Dom  Antonio  was  with  the  fleet,  and  the  Earl  of  Essex,  in  some 
vessels  privately  fitted  out  at  his  own  expense  for  other  objects, 
joined  it  off  the  coast  of  Portugal. 

The  first  attempt  was  made  upon  Corunna,  where  troops  were 
landed,  and  the  defenders  driven  into  the  town.  On  the  following 
day,  the  lower  town,  after  an  assault  by  land  and  by  water,  was 
carried,  and  the  governor, 
Don  Juan  de  Luna,  was 
taken,  a  great  quantity  of 
ammunition  and  stores  being 
destroyed.  The  English  dis- 
cipHne  was,  unfortunately, 
lax,  and  the  men  got  drunk 
with  the  captured  wine  in  the 
cellars,  while  the  Spaniards 
annoyed  them  by  burning 
such  of  their  own  ships  as 
lay  in  harbour,  after  having 
first  overloaded  their  guns, 
which  as  they  burst  or  went 

off  caused  some  damage  to  the  invaders.  An  attack  upon  the  upper 
town  was  unsuccessful.  Hearing  of  the  approach  of  a  Spanish 
relieving  force,  Norreys,  on  May  6th,  advanced  with  about  two-thirds 
of  his  troops  to  meet  it,  and  defeated  it  with  great  slaughter,  and 
with  very  httle  loss  to  himself.  But  when,  having  burnt  the  enemy's 
camp  and  the  neighbouring  villages,  he  returned,  the  chiefs  decided 
to  abandon  the  siege.  On  May  8th,  therefore,  the  lower  town  was 
set  on  fire,  and  the  expedition  re-embarked. 

From  Corunna  the  fleet  proceeded  to  the  coast  of  Portugal,  and 
on  May  16,  arrived  off  Peniche,  in  Estremadura.  The  troops  were 
landed,  and,  after  the  place  had  surrendered  to  Dom  Antonio,  were 
marched  overland  towards  Lisbon,-'  taking  Torres  Vedras  on  their 


FKIlKCIt,    AXD   €ORUNSA  (THE   GROYNe). 
(Fn)//(  a  chuil  puliUshrd  hii  Joinr  Gold,  181«.) 


'  Strj-pe,  iii.  538;  Speed,  863. 

^  lievenge,  Sir  Francis  Drake;  Dreadnoui/ht,  Capt.  Thomas  Feiiner;  Aid,  C'apt. 
William  Fenner ;  Nonpareil,  C'apt.  Sackvile ;  Foresight,  Capt.  AVilliaui  Wyuter,  jim. ; 
i)wiftsu7-e,  Capt.  Goring. 

"  Monsou's  '  Nav.  Tracts,'  17-1  (Churchill). 


492 


MILITABY  HISTORY,    1485-1G03 


[1589. 


LIbBOX. 
(From  n  chart  published  bij  Joijce  Gold,  1318.) 


way.    As  for  the  fleet,  it  coasted  southwards  as  far  as  Cascais,  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Tagus. 

The  army  amved  before  Lisbon  on  May  25th,  and  seized  the 
suburb  of  Santa  Caterina ;  but  the  inhabitants  betrayed  no  en- 
thusiasm for  Dom  Antonio, 
guns  and  ammunition  for 
a  siege  were  wanting,  and 
there  was  a  great  amount 
of  sickness.  A  council  of 
war  decided  upon  a  retreat, 
and,  after  lying  unmolested 
for  two  days,  the  force 
marched  to  Cascais,  which 
in  the  meantime  had  been 
taken  by  the  fleet. 

This  expedition  did  no 
good  to  the  cause  of  Dom 
Antonio,  and  was  in  many 
ways  a  faihu'e ;  yet  it  greatly  injiu'ed  Spain.  On  its  way  south,  it 
had  captured  many  vessels,  including  fifteen  bound  for  Lisbon  with 
men  and  provisions  destined  for  the  preparation  of  a  new  Armada  ; 
and  at  Cascais  it  took  sixty  sail,  belonging  to  the  Hanse  Towns, 
laden  with  provisions  and  stores  for  the  same  object 

The  army  was  re-embarked,  and  the  fleet  weighed  to  return 
home.  No  sooner  was  it  at  sea  than  it  was  set  upon  by  about 
twenty  Spanish  galleys,  which,  however,  were  easily  driven  oft'. 
On  the  way  north,  Vigo  was  attacked  and  burnt ;  but  nothing 
further  occun-ed  until  England  was  reached.^  Camden  and  others 
aver  that  a  hundred  and  fifty  cannon,  and  a  large  booty  rewarded 
the  adventurers,  but  this  is  doubtful ;  and  there  is  evidence  that 
the  expedition  cost  a  great  number  of  lives, ^  the  amount  of  sickness 
in  the  fleet  being  most  terrible.  The  captured  ships  belonging 
to  the  Hanse  Towns  would  have  been  released,  after  the  confiscation 
of  the  goods  found  in  them,  had  not  the  queen  been  piqued  by 
the  action  of  an  assembly  which  was  convened  at  Liibeck  to  consider 
the  matter,  and  which  talked  somewhat  wildly  about  measures 
of  revenge.     Her   majesty,  upon    this,  made  prize  of  all  but  two, 

'  Stowe,  757 ;  Ferrara,  '  Hist,  de  Espaiia,'  xv.  s.  16  ;  Strj'pe,  iv.  8. 
'  Captain   Thomas   Fenner,  of  the  Dreadnought,  was  mortally  wounded  in   the 
attempt  on  Lisbon. 


1589.]  CUMBERLAND    TAKES   FATAL.  493 

which  she  returned  that  they  might  inform  the  authorities  of  the 
Hanse  Towns  of  the  fate  of  the  rest. 

Sir  WiUiam  Monson,  commenting  on  the  affair,  points  out 
that  the  landing  at  Corunna  imperilled  the  main  ohject  of  the 
expedition,  not  only  b}'^  permitting  the  men  to  drink  new  wine, 
which  seriously  affected  their  health,  but  also  by  exposing  them 
to  a  check  which  acted  as  a  discouragement.  But  the  real  cause 
of  failure  was  the  ill-provided  state  of  the  fleet,  some  of  the  ships 
not  having  four  days'  victuals  when  they  left  Plymouth.  Drake 
was  blamed  for  having  lain  at  Cascais  instead  of  pushing  up  the 
Tagus  to  Lisbon ;  but  it  must  be  remembered  that  his  ships 
were  not  in  a  position  to  supply  the  army,  and  that,  had  he 
mounted  the  river,  he  would  have  had  to  run  the  gauntlet  of 
three  castles,  one  of  which  Monson  held  to  be  the  most  im- 
pregnable, from  seaward,  in  Em'ope.  Moreover,  if  he  had  gone 
up,  he  might  have  been  unable  to  get  down  again,  the  place 
being  subject  to  contrary  winds,  and  a  strong  current  running  in 
the  estuary.  And  finally,  there  was  a  squadi-on  of  galleys  at 
Lisbon. 

During  the  absence  of  Drake  and  Norreys,  Cumberland,  having 
returned  from  his  abortive  second  expedition,  fitted  out  a  new  one 
of  seven  sail,  including  H.M.S.  Victory,  lent  him  by  the  queen,  and 
commanded,  under  the  earl,  by  Christopher  Lister,  and  the  armed 
vessels  Megg,  Captain  William  Monson,  Margaret,  and  a  caravel. 
Quitting  Plymouth  on  June  18th,  1589,  they  took  several  prizes  in 
the  chops  of  the  Channel,  and  were  able  to  relieve  some  of  the 
home-coming  ships  of  Drake.  Off  the  coast  of  Spain,  they  removed 
a  quantity  of  Portuguese  goods  from  some  Hansa  merchantmen. 
Off  St.  Michael's,  in  the  Azores,  they  cut  out  some  valuable  vessels. 
At  Faj'al  they  did  likewise,  and,  moreover,  took  the  town. 
Numerous  other  successes  were  won,  but  not  without  considerable 
loss.  Lister,  on  the  way  home  in  charge  of  one  of  the  prizes,  was 
drowned,  and  the  rest  of  the  expedition,  including  two  or  three 
English  vessels  which  had  joined  it  at  sea,  suffered  great  privations 
ere  it  again  reached  England.^ 

Another  privateering  voyage  was  made  in  1.589  by  the  Bog, 
70  tons,  William  Michelson,  master.  She  took  several  prizes  in  the 
Gulf   of  Mexico  ;  but  a  number  of  her  people  were  treacherously 

'  Mouson's  '  Tracts ' ;  Hakluyt,  ii.  P.  ii.  I.j5 ;  Purtlias,  iv.  1142 ;  Ilaiiis, 
'  VoyageH,'  i.  U86. 


494  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1485-1603.  [1590. 

killed  by  the  Spanish  under  a  flag  of  truce,  and  she  had  to  come 
home  owing  to  being  short-handed.^ 

The  disappointments  of  Drake's  voyage  did  not  discourage  either 
queen  or  country.  In  1-590,  Elizabeth  patriotically  set  apart  £'8970 
yearly  out  of  her  revenue  for  the  repair  of  the  navy ;  and  ten 
ships,  in  two  squadrons,  under  Sir  John  Hawkyns  and  Sir  Martin 
Frobiser  respectively,  were  commissioned  to  cruise  off  the  coast  of 
Spain  to  intercept  the  trade  from  the  Indies.  Philip  heard  of  these 
preparations,  and  fitted  out  a  squadron  of  twenty  ships  under 
Don  Alonso  de  Bazan  to  cover  the  home-coming  of  his  rich 
carracks.  But,  presently  thinking  better  of  the  matter,  he  recalled 
Don  Alonso,  and  sent  a  dispatch  to  the  Indies,  ordering  the  treasure 
ships  to  postpone  their  departure.  Spain  had  learnt  to  depend  for 
much  of  her  prosperity  upon  the  annual  arrival  of  the  carracks ; 
and  the  delay  caused  much  distress  and  many  bankruptcies.  But 
on  the  other  hand,  the  English  squadrons  spent  seven  months  in 
fruitless  cruising,  without  taking  so  much  as  a  single  prize.  As 
they  returned,  they  made  an  ineffectual  attempt  upon  Fayal, 
which  since  its  capture  by  the  Earl  of  Cumberland  in  1589  had 
been  re-fortified. 

In  the  same  year,  1590,  a  very  gallant  action  was  fought  near 
Gibraltar  between  ten  English  merchantmen,  homeward  bound 
from  the  Levant,  and  twelve  Spanish  galleys.  It  occurred  on 
April  24th.  In  the  course  of  it,  two  Elamand  vessels  joined  the 
English ;  but,  seeing  the  great  odds  against  them,  one  of  them 
presently  struck.  Eor  six  hours  the  fight  continued,  and  then  the 
galleys,  much  disabled,  withdrew,  the  English  having  lost  neither 
ship  nor  man." 

Cumberland  fitted  out  a  fourth  expedition  in  1591,  consisting  of 
H.M.S.  Garland  and  seven  armed  vessels.  He  took  some  prizes; 
but  two  of  them  were  subsequently  recovered  by  the  Spaniards, 
Captain  William  Monson  being  taken  with  them  and  carried 
prisoner  to  Peniche.  Learning  of  the  Spanish  preparations  at 
Corunna,  the  earl  inquired  as  to  them,  and  sent  word  to  Lord 
Thomas  Howard,  and  then,  his  ship  being  in  an  tmsatisfactory 
state,  returned  to  England.^ 

In  1591,  also,  an  effort,  somewhat  similar  to  that  of  1590,  to 

'  Hakluyt,  iii.  557. 

-  Ih.,  ii."p.  ii  1G6. 

^  Monsons  'Tracts':  Purchas,  iv.  1145;  Harris,  'A'oyages,'  i.  686. 


1591.]  THE  LAST  FIGHT  OF   THE  ''REVENGE:'  495 

capture  the  treasiire  ships  was  made  by  a  squadron  of  seven  vessels^ 
of  the  lloyal  Navy,  with  six  victuallers  and  some  pinnaces,  under 
Lord  Thomas  Howard,'-^  who  sailed  to  Flores,  in  the  Azores,  and 
remained  in  the  neighbourhood  for  six  months.  He  narrowly 
escaped  being  surprised  there  by  Don  Alonso  de  Bazan,  who  had 
been  sent  out  with  a  fleet  of  fifty-three  ships  to  meet  and  convoy 
home  the  expected  carracks.  The  Earl  of  Cumberland,  as  has  been 
mentioned  above,  had  happened  to  learn  of  the  fitting  out  of  this 
fleet  at  Corunna,  and  had,  with  much  foresight,  ordered  Mr.  Middle- 
ton,  master  of  the  Moonshine  pinnace,  to  discover  its  force  and 
object,  and  then,  if  necessary,  to  proceed  with  all  speed  and  warn 
Lord  Thomas.  Middleton  kept  the  Spaniards  in  sight  until  there 
was  no  longer  any  doubt  of  their  intentions ;  and  thereupon  set  all 
sail  for  Flores,  arriving  very  little  ahead  of  the  enemy.*  This  was 
on  August  31st. 

Howard  at  once  weighed.  His  second  in  command.  Sir  Kichard 
Greynvile,  of  the  Bevenge,  had  a  number  of  men  ashore,  and, 
according  to  some  accoimts,  waited  for  them.  Camden,  and  others, 
have  it  that  he  refused  to  turn  his  back  upon  the  enemy,  and  so 
allowed  himself  to  be  hemmed  in  between  the  Spaniards  and  the 
island.  Some  also  suppose  that  he  mistook  the  squadron  of  Don 
Alonso  for  the  expected  treasure  ships,  and  therefore  disobeyed  the 
orders  of  his  commander-in-chief.  But,  be  this  as  it  may,  he  was 
presently  surrounded  and  attacked  by  practically  the  whole  of  the 
best  part  of  the  Spanish  fleet.  Howard,  with  the  remaining  six 
men-of-war,  seems  to  have  been  engaged  for  a  considerable  time 
with  the  enemy,  but  not  in  such  a  position  as  to  afford  any  support 
to  Greynvile.  The  Foresight  made  a  serious  effort  to  assist  the 
Bevenge,  but,  owing  to  the  wind,  could  not  get  very  near  her. 

The  Bevenge  fought  against  these  overwhelming  odds  for  fifteen 
hours  ;  and  Greynvile,  no  matter  whether  he  was,  as  has  often  been 
asserted,  or  was  not,  blameworthy  as  being  rash,  stubborn,  and 
.-.    I,   -    ■ 

■  * 'J5>e/d?!ce,  Lord  Tliomas  Howard;  IlMenge,  Sir  Richard  Gre3'nvile  (as  vice- 
admiral);  Nonpareil,  Sir  Edward  Denny;  Bonaventure,  Captain  llobert  Crosse;  Lion, 
Captain  Tliomas  Feuner;  Foresic/lit,  Captain  Thomas  Vavasour;  Crane,  Captain 
Dufficld. 

^  Hakhiyt,  ii.  P.  ii.  169;  Piirchas,  iv.  1G78.  Lord  Thomas  was  second  son  of 
the  Duke  of  Morfolk. 

'  For  accoimts  of  the  expedition  and  fight,  see  Monson's  'Tracts,'  178,  179 
(Churchill);  Camden,  iii.  637,  638;  Ralegh's  Report  in  Hakluyt,  ii.  169;  Carew's 
'  Surv.  of  Cornwall,'  62 ;  Hawkyns's  '  Observats.,'  10. 


496  MILITARY  HISTORY,  1485-1603.  [1591. 

disobedient,  immortalised  himself  by  a  defence  such  as  has  never, 
either  before  or  since,  been  witnessed  upon  the  sea. 

At  one  time  his  ship  was  simultaneously  laid  aboard  by  five 
large  vessels,  including  the  San  Felipe,  of  1500  tons  and  seventy- 
eight  guns.  At  no  time  had  she  less  than  two  vessels  alongside, 
and  in  hot  and  close  action.  As  one  Spaniard  withdrew  disabled, 
another,  with  fresh  men,  cool  guns,  and  new  supplies  of  ammunition, 
took  her  place.  Fifteen  ships  engaged  her.  Of  these  she  sank  at 
least  two,  including  the  Asuncion.  Early  in  the  fight,  one  of  the 
victuallers,  the  George  Noble,  of  London,  at  great  peril  to  her- 
self, drew  near,  and,  falling  under  the  lee  of  the  Bevenge,  asked 
Sir  Eichard  if  he  had  any  commands.  Greynvile  bid  her  shift  for 
herself,  and  leave  him  to  his  fortune. 

The  fight  had  begmi  at  about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 
Soon  afterwards  Greynvile  had  been  wounded,  but  he  refused,  until 
11  P.M.,  to  quit  the  deck,  and  then,  receiving  a  wound  in  the  body 
from  a  musket  bullet,  went  unwilhngly  below  to  get  it  dressed. 
The  surgeon  who  attended  to  him  was  killed  at  his  side,  and,  for  a 
third  time,  Greynvile  was  wounded,  on  this  occasion  in  the  head. 

In  the  small  hours,  the  situation  of  the  devoted  ship  was 
deplorable.  All  her  best  men  lay  killed  or  wounded ;  she  was 
perfectly  mmianageable,  and  her  last  barrel  of  powder  had  been 
expended.  Greynvile,  seeing  the  futility  of  further  fighting,  ordered 
the  Beveuge  to  be  sunk  ;  but  to  this  the  surviving  officers  would  not 
agree,  and  terms  were  at  length  made  with  the  Spaniards  upon  the 
understanding  that  the  lives  and  liberties  of  the  gallant  ship's 
company  should  be  spared. 

When  the  Bevenge  surrendered,  she  had  six  feet  of  water  in  her 
hold,  not  a  mast  standing,  and  but  about  sixty  men,  nearly  all 
of  whom  were  wounded,  alive,  out  of  a  crew  which,  at  the  outset, 
may  have  numbered  two  hundred  and  fifty,  if  all  were  on.  board. 
But  sickness  had  been  rife  in  the  fleet,  and  no  matter  what  may 
have  been  the  number  of  men  victualled  in  the  Bevenge  on  the  day 
of  the  action,  only  about  a  hundred  of  them  went  into  the  fight  fit 
for  duty. 

Greynvile,  with  every  mark  of  admiration  and  respect,  was 
carried  on  board  the  Spanish  admiral.  Two  days  later  he  died. 
His  ship,  overtaken  five  days  after  the  battle  by  a  storm,  foundered 
off  St.  Michael's  with  two  hundred  Spaniards  in  her,  and  in  the 
same  storm  there  perished  fifteen  or  sixteen  Spanish  men-of-war. 


1591.]  ESCAPE    OF   THE   "  CONTENTS  497 

Within  twenty-four  hours  of  the  fight,  the  home-coming  carracks 
fell  in  with  the  fleet  of  Don  Alonso  de  Bazan,  and  by  it  were  safely 
convoyed  to  Spain. 

Lord  Thomas  Howard's  squadron,  after  maintaining  a  distant 
fight  mitil  nightfall,  got  away.  On  its  homeward  passage  it  made 
several  valuable  prizes.  A  httle  force  of  victuallers,  fitted  out  in 
London  to  carry  suj)plies  to  it,  had  sailed  on  August  17th,  but  had 
been  dispersed  by  bad  weather,  and  obliged  to  put  back.  Some  of 
the  vessels,  however,  before  they  reached  port,  picked  up  three  rich 
prizes  in  the  Bay,  and  took  one  of  them  into  Plymouth. 

That  year,  1591,  saw  some  other  very  gallant  actions,  which, 
although  not  strictly  naval,  must  l)e  here  recorded.  Three  English 
ships  and  a  barque,  belonging  to  Sir  George  Carey,  who  was  after- 
wards second  Lord  Himsdon,  were  in  the  West  Indies,  engaged 
apparently  in  trade,  when,  off  Cape  Corrientes,  they  fell  in  with  six 
Spanish  vessels,  four  of  which  were  large.  The  English  promptly 
attacked  the  three  ships,  two  of  which  were  named  Hopewell  and 
Swalloic,  engaging  one,  and  the  barqiie,  named  the  Co)itent,  en- 
gaging the  other  of  the  two  biggest  Spaniards.  After  some  fighting, 
the  three  English  ships,  for  some  reasons  not  fully  explained,  drew 
off,  leaving  the  little  Content  to  her  fate.  For  three  hours,  after 
she  had  got  away  from  her  original  opponent,  she  fought  the  two 
smallest  Spanish  vessels.  She  then  maintained  a  rmming  fight  with 
two  of  the  large  and  one  of  the  small  ships,  endeavouring  meanwhile 
to  get  into  shallow  water  by  using  her  sweeps.  The  Spaniards, 
when  they  could  no  longer  follow  her  with  their  deeper  craft, 
double-manned  the  small  vessel,  and  towed  and  rowed  her  after  the 
Content.  The  Englishman  was  being  slowly  forced  between  the  big 
ships  and  the  shore,  and  was  in  a  most  precarious  position,  when  a 
lucky  shot  from  her  temporarily  disabled  one  of  the  larger  Spaniards. 
This  accident  freed  her,  and  enabled  her  to  make  an  offing  ;  but  no 
sooner  had  she  done  so  than  she  fell  in  with  two  fresh  Spanish 
galleys,  one  of  which  presently  tried  to  board.  But  the  Content 
drove  off  her  enemies  on  two  occasions,  and  at  last,  after  a  contest 
which  lasted,  with  intermissions,  from  7  a.m.  until  11  p.m.,  made 
her  escape  with  a  loss,  strange  to  say,  of  but  two  men  wounded, 
though  her  hull  and  rigging  were  cut  to  pieces.  She  had  no  more 
than  twenty-three  officers  and  men  on  board,  and  of  these  only 
thirteen  took  part  in  the  action,  the  rest  being  below. ^ 

'  Hakluyt,  pt.  iii.  5C5.     The  Content's  maeter  was  Xicholas  Liste. 
VOL.    I.  '2   K 


498  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1485-1603.  [1592. 

Another  gallant  affair  was  the  action  fought  by  the  Centurion, 
Turkey  merchant,  Eobert  Bradshaw,  master,  with  five  Spanish 
galleys,  near  the  Gut  of  Gibraltar.  Three  vessels  simultaneously 
tried  to  board  her,  but  she  drove  them  all  off,  and,  after  more  than 
five  hours,  induced  them  to  leave  her.  Bradshaw,  whose  crew 
consisted  of  forty-eight  men  and  boys,  lost  four  killed  and  ten 
wounded.^ 

Attempts  against  Spanish  treasure  and  Spanish  treasure  ships 
remained  for  many  years  among  the  most  attractive  ventures  for 
English  seamen.  One  of  these  attempts  ^  was  organised  in  1592  by 
Sir  Walter  Ealegh  and  his  friends,  with  assistance  from  the  queen's 
government.  Ralegh's  original  plan  seems  to  have  been  either  to 
await  the  home-coming  Spanish  fleet  in  the  Atlantic  or  to  cross  to 
the  Isthmus  of  Darien  and  seize  the  town  of  Panama,  where  the 
Spaniards  were  accustomed  to  assemble  treasure,  prior  to  shipping 
it  home  by  way  of  the  East  Indies.  Sir  Walter  was  at  the  time  in 
a  restless  and  dissatisfied  condition,  owing  to  the  queen's  favour  for 
him  having  diminished,  and  he  may  have  thought  it  necessary  to 
achieve  some  new  exploit  in  order  to  reinstate  himself. 

Two  only  of  her  majesty's  ships,  the  Garland,  of  700  tons,  300 
men,  and  45  guns,  and  the  Foresight,  of  300  tons,  120  men,  and 
37  guns,  participated  in  this  expedition.  With  them  were  associated 
thirteen  armed  inerchant  vessels.  Sir  Walter  Kalegh,  in  the  first 
instance,  took  chief  command,  but,  as  will  be  seen,  retm-ned  ere 
the  adventure  had  fairly  begmi,  and  was  superseded  by  Frobiser. 
Captain  Robert  Crosse  commanded  the  Foresight,  and  the  land 
forces  on  board  the  squadron  were  under  Sir  John  Burgh, ^  although 
he  also  exercised  some  kind  of  naval  direction. 

After  two  or  three  months'  detention  by  contrary  winds,  the 
expedition  sailed  on  May  1st ;  but  on  the  day  following,  Sir  Martin 
Frobiser,  in  the  Lord  Admiral's  pinnace  Disdain,  overtook  it, 
bringing  from  EHzabeth  letters  revoking  Ealegh's  command  in 
favour  of  Frobiser,  and  commanding  Ralegh  to  return.  Sir  Walter 
seems  to  have  been  hurt  and  disappointed,  and  to  have  determined 
to  proceed   in   defiance  of   orders ;    but  when,   upon   reaching   the 

'   Ihikluyt,  ii.  pt.  ii.  168. 

''  H).,  ii.  pt.  ii.  p.  104;  Monson's  'Tracts';  Caindeu's  'Annales';  Oldys's  'Life 
of  Kalegh,'  63-65. 

"  Sir  John  Burgh,  a  descendant  of  tlie  famous  Hubert  de  Burgh,  was  third  son  of 
William,  fifth  Baron  de  Bixrgh.  He  was  killed  in  action  on  March  7th,  1595,  being 
then  in  his  fifty-third  year,  and  lies  buried  in  Westminster  Abbey. 


1592.]  CRUISE   OF  FROBISER   AND    BURGH.  499 

latitude  of  Cape  Finisterre,  he  learnt  that  the  Spaniards  had 
received  intelligence  of  his  preparations,  and  had,  in  consequence, 
decided  that  none  of  their  ships  should  leave  America  that  year,'  he 
quitted  the  squadron  and  went  home. 

His  departure  caused  much  confusion,  many  of  the  merchant 
captains  never  having  undertaken,  and  being  unwilHng,  to  sei've 
under    Frobiser.      Several,    therefore,    quitted    the    squadron,    and 


SlU    MAKTIN    FROBISER,    KT. 

(^Frutn  thi' '  Hcroulufjia.*') 

cruised  on  their  own  account ;  but  before  they  separated  they  took, 
off  the  coast  of  Spain,  a  Biscayan  ship  of  600  tons,  laden  with 
ironwork,  and  sent  her  to  England.  After  the  parting,  Sir  John 
Burgh  captured  a  fly-boat,  which,  however,  cost  him  a  long  chase 
to  the  southward,  and  drew  him  within  sight  of  a  considerable 
Spanish  fleet,  which  was  to  seaward  of  him,  and  which  threatened 
to  hem  him  in  with  the  shore.     He  nevertheless  escaped  by  the 

'  Judging  from  the  result,  tliis  intelligence  was  false. 

•2   K   2 


■500  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1485-1603.  [1592. 

exercise  of  superior  seamanship,  and  rejoined  the  Foresight  and  one 
other  vessel  which  had  been  placed  by  Frobiser  under  his  command, 
with  orders  to  cruise  to  the  Azores.  Frobiser  himself,  with  three  or 
four  ships,  remained  off  the  Spanish  coast,  and  his  craft  being  all 
indifferent  sailers,  did  hut  little. 

Taking  several  caravels  on  their  passage.  Sir  John  Burgh  and 
Captain  Crosse  reached  Flores,  and  there  fell  in  with  three  ships 
belonging  to  the  Earl  of  Cumberland's  expedition^  which  were  in 
chase  of  a  carrack.  The  Portuguese  crew,  despairing  of  escape,  ran 
this  carrack  ashore,  took  out  some  of  her  cargo,  and  set  her  on  fix-e  ; 
but  the  English,  landing  a  hiindred  men,  extinguished  the  flames, 
and  saved  part  of  the  lading.  They  also  captured  the  carrack's 
purser,  who  was  by  threats  induced  to  admit  that  another  carrack 
had  been  ordered  to  make  the  island,  and  was  probably  in  the 
neighbourhood. 

Sir  John  Burgh  joined  his  friends  in  the  search  for  this  vessel, 
and  the  ships  of  the  two  commanders  were  so  disposed  northward 
and  southward,  on  a  hne  about  seven  leagues  westward  of  Flores,  as 
to  cover  and  observe  one  hundred  and  twenty  or  one  hundred  and 
thirty  miles  of  sea. 

Thus  the  united  squadrons  lay,  from  June  29th  to  August  3rd, 
when  some  carracks  being  sighted,  a  sharp  engagement  presently 
ensued  with  them.  The  English  were  still  scattered,  and  the  enemy 
appears  to  have  concentrated  on  the  ships  of  Sir  John  Burgh  and  of 
those  captains  nearest  to  him.  Sir  John  himself  w"as  reduced  to 
an  almost  sinking  condition,  and  might  have  been  taken  had  not 
Captain  Kobert  Crosse,  in  H.M.S.  Fy;'t'.s('r//i^,- placed  himself  athwart 
the  threatened  vessel's  stern,  and  gallantly  borne  the  brunt  of  the 
attack  for  three  hours.  This  gave  time  for  other  Enghsh  ships  to 
come  up.  How  many  carracks  were  originally  engaged  does  not 
appear,  liut  it  would  seem  that  ere  the  bulk  of  the  Enghsh  forces 
arrived  on  the  scene,  all  save  one  of  the  enemy  had  withdrawn  from 
the  fight.  Crosse  then  carried  that  remaining  one  by  boarding. 
She  proved  to  be  the  Madre  de  Dios,  a  seven-decked  ^  ship,  measuring 
one  hundred  and  sixty-five  feet  from  stem  to  stern,  and  carrying  six 
hundred  men,  and  a  miscellaneous  cargo  valued,  upon  its  arrival  in 

'  This  was  tlie  fifth  of  the  earl's  expeditions.     Sac  below. 
-  Some  accounts  say  Providence ;  but  Crosse's  ship  was  the  Foresight. 
^  Among  these  seven  decks  were,  of  course,  included  the  numerous  superimposed 
short  decks,  forming  the  lofty  stern-castle  or  poop. 


1592.]  DISGRACE   OF  DON  ALONSO   DE   BAZAN.  501 

England,  and  after  the  vessel  had  been  partially  looted,  at  i'150,000. 
The  Madre  dr  Dios,  which  was  of  KlUO  tons'  burthen,  w-as  brought 
to  England.  Most  of  the  profits  of  the  venture  were  confiscated  by 
the  queen,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  only  two  of  her  ships  had  been 
concerned,  and  that  of  these  the  smaller  alone  had  had  a  hand  in 
the  taking  of  the  carrack.  The  adventuring  merchants  were,  in 
consequence,  greatly  discontented. 

Don  Alonso  de  Bazan,  who  had  been  directed  by  his  sovereign 
to  proceed  direct  to  Flores  to  await  the  coming  of  the  carracks,  had 
disobeyed  his  instructions,  and  had  sailed  instead,  with  twenty-three 
galleons,  to  St.  Michael's,  for  which  he  had  a  consignment  of  guns, 
intending  to  go  on  to  Flores  later.  When  he  heard  of  what  had 
occm-red,  he  pursued  the  English  resolutely  enough  for  a  hundred 
leagues,  but  failing  to  catch  them,  he  was,  upon  his  return  to  Spain, 
and  in  spite  of  his  great  previous  services,  broken  for  his  disobedience 
and  negligence. 

Cumberland's  fifth  expedition,  which  had  thus  iniited  with 
Burgh,  consisted  of  five  vessels,  none  of  which  belonged  to  the 
navy.  The  earl  did  not  accompany  it,  but  gave  the  command  to 
Captain  Norton. 

Other  expeditions  of  1592,  were  Christopher  Newport's  privateer- 
ing voyage,  in  the  course  of  which  Ocoa,  and  two  other  towns  in 
what  is  now  Haiti,  were  sacked,  Puerto  Caballos,  in  the  Bay  of 
Honduras,  was  plundered,  and  several  ships  were  taken  or  destroyed  ; 
and  William  King's  voyage  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  This  was  not 
less  successful  than  Newport's  venture,  though  King's  operations 
were  confined  to  the  sea.  The  Amity,  of  London,  Thomas  White 
master,  on  her  way  home  from  a  voyage  to  Barbary,  fell  in  with 
two  Spanish  vessels,  both  of  which,  after  a  very  stubborn  fight,  he 
took.  They  proved  to  be  laden  with  quicksilver,  wine,  missals,  and 
indulgences,  and  were  extremely  valuable  prizes.^ 

The  year  1593  witnessed  the  setting  out  of  Richard  Hawkyns's 
expedition  to  the  South  Sea.-  The  following  year  saw  the  inception 
of  Lancaster  and  A^enner's  expedition  to  Brazil,^  and  of  Dudley's 
voyage  to  Trinidad.'' 

Few  purely  naval  events  occun-ed  in  1598,  the  year  of  the 
Treaty  of  Melun ;  but,  in  the  course  of  it,  the  Earl  of  Cumljerland 
went  to  sea  in  command  of  his  sixth  privateering  expedition,  with 

1  Halduyf,  iii.  5(17,  570;  ii.,  pt.  ii.  193  ;  Lansdowiie  MSS.  70,  I".  2:11. 
^  &f  Chap.  XV!.  ^  Ih.  *  Ih. 


502  MILITARY  HISTORr,   1485-1603.     '  [1593. 

H.M.  ships  Golden  Lion  and  Bonaventure,  and  seven  armed  vessels, 
and  with  Sir  WiUiam  Monson  and  Sir  Edward  Yorke  as  his  seconds. 
Monson  records  that  his  ship,  the  Lion,  during  this  cruise,  obUged 
twelve  foreign  "  hulks  "  to  strike  to  her,  in  spite  of  their  refusal  to 
do  so  until  they  were  forced.  The  earl,  on  account  of  illness,  had 
to  return  prematurely ;  but  three  of  his  smaller  vessels  went  on 
to  the  West  Indies,  and  there  did  a  good  deal  of  damage  to  the 
Spaniards.^ 

Even  prior  to  the  conclusion  of  the  Treaty  of  Melun,  friendship 
between  England  and  France,  to  the  prejudice  of  Spain,  had  become 
very  close  and  cordial,  and  Elizabeth  had  sent  Sir  John  Norreys 
with  three  thousand  men  to  co-operate  with  Henry  IV.  against  the 
League,  and  against  the  Spaniards  who  were  actively  supporting  the 
League  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Brest.  Henry,  fearing  lest  Spain 
might  dispatch  naval  as  well  as  military  assistance  to  his  domestic 
enemies,  persuaded  Elizabeth,  in  1594,  to  send  a  fleet  to  blockade 
Brest  by  sea.  The  League  had  by  that  time  collapsed,  owing  to 
Henry's  abjuration  of  Protestantism  in  1.593,  and  Norreys,  with  his 
troops,  had  been  withdrawn.  But  the  Due  de  Mercoeur-,  who  had 
pretensions  to  the  independent  sovereignty  of  Brittany,  and  whose 
only  hope  lay  in  Spanish  help,  was  still  hostile  to  Henry,  and  rather 
than  submit,  delivered  to  his  Spanish  friends  Blavet,  now  Port 
Louis,  in  Morbihan,  and  winked  at,  if  he  did  not  actually  facilitate, 
their  seizure  of  the  peninsula  of  Camaret,  between  the  Bay  of 
Douarnenez  and  the  roadstead  of  Brest.  The  Spaniards  began  to 
strongly  fortify  themselves  there ;  and  as  their  position  threatened 
Brest  and  Le  Conquet,  and  bade  fair  presently  to  enable  them  to 
obtain  the  mastery  of  the  chief  naval  station  on  the  Atlantic  seaboard 
of  France,  Norreys  was  ordered  back  to  assist  Marshal  d'Aimaont  on 
the  land  side,  and  Sir  Martin  Frobiser,  with  a  squadron,  was  directed 
to  co-operate  from  the  sea  for  the  expulsion  of  interlopers  who, 
had  they  ever  securely  established  themselves  in  Brest,  must  have 
become  highly  dangerous  neighboiu-s  for  England. 

Frobiser's  force,  according  to  Monson,  included  only  four  of  her 
majesty's  ships,"  but  to  these  there  seem  to  have  been  added  six,  or 
possibly  more,  armed  merchantmen.     The  main  Spanish  work  was 

'  Purchas,  iv.  1147  ;  Monson's  '  Tracts  ' ;  Harris,  '  Voj-ages,'  i.  687. 

^  Vanguard,  500  tons,  Sir  Martin  Frobiser;  Raiiiboiv,  500  tons,  Captain  Thomas 
Feuuer;  Dreadnouyld,  400  tons.  Captain  Alexander  Cliflbrd ;  and  Quittance,  200  tons. 
Captain  Savile. 


159i.]  ■  DEATH   OF  FROBISER.  503 

at  Crozon,  and  to  the  Bay  of  Crozoii  Frobiser  proceeded  in  October. 
Norreys  and  D'Aumont,  in  the  meantime,  reduced  Morlaix  and 
Quimper,  and  on  November  1st,  arrived  before  Crozon  and  opened 
communications  with  the  squadron.  The  attack  on  the  fort  was  at 
once  begun,  and  prosecuted  with  great  energy ;  but  the  defence  was 
not  less  sturdy,  and  the  loss  of  life  on  both  sides  was  great.  The 
final  and  successful  assault  was  made  with  the  help  of  Frobiser  and 
the  officers  and  seamen  of  his  sqiiadron.  In  the  course  of  it. 
Sir  Martin  received  a  ball  in  the  side.  The  wound  was  not  in  itself 
very  serious,  but  it  was  rendered  so  by  the  inexperience  of  the 
surgeons ;  and  although  Frobiser  brought  his  squadron  back  to 
Plymouth,  he  sui-vived  but  a  few  weeks  after  he  had  landed.^ 

He  was  one  of  the  most  able  seamen  of  an  age  which  produced 
an  unusual  number  of  distinguished  sailors ;  his  courage  and  resource 
were  remarkable,  and  he  seems  to  have  been  in  private  life  an 
admirable  character ;  but  he  v/as  blunt  in  manner,  and  so  exceed- 
ingly strict  a  disciphnarian  that  he  was  never  popular  with  his 
commands.^  It  is  probable,  from  the  fact  that  no  holograph  letters 
of  his  appear  to  be  extant,  that  he  had  been  ill-educated,  and  that 
he  could  write  little  if  any  more  than  his  name.* 

The  Earl  of  Cumberland's  seventh  expedition  left  Plymouth 
on  April  6th,  1594.  The  squadron  consisted  of  the  armed  ships, 
Boijal  Exchange,  250  tons,  George  Cave,  master ;  Mayflower, 
250  tons,  Wilham  Anthony,  master  ;  Samson,  Nicholas  Downton, 
master ;  a  caravel  and  a  pinnace.  It  made  for  the  Azores,  and, 
about  ten  days  after  having  sighted  them,  fell  in  with  a  large  and 
very  richly  laden  Spanish  carrack.  The  Boijal  Exchange,  May- 
flower, and  Samson  engaged  her  simultaneously  at  close  qiaarters, 
but  had  to  cast  off  from  her,  as  she  presently  caught  fire,  and  the 
flames  threatened  to  involve  them  also,  and  actually  did  them  some 
damage.  The  carrack  finally  blew  up,  very  few  out  of  about  1100 
souls  on  board  being  saved.  In  the  struggle,  AVilliam  Anthony  was 
kiUed,'  and  George  Cave  was  so  badly  wounded  that  he  died  in 
consequence  after  his  return  to  England.  The  expedition  refreshed 
at  Flores,  and,  on  June  29th,  met  with  and  engaged  another  large 
carrack.     She  beat  them  off,  yet  not  without  difficulty,  and,  having 

'  Dying  in  January,  1595. 

^  Churchyard's  '  Memorable  Service  of  Sir  J.  Norreys,'  135-141 ;  Fuller's  '  York- 
shire Worthies,'  202 ;  Monson's  '  Tracts,'  182 ;  Stowe,  808 ;  Camden's  '  Annales,'  G80. 
'  Laughtou's  Introd.  to  Span.  Armada  Papers,  p.  Ixxvi. 


504 


MILITARY  HISTORY,    1485-1603. 


[1594. 


suffered  severel_y,  the  English  vessels  made  their  way  back  ta 
England.^ 

In  the  meantime  there  were  apprehensions  of  renewed  Spanish 
attempts  upon  a  large  scale  against  England.  There  was  some 
small  foundation  for  the  rumours  which  prevailed,  but  the  report 
received  unmerited  attention,  especially  in  Ireland,  where  local  dis- 
affection was  always  in  haste  to  credit  foreign  enemies  with  more 
than  Irish  hatred  for  Elizabeth  and  her  representatives. 

These  apprehensions  led  to  the  fitting  out,  in  the  simmier  of 
1594,^  of  a  small  English  squadron,  which,  designed  to  cruise  in 
home  waters,  effected  nothing,  and  met  with  no  extraordinary 
adventures ;  for,  although  an  insignificant  Spanish  force  of  four 
galleys  did,  in  fact,  make  a  descent  in  July  upon  Mount's  Bay, 
and  burnt  Mousehole,  Newlyn,  and  Penzance,  the  English  squadron 
was  not  then  in  the  neighbourhood,  and  the  enemy  escaped  without 
interruption.  The  affair  was  relatively  of  smaU  importance,  and  did 
not  cost  a  single  Englishman  either  his  life  or  his  liberty.^  It  was, 
indeed,  a  mere  momentary  raid. 

Another  squadron,  designed  to  act  against  the  Spanish  possessions 
in  the  West  Indies  and  Central  America,  was  placed  in  1595  under 
the  command  of  Sir  Francis  Drake  and  Sir  John  Hawkyns,  and 
consisted  of  six-and-twenty  vessels,  of  which  the  following,  and 
possibly  others,  were  ships  of  her  majesty  : — 


Ships. 

Tous. 

Meu. 

Guns. 

CommaiKiers. 

Defiance 

500 

250 

46 

Sir  Francis  Drake. 

Garland 

TOO 

300 

45 

Sir  Jolm  Hawkyns. 

Hope     .... 

600 

250 

48 

Captain  Gilbert  Yorke. 

Bonaventure  . 

600 

250 

47 

Captain  Troughton. 

Foresight 

300 

160 

o- 

Captain  Wj-nter. 

Adventure 

2r,o 

120 

26 

Captain  Thomas  Drake. 

The    land    forces    embarked    were    commanded    by    Sir    Thomas 
BaskerviUe. 

This  squadron  was  fitted  out  upon  the  express  recommendation 
of  Drake  and  Hawkyns.  Both  were,  no  doubt,  animated  by  a 
sincere   and   patriotic   desire   to   injure    Spain,    as   well   as   by    the 

'  Purchas,  iv.  1147 ;  Harris,  '  Voyages,'  i.  688.     See  also  Hakluyt. 
^  For  Lancaster's  and  Dudley's  voyages  of  this  year,  see  Chap.  X^'I. 
*  Camden,  iii.  697 ;  Carew's  '  Survey  of  Cornwall,'  115. 


1595.]  LAST  CRUISE   OF  DRAKE  AND   HAWKYNS.  505 

personal  desire  of  gain  and  glory ;  but  Hawkyns  was  probably 
influenced  by  yet  another  motive.  His  son  Richard,  in  the  Duinfij, 
had  been  captured  by  the  Spaniards  on  June  21st,  1594,*  and  was 
still  detained  by  them ;  and  the  father  may  have  hoped  to  take 
some  distinguished  Spaniard  who  would  form  a  suitable  exchange. '" 

The  original  intention  was  to  proceed  to  Nombre  de  Dios,  land 
there,  and  march  across  the  isthmus  to  Panama,  in  order  to  seize 
a  Spanish  treasure  reported  to  have  been  brought  thither  from 
Peru.  But  five  days  before  the  squadron  sailed,  the  commanders 
were  advised  by  the  queen  that,  according  to  news  received  from 
Spain,  a  treasure  ship  dismasted  had  put  in  for  shelter  at  Puerto 
Eico  ;  and  they  were  ordered  to  call  at  that  island  on  their  way, 
and,  if  possible,  to  possess  themselves  of  the  disabled  vessel  and  her 
contents,  Puerto  Eico  being  but  weakly  defended. 

The  squadron  left  Plymouth  on  August  28th,  1595,^  and  arrived 
off  Grand  Canary  on  September  27th.  Drake  and  Baskerville  were 
of  opinion  that  the  place  should  be  attempted  in  oi'der  that  the 
ships  might  be  victualled.  Hawkyns  desired  to  proceed  at  once  ;  but 
as  the  people  were  importunate,  provisions  short,  and  Baskerville 
confident  that  he  could  gain  his  object  in  four  days,  Hawkyns 
reluctantly  consented  to  an  attack  being  made.  It  was,  as  he  had 
anticipated,  unsuccessful ;  and  the  squadron,  no  doubt  somewhat 
discouraged  by  the  initial  failure,  steered  for  Dominica,  where  it 
arrived  on  October  29th.  Time  was  wasted  there  and  at  Guada- 
loupe  in  trafficking  with  the  natives,  and  in  building  pinnaces  ;  and 
opportunity  was  given  to  the  Spaniards,  not  only  to  learn  all  that 
was  intended  against  them,  but  also  to  concert  measm-es  of  defence. 
The  enemy  captured  a  small  English  vessel,  the  Francis,*  which 
had  straggled  from  the  main  body,  and  by  torture  forced  her  master 
and  seamen  to  disclose  the  English  plans.  They  then  forwarded 
the  intelligence  with  all  haste  to  Puerto  Eico,  where  the  treasure 
was  promptly  buried ;  and  they  warned  both  the  islands  and  the 
main  of  the  impending  blow. 

Thus,  when,  on  November  12th,  Drake  and  Hawkyns  found 
themselves  before  San  Juan  de  Puerto  Eico,  the  place  was  prepared 
to  receive  them.     As  the  squadron  anchored,  it  was  fired  at  by  the 

'  &e  Chap.  XVI. 

^  Sir  R.  Hawkyns's  '  Observations  on  Voyage  to  the  South  Seas,'  133. 
'  This  was  also  the  year  of  the  departure  of  Sir  Walter  Kalegh  for  Guiana  (see 
Chap.  XVI.). 

*  On  October  BOtli. 


50G  MILITARY  HISTORY,    1485-1C03.  [1596. 

forts,  and  Sir  Nicholas  Clifford,  second  in  command  of  the  troops, 
was  mortally  wounded.  A  still  heavier  blow  to  the  expedition  was 
the  death  of  Sir  John  Hawkyns,  which  occmred  on  the  same  day. 
According  to  Hakluyt,  this  great  comznander  had  been  dispirited 
by  the  knowledge  that  the  capture  of  the  Francis  could  not  but 
result  in  the  disclosure  of  all  his  j)lans  to  the  enemy, ^  and  had  from 
that  moment  sickened. 

The  Spaniards  had  blocked  the  mouth  of  the  port  by  sinking  a 
ship  across  the  centre  of  the  channel,  and  by  fixing  booms  thence 
to  the  forts  on  shore ;  and  within  they  had  five  well-armed  and 
well-manned  vessels ;  but  on  the  evening  of  November  13th, 
Baskerville,  manning  and  arming  the  pinnaces  and  boats  of  the 
squadron  to  the  number  of  five-and-twenty,  forced  a  way  in  under 
a  heavy  fire  from  the  Spanish  guns,  and  set  fire  to  the  five  ships. 
A  most  obstinate  fight  was  carried  on  for  some  time  in  the  harbour. 
The  English,  however,  were  finally  repulsed,  and,  concluding  that 
any  further  attempt  would  be  equally  futile,  they  re-embarked,  and 
sailed  across  to  the  mainland. 

On  December  1st,  they  bizrnt  La  Hacha,  in  the  modern  United 
States  of  Columbia,  in  spite  of  the  willingness  of  the  inhabitants  to 
ransom  the  place  for  thirty-four  thousand  ducats.  Other  places  in 
the  neighbourhood  were  treated  with  similar  barbarity,  and  some 
prisoners  and  pillage  were  secured.  Santa  Marta  was  taken  and 
burnt  on  December  19th,  but  no  loot  was  found  there.  The 
Spaniards  at  Nombre  de  Dios  made  some  resistance  ;  but  that  place 
also  fell  on  December  28th,  and  with  it  were  caj)tiu-ed  several 
vessels,  and  some  silver,  gold,  jewels,  and  money. 

From  Nombre  de  Dios,  a  landing  party  of  seven  hundred  and 
fifty  soldiers,  under  Sir  Thomas  Baskerville,  started  across  the 
isthmus  for  Panama,  but,  finding  the  march  very  arduous,  being 
galled  by  fire  from  unseen  foes,  and  learning  that  forts  obstructed 
their  passage,  the  troops  returned,  and,  harassed  and  half -starved, 
rejoined  the  squadron  on  January  2nd,  1-596. 

The  misfortune  affected  the  health  of  Drake,  who  fell  ill  with 
dysentery.  He  was,  nevertheless,  contemplating  an  attack  upon 
Puerto  Bello  when,  on  January  28th,   death  overtook  him."     His 

'  Ilakluyt,  iii.  583.  See  also  Purchas's  '  Pilgrims,' 1133;  Monson,  183,  attributes 
Sir  Juhu's  death  to  causes  which  could  not  have  influenced  it. 

-  Monson  says  that  Drake  "grew  melancholy  upon  this  disappointment,  and 
suddenly,  and,  I  hope,  naturally,  died."  He  seems  to  have  suspected  a  violent  death, 
but  upon  what  grounds  is  unknown. 


159(1.]  DEATH    OF  DRAKE.  507 

body,  enclosed  in  a  leaden  coffin,  found  a  fitting  resting-place  in 
the  sea  ;  and  the  expedition,  deprived  of  both  its  admirals,  set  sail 
for  England. 

Thus,  within  a  space  of  less  than  three  months,  did  a  single 
and  only  very  moderately  succes.sful  expedition  cost  England  the 
hves  of  two  of  her  most  notable  sea  captains. 

Hawkyns  was  a  man  of  unusual  and  cultivated  ability,  and  of 
exceptional  skill  as  a  seaman.  Although  his  early  life  had  been 
stormy,  and  his  whole  career  had  been  adventm-ous  in  the  highest 
degree,  he  remained  to  a  large  extent  rmspoilt  to  the  end,  in  that  he 
was  merciful  in  action,  ready  to  forgive,  and  ever  a  strict  observer 
of  his  word.  Unlike  some  of  his  distinguished  naval  contemporaries, 
he  was  cautious,  reserved,  and  slow  in  making  up  his  mind.  The 
navy,  of  which  he  was  treasurer  for  seventeen  years,  owed,  and 
still  owes,  much  to  him  ;  and  although  he  had  faults,  chief  among 
which  may  be  ranked  extreme  blmitness  of  manner,  jealousy,  and 
an  excessive  love  of  money,  he  was  withal  a  man  of  great  and 
remarkable  character.' 

Drake  possessed  at  least  equal  ability,  but  had  little  acquired 
knowledge  of  many  arts  save  those  connected  with  navigation  and 
war,  in  which  he  stood  imrivalled.  Less  cautious  and  provident 
than  Hawkyns,  he  was  also  less  greedy  of  gain,  and,  indeed,  appears 
to  have  generally  set  the  welfare  of  his  queen  and  country  far 
above  his  own  private  advantage.  He  had  many  fine  qualities, 
most  of  which  were  expressed  in  his  person,  which  was  that  of 
a  healthy,  strong,  and  genial  adventurer ;  and  among  his  defects 
there  seem  to  have  been  none  much  more  serious  than  love  of 
display,  occasional  quickness  of  temper,  lack  of  reserve  when  among 
his  equals,  and  a  habit  of  boasting.^ 

This  fatal  expedition  was  brought  home  by  Sir  Thomas  Basker- 
ville  and  Captain  Troughton.  A  Spanish  fleet  had  been  sent  from 
Europe  to  intercept  the  squadron,  and  lay  waiting  for  it  near  the 
Isla  de  Pinos,  off  Cuba.  There  were  twenty  sail  of  Spaniards  in 
company  when  the  English  were  sighted  ;  and,  the  forces  on  each 
side  being   nearly  equal,  a  hot  action  resulted.      After  about  two 

'  Monson's  'Tracts,'  183,  371;  k'ttor  liy  "1!.  M."  in  Purchas's  'Pilgrims,'  iv.  1185; 
Camden,  700;  Stowe,  807.  For  a  diKcussidn  of  Hawkyns's  pulilic  i-liaracter,  .so; 
Oppenheiiu,  'Admin,  of  Eoyal  Navy,'  A|i|i.  V.  (p.  .392). 

2  'Eelation  of  a  Voy.age  to  the  W.  Indies,'  58;  Fuller's  'Holy  ^tate,'  130; 
Stowe,  808;  Camden,  700;  'English  Hero,'  207:  Monson's  'Tracts,'  3'J9 ;  Pui-chas's 
'Pilgrims,'  vi.  1185;  Holinshed,  ii.  15G7  ;  Hakluyf,  iii.  583. 


508  MILITARY  HTSTOBY,   1485-1603.  [1596. 

hours'  firing,  the  enemy  sheered  off,  having  lost  one  vessel  hy  fire, 
and  having  had  several  hadly  mauled  ;  and  the  English,  proceeding, 
reached  England  without  further  adventure  in  Ma}',  1596.^ 

The  year  1595  witnessed  two  other  expeditions  of  some  im- 
portance. One  was  the  voyage  of  a  httle  squadron  under  Amyas 
Preston  and  George  Somers  to  the  West  Indies.  It  was  a 
privateering  venture,  and,  in  the  course  of  it,  the  island  of  Porto 
Santo,  near  Madeira,  was  taken  and  pillaged,  and  considerable 
damage  was  done  to  the  Spaniards  on  the  coast  of  what  is  now 
Venezuela.^  The  other  was  the  eighth  of  the  Earl  of  Cumberland's 
voyages.  For  the  occasion  the  earl  had  built  the  Scourge  of  Malice, 
900  tons,  at  Deptford.  His  intention  was  to  personally  lead  the 
expedition,  and,  indeed,  he  actually  started  with  it,  but  was  recalled 
by  the  qiieen.  The  other  ships  were  the  Alcedo,  Captain  AVilliam 
Monson  ;  the  Anthony,  David  Jarret,  master  ;  and  an  old  "  frigate." 
Cumberland's  appointment  of  Captain  Langton  to  take  his  place  as 
"  admiral "  disgusted  Monson,  who  left  the  other  ships,  and  cruised, 
but  to  no  effect,  on  his  own  account.  The  remaining  vessels  made 
several  prizes,  but  narrowly  escaped  falling  into  the  hands  of  a  large 
Spanish  fleet. ^ 

It  is  interesting  to  note  here  that  the  Scourge  of  Malice,  a  famous 
ship  in  her  day,  was  sold,  after  Cumberland  had  done  with  her,  to 
the  East  India  Company,  and,  re-named  the  Dragon,  distingiiished 
herself  against  the  Portuguese  in  the  Eastern  seas  in  the  time  of 
James  I. 

Rumours  of  a  renewed  intention  on  the  part  of  Spain  to  invade 
England  still  persisted.  Indeed,  Spain  had  apparently  forgotten  the 
catastrophe  of  the  Armada,  and,  there  is  little  doubt,  harboured 
some  fresh  designs  against  Elizabeth,  and  particularly  against  her 
dominions  in  Ireland.  Yet  it  is  more  than  possible  that  the  great 
English  expedition  of  1596  would  not  have  sailed  when,  and  struck 
as,  it  did,  but  for  the  fact  that,  owing  to  French  mismanagement 
and  folly  in  declining  proffered  Enghsh  help,  the  Spaniards  suc- 
ceeded in  making  themselves  masters  of  Calais.*  This  stirred 
England,  just  in  the  same  way  as  the  probability  of  a  Spanish 
occupation  of  Brest  had  stirred  it  in  1594.      Preparations  for  an 

*  The  year  of  Ke.vmis's  Voyage  to  Guiana,  of  Shirley's   expedition  to  tlie  West 
Indies,  and  of  Parker's  cruise  to  the  West  Indies,  see  Chap.  XVI. 

'  Hakluyt,  iii.  578. 

"  Monson  ;  Purclias,  iv.  1148  ;  Harris,  '  Voyages,'  i.  6S8. 

*  Cal.  of  Hatfield  MSS.  (Hist.  MSS.  Comm.),  pt.  vi. 


1596.] 


THE   CADIZ  EXPEDITION. 


509 


expedition  against  Cadiz  were  in  progress  before  Calais  fell.  After 
the  fall  of  Calais,  they  were  hastened  to  such  good  effect  that  the 
fleet  sailed  about  six  weeks  later.' 

The  ships  of  her   majesty  engaged  in    this  important  adventure 
were — 


Ships. 


Ark  lioyal       . 

800 

400 

55   ; 

Repnhe  . 

700 

350 

50 

Mere  Honour  . 

800 

400 

41 

Warspite 

600 

300 

29 

Lion 

500 

250 

60 

Bainhow 

500 

250 

26 

Nonpareil 

500 

250 

56 

Vanguard 

500 

250 

31 

Mary  Bose 

600 

250 

39 

Dreadnouqht    . 

400 

200 

41 

Siviftsure 

400 

200 

41 

Quittance 

200 

108 

25 

Tremontana    . 

140 

70 

21 

Crane     . 

200 

lOS 

24 

Commauiiers. 

/The  Lunl  High  Admiral,  Juint-Aihiil. 
jiCaptain  Amyas  Prestuii. 
i  JRobert,  Earl  of  Essex,  Joint-Ailmiral. 
\Captain  William  Monsou. 

Lord  Thomas  Howard,  Vice-Admiral. 

8ir  Walter  Kalec;h,  Kear-Aduiiral. 

Sir  Robert  Southwell. 

Sir  Francis  Vere.^ 

Sir  Robert  Dudley.^ 

Sir  John  Wingfeild. 

Sir  George  Carew.* 

Alexander  Clifford.^ 

Robert  Crosse.'' 

Sir  George  Gilford. 

—  King. 


with  probably  three  more,  making  seventeen  in  all."  With  these, 
according  to  Speed,  there  were  associated  three  vessels  belonging 
to  the  Lord  High  Admiral,  twenty-four  belonging  to  the  States- 
General,  and  armed  merchantmen  and  victuallers  sufficient  to  bring 
up  the  total  nmuber  of  sail  to  150.  De  Jonge '  says  that  eighteen  of 
the  twenty-four  Dutch  vessels  were  of  from  200  to  400  tons  burden, 
and  carried  from  sixteen  to  twenty-four  guns  apiece,  with  from  100 

'  For  the  account  of  the  expedition,  Monson,  Hakluyt,  Purchas,  Camden,  the 
Appendix  to  Harris's  Collection,  Speed,  Stow,  and  MSS.  in  the  Cottouian  Library,  as 
well  as  various  State  Papers  have  been  consulted. 

2  Son  of  Geoffrey  de  Yere,  and  grandson  of  the  fifteenth  Earl  of  Oxford.  He  wrote 
'The  Commentaries  of  Sir  P.  Vere'  (published  in  1057).  Dying  in  1608,  he  was 
buried  at  Westminster. 

^  Son  of  Robert,  Earl  of  Leicester,  by  Douglas  Howard,  sister  of  the  Lord  High 
Admiral.  He  married  as  his  third  wife  a  daughter  of  Sir  Robert  Southwell.  His  great 
nautical  work,  '  L'Arcano  del  Mare,'  was  written  while  he  was  serving  the  Grand  Duke 
of  Tuscany,  with  wliora  he  took  refuge  \ipon  failing  to  establish  his  legitimacy,  his 
father  having  denied  the  marriage. 

*  Created  Baron  Carew,  of  Clopton,  1005,  and  later  Earl  of  Totness;  author  of 
'  Hibernia  Pacata.'     He  died  Master  of  the  Ordnance,  March  27th,  1629. 

^  Knighted  for  this  service. 

°  There  were  originally  to  be  only  twelve  ships  of  her  majesty,  twelve  ships  of  the 
City,  and  twenty  ships  of  the  Netherlands ;  but  the  force  was  considerably  increased. 
Cal.  of  Hatfield  MSS.  (Hist.  MSS.  Comm.),  pt.  vi. 

'  '  Nederlandsche  Zeewesen,'  i.  143. 


510 


MILITAEY  HISTORY,    1485-1603. 


[1596. 


to  130  men.     The  contingent  was  under  the  orders  of  Jonkheer  Jan 
van  Duijvenvoorde,  Lord  of  Warmoiid  and  Admiral  of  Holland  ;  but 
the   English   Lord  High  Admiral   was   naval   commander-in-chief, 
and  for  the  first  time  a  Dutch  fleet  obeyed  an  English  flag-officer.^ 
On  board  the  fleet  there  were,  in  addition  to  the  Dutch,  7360 


JAN   VAN   DUIJVENVUOKDE,    ADMIBAL    OF   HOLLAND. 
(From  the  enijrnrUnj  hij  H.  GoU^ius,  15T9.) 

landsmen  and  6772  seamen.     The  troops  were  under  the  Lord  High 
Admiral  and  Essex,  as  joint  generals.'^ 

'  For  the  first  time,  also,  the  Dutch  fleet  seems  to  have  carried  a  regular  national 
flag  to  sea.  A  Resolution  of  the  States-General  of  April  5th,  159G,  directed  that  the 
arms  of  the  States,  a  lion  and  arrows,  should  be  worn  on  the  colours,  which  were  a 
tricolour  of  orange,  white  and  blue.  The  flag  was  afterwards  changed,  red  being 
substituted  for  orange  on  account  of  its  superior  visibility,  and  the  arms  being  omitted. 
In  Tromp's  time,  the  orange  (or  red),  white  and  blue  flag  was  kno-ivn  as  the  Prmce's 
flag,  since  it  represented  the  colours  of  the  Prince  of  Orange. 

''  This  arrangement  foreshadows  the  appointment  under  the  Commonwealth  of 
'  Admirals  and  Generals  at  Sea,'  and,  to  some  extent,  the  later  practice  of  giving  naval 
officers  concurrent  commissions  in  the  Marines. 


150G.]  INSTRUCTIONS    TO   lIOWAItB   AND   ESSEX.  511 

Queen  Elizabeth's  iustiuctions  to  Howard  of  Effingham  and 
Essex'  may  be  briefly  summarised.  The  generals  were  advised  that 
the  armament  had  been  originally  collected  because  of  the  prevalence 
of  reports  that  Spain  was  preparing  a  greater  Armada  than  that  of 
1588  to  invade  England,  and  to  aid  the  Irish  rebels.  The  reports 
had  tm-ned  out  to  be  exaggerated.  Moreover,  the  Spanish  fleet  had 
been  scattered,  partly  for  the  pursuit  of  Drake  and  partly  for  the 
reinforcement  of  the  Indies.  But  there  was  still  danger  that  the 
Irish  rebels  might  be  assisted,  and  that  might  best  be  prevented  by 
the  capture  or  destruction  of  "  some  good  number  "  of  the  King  of 
Spain's  ships  in  his  ports.  The  duties  of  the  generals  would,  there- 
fore, be  to  discover  the  strength,  whereaboiits,  and  designs  of  the 
Spanish  navy,  and  the  nature  and  quantity  of  stores  collected  in 
Spain  for  purposes  of  aggression  over  sea  ;  to  destroy  any  vessels 
intended  for  Ireland,  the  Narrow  Seas,  or  Calais,  to  generally 
injure  the  naval  power  of  Spain,  to  avoid  the  unnecessary  hazarding 
of  ships  and  men,  to  take  undefended  towns,  especially  if  they 
should  be  understood  to  contain  treasure;  not  to  injure  non- 
combatants,  and  to  preserve  all  booty  for  her  majesty's  disposal. 
The  two  generals  were  to  be  assisted  by  a  council  of  five,  composed 
of  Lord  Thomas  Howard,  Sir  Walter  Ealegh,  Sir  Francis  Vere, 
Sir  Conyers  Clifford,  and  Sir  George  Carew ;  ^  and  the  proceedings 
of  the  generals  and  council  were  to  be  from  time  to  time  recorded 
for  the  queen's  information  by  Anthony  Ashley,^  one  of  the  clerks 
of  her  Privy  Council,  who  would  accompany  the  fleet  for  the 
pui-pose.  If,  after  the  attainment  of  the  main  objects  of  the 
expedition,  the  generals  should  learn  of  the  home-coming  of  any 
rich  Spanish  carracks  from  the  Indies,  they  might  exercise  their 
discretion  as  to  effecting  their  capture  ;  but  the  fleet  was  not  to  be 
kept  abroad  longer  than  needful. 

Before  the  sailing  of  the  expedition,  the  queen's  attitude 
towards  it,  and  especially  towards  Essex,  changed ;  and,  almost 
at  thfe  last  moment,  the  two  leaders  received  letters  of  recall. 
These  were  vyithdrawn  only  upon  the  urgent  remonstrances  of 
Lord  Thomas  Howard,  Sir  Francis  Vere,  and  other  subordinate 
officers. 

'  Cotton  MSS.,  Otlio  E.  ix. 

"  The  generals  lunl  power  to  add  to  this  Connrih 

'  Anthony  Ashle}-,  grandfather  of  the  first  Earl  of  Shafteslmry,  Ijecanie  Secretary  to 
the  Privy  Council  under  James  I.,  was  made  a  baronet  in  1022,  and  died  in  1C28. 


512  MILITARY  HISTORY,    1485-1603.  [1596. 

The  instructions  issued  by  Howard  of  Effingham  and  Essex  ^  to 
the  captains  of  the  fleet  will  be  found  at  length  in  the  previovis 
chapter.  Before  sailing,  the  joint  generals  also  published  in  Spanish, 
French,  Italian,  and  Dutch  a  manifesto  "to  all  Christian  people," 
setting  forth  the  causes  and  objects  of  the  expedition,  proclaiming 
friendship  to  neutrals,  and  hostility  to  Spain  and  her  allies,  and 
requiring  all  who  might  have  aided  PhiHp  in  the  past  to  withdraw 
from  him  upon  pain  of  being  made  to  suffer  for  their  continued 
adherence  to  Elizabeth's  enemies. 

The  fleet  sailed  from  Pl3Tiiouth  on  June  1st,  1596.  With  a 
north-easterly  breeze,  it  quickly  made  Cape  Ortegal ;  and  there, 
being  off  the  enemy's  coast,  was  organised  for  instant  action.  We 
do  not  know  what  was  its  formation ;  but  Monson  says  that  the 
True  Love,  the  Lion's  Wlielp,  and  the  Witness,^  the  three  best 
sailers  in  the  command,  were  dispatched  ahead  to  look  out  for 
Spanish  scouts  or  advice-boats,  and  to  prevent  any  such  from 
returning  with  news  of  the  approaching  danger.  By  way  of 
additional  precaution,  a  com-se  was  taken  well  out  of  sight  of  land. 
Every  captain  had  been  already  provided  with  sealed  instructions, 
to  be  opened  only  in  case  of  separation  from  the  fleet,  or  after 
rounding  Cape  St.  Vincent,  directing  him  to  make  rendezvous  off 
Cadiz  ;  and  he  had  been  ordered,  in  the  event  of  his  captm-e  by  the 
enemy  appearing  imminent,  to  sink  these  instructions. 

On  Jmie  10th,  the  three  advanced  ships,  two  of  which  were 
commanded  by  Kichard  Leveson^  and  Charles,  Lord  Mountjoy,* 
respectively,  fell  in  with  and  took  three  Hamburg  fly-boats,  fourteen 

'  It  is  noteworthy  that  in  all  the  documents  relating  to  this  expedition,  Essex  is 
given  precedence  over  Howard,  although  the  latter  was  Lord  High  Admiral,  and  the 
former  was  new  to  naval  command.  The  navy  was  not  yet  recognised  as  the  senior 
service. 

^  It  is  probable  that  these  were  the  three  vessels  belonging  to  the  Lord  High 
Admiral.  A  Lioti's  Wlielp  was  bought  from  him  for  the  navy  in  1601.  Pipe  Oif. 
Accts.  2239. 

^  Richard  Leveson,  of  Lilleshall,  born  1570,  served  as  volunteer  in  the  Ark  against 
the  Armada,  and  was  knighted  for  his  service  in  the  Cadiz  expedition.  He  died  in 
1605,  Admiral  of  the  Narrow  Seas  and  Vice-Admiral  of  England.  He  had  married  in 
1587  Margaret,  a  daughter  of  Lord  Howard  of  EfBngham.  He  lies  buried  at  Wolver- 
hampton. 

*  Second  son  of  the  sixth  Lord  Mountjoy,  bom  1563.  He  had  been  knighted  in 
1587,  and  had  succeeded  his  elder  brother  in  1591.  In  1603  he  was  made  Lord 
Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  and  created  Earl  of  Devonshire.  He  died  in  1606.  But  in 
some  accoimts  it  is  saiil  that  not  Lord  Mountjoy,  but  Sir  Christopher  Bloimt  was  with 
the  advanced  squadron. 


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1596.  ATTACK   ON    CADIZ.  513 

days  out  from  Cadiz.  From  them  they  learnt  that  the  garrison  had 
no  suspicions  of  the  intentions  of  the  Enghsh.  On  June  12th,  the 
Swan,  a  London  ship,  commanded  by  Sir  Eichard  Weston,  was 
added  to  the  advanced  squadron.  She  presently  came  up  with  and 
fought  a  Flamand  fly-boat,  homeward  bound  from  the  Straits ;  but 
the  stranger  got  away,  and  was  next  day  making  for  Lisbon  with 
the  intention  of  alarming  the  Spaniards,  when,  within  a  league  of 
the  shore,  she  was  fortunately  taken  by  the  John  and  Francis, 
another  London  ship,  commanded  by  Sir  Marmaduke  Darell.  Thus 
everything  contributed  to  keep  the  Spaniards  in  ignorance  of  the 
Enghsh  design  ;  and  on  June  18th,  when  an  Irish  craft  returning 
from  Cadiz  was  spoken,  the  generals  had  the  satisfaction  of  learning 
from  her  that  the  people  of  the  town  were  tranquil  in  their  fancied 
security,  that  the  garrison  was  small,  and  that  the  port  was  full  of 
vessels  richly  ladun  for  the  Indies. 

Owing  to  some  miscalculation  on  the  part  of  the  masters,  the 
fleet  arrived  off  Cadiz  a  few  hours  sooner  than  had  been  anticipated, 
early  in  the  morning  of  June  20th.  At  a  coimcil  held  previously,  it 
had  been  determined  to  land  on  the  peninsula  of  San  Sebastian,  the 
westernmost  point  of  the  Isle  of  Leon,  on  which  Cadiz  stands  ;  and 
the  fleet  therefore  dropped  anchor  off  the  peninsula ;  but,  the  wind 
being  brisk  and  the  sea  high,  and  four  galleys  lying  in  such  a 
position  under  the  land  as  to  be  able  to  intercept  in-coming  boats, 
nothing  was  that  day  attempted. 

After  some  hours  had  been  spent  in  communications  between 
the  generals,  a  scheme,  which  Monson  says  that  he  had  himself 
recommended,  was  resolved  upon.  The  project  of  first  landing 
was  given  up,  and  it  was  decided  to  begin  operations  by  boldly 
entering  the  harbour  and  seizing  the  shipping. 

Essex  demanded  to  have  the  honour  of  leading  the  way  in  ;  but 
the  Lord  High  Admiral  had  been  strictly  charged  by  the  queen  not 
to  suffer  the  earl  to  expose  himself  unnecessarily,  and  Essex  had  to 
appear  to  submit.  That  night  the  order  of  attack  was  arranged,  the 
posts  of  honour-  being  assigned  to  Lord  Thomas  Howard,^  Sir 
Walter  Ealegh,  Sir  Eobert  Southwell,  Sir  Francis  Vere,  Sir  George 
Carew,  Captain  Crosse,  and  others  of  less  note. 

At  dawn  on  June  21st,  these  officers,  having  rounded  the  north 
end  of  the  island,  passed  Fort  San  Fehpe  and  the  galleys  moored 
near  it,  and,  in  the  face  of  a  heavy  fire,  made  for   the   mass   of 

'  Who,  as  the  Mere  Honour  drew  too  much  water,  went,  on  board  the  Nonpareil. 
VOL.   I.  '  '"  2   L 


514 


MILITARY   HISTORY,   1485-1603. 


[1596. 


CADIZ    HAKBOOR. 

CFrom  a  chart  published  by  Joyce 
Gold,  1809.) 


Spanish  ships  within  the  port.^  These  feU  slowly  back,  but  the 
galleys,  which  were  so  stationed  as  to  present  their  heavy  bow 
armament  to  the  advancing  English,  and  which  were  covered  by 

the  town  batteries  behind  them, 
very  severely  galled  the  advance, 
and  especially  inconvenienced  Sir 
Francis  Vere  in  the  Bainbow. 
Essex,  who  witnessed  this  from 
the  northern  side  of  the  entrance 
to  the  port,  could  no  longer  be 
restrained,  and  gallantly  threw 
himself  into  the  fight.  Howard  of 
Eflingham,  at  about  the  same  time, 
entered  in  a  pinnace,  being  iin- 
Avilling  to  risk  the  Ark  Boyal  in 
such  narrow  waters.  The  English 
pressed  forward  steadily,  driving 
the  Spanish  galleons  and  mer- 
chantmen up  the  harbour  past 
more  galleys,  which  were  moored 
in  Puntal  Eoad,  and  which  fought  furiously.  The  Isle  of  Leon  was 
joined  to  the  mainland  by  a  bridge  at  Suaco.  Upon  reaching  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  bridge,  the  fugitive  Spanish  vessels  fell  into 
great  confusion.  There  was,  however,  a  narrow  canal  whereby  they 
could  reach  the  open  sea  on  the  south  side  of  the  island.  Entrance 
to  this  canal  seems  to  have  been  obtainable  by  means  of  a  swing 
opening  near  the  island  end  of  the  bridge."  Into  the  canal  the 
fleeing  ships  crowded  pell-mell,  only  to  discover  that  at  the  seaward 
end  of  it  was  stationed  Sir  John  Wingfeild  in  the  Vanguard. 
A  good  many,  however,  succeeded  in  thus  escaping,  though  Sir  John 
was  exceedingly  vigilant  and  arrested  several. 

In  the  meantime,  very  hot  fighting  between  the  English  and 
Spanish  men-of-war  continued  in  Puntal  Eoad,  where  Howard 
himself  was  engaged.  But  towards  noon  the  action  slackened,^ 
many  of  the  Spanish  vessels  having  by  that  hour  been  destroyed 
by  the  English  fire,  or  sunk  or  set  fire  to  by  their  own  people  to 

'  Slonson  says  that  Ealegh,  having  entered,  anchored  out  of  gunshot  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  urged  lack  of  water  as  an  excuse  for  not  going  farther  in ;  and  that  not 
until  the  Rainhow  had  passed  him  did  Ealegh  weigli  and  proceed. 

''  Monson  says  that  the  fleeing  ships  broke  through  the  bridge  itself. 

'  It  did  not  wholly  cease  until  4  p.m. 


1596.]  CADIZ   TAKEN.  515 

save  them  from  capture.  The  Spanish  flagship  San  Fehpc,  a  ship 
of  1500  tons'  burden,  blew  xv[)  and,  by  her  explosion,  destroyed  two 
or  three  craft  that  lay  near  her.  So  rapidly  did  the  flames  make 
progress  that  the  Spaniards,  having  fired  their  vessels,  often  had 
no  time  to  take  to  their  boats,  and,  throwing  themselves  into  the 
water,  would  have  perished,  had  they  not  been  taken  up  by  the 
English.     Numbers,  however,  were  drowned. 

Two  ships  only  of  any  importance  were  taken,  the  San  Mateo 
and  the  San  Andres,  galleons  of  1200  tons.  These  were  saved  by 
the  exertions  of  the  Lord  High  Admiral  and  Sir  Thomas  Gerard,^ 
and  for  several  years  afterwards  they  figm-ed  in  the  English  navy 
as  the  St.  Matthew  and  the  St.  Andrew.  All  the  rest,  except  those 
which  escaped  by  way  of  the  canal,  were  sunk,  bui-nt,  or  driven 
ashore. 

^Vhile  these  events  were  in  progress,  the  Dutch  contingent 
gallantly  attacked  and  carried  Puntal,  and  Essex  soon  afterwards 
landed  -  eight  hundred  men  a  league  from  the  city,  with  a  view 
to  storming  it  on  the  land  side.  But  first  Sir  Conyers  Clifford, 
Sir  Christopher  Blount,  and  Sir  Thomas  Gerard  were  dispatched 
with  a  party  to  Suaco  to  destroy  the  entrance  to  the  canal  by  which 
the  fugitive  ships  had  escaped,  and  to  cut  the  bridge  in  order  to 
prevent  the  arrival  of  succours  from  the  mainland. 

When  these  measures  of  precaution  had  been  carried  out,  Essex 
advanced  iipon  Cadiz.  The  town  was  fortified  on  the  south  by 
means  of  a  wall  running  across  the  island,  and  from  this  wall  the 
enemy  kept  up  a  troublesome  fire  upon  the  English.  But  it  is 
probable  that  the  wall  was  enfiladed  by  the  guns  of  the  English 
ships  in  the  port,  and  that  it  could  not  have  been  held  easily.  A 
body  of  about  five  hundred  Spaniards  outside  the  wall  retired 
precipitately,  and  was  so  closely  followed  up  that  the  attackers 
almost  succeeded  in  entering  with  it.  Sir  Francis  Vere,  at  the 
head  of  a  small  body,  was  one  of  the  first  to  reach  the  gate ;  and 
while  he  was  forcing  it,  another  party,  led  by  some  young  military 
officers,  scaled  the  wall.  In  a  few  moments  the  English  were  in 
the  narrow  streets.  From  the  flat  roofs  of  the  houses  the  inhabitants 
aided  those  of  their  friends  who  still  struggled  below,  by  flinging 

'  Created  Baron  Gerard  in  11)03.  He  was  at  the  time  a  colonel  of  the  land  forces.  He 
died  in  1(518.     It  may  be  of  interest  to  add  that  he  returned  home  in  the  St.  Matthew. 

^  The  landing-place,  according  to  Monson,  was  commanded  by  Pimtal  Fort,  but  the 
garrison  promptly  abandoned  that  work.  Monson  also  declares  that  Essex  landed 
without  Howard's  privity. 

2  L  2 


516  MILITARY  EIST0B7,   1485-1603.  [1506. 

down  stones,  and  by  firing  occasional  shots ;  but  the  defenders 
were  gradually  driven  into  the  market-place,  where,  at  length,  the 
fight  ceased.  Such  of  the  garrison  as  retreated  to  the  castle  and 
the  townhouse  surrendered  the  next  day,  promising  520,000 '  ducats 
for  their  hves,  and  giving  forty  hostages  for  the  paj^ment  of 
that  sum. 

The  loss  of  hfe  on  the  English  side  was  exceedingly  small ;  but 
Sir  John  Wingfeild  was  killed  while  serving  ashore,  and  Sir  Walter 
Ealegh  was  wounded. 

Immediately  after  the  place  had  fallen,  the  generals,  by  pro- 
clamation, ordered  that  no  violence  should  be  offered  to  unoffending 
citizens ;  and  that  the  women,  priests,  and  children  should  be 
conveyed  across  the  harbour  to  Piierto  Santa  Maria  in  English 
vessels.  Essex  in  person  superintended  the  embarkation  of  the 
ladies,  suffering  them  to  carry  off  their  richest  apparel  and  jewels, 
and  preser\ang  them  from  all  insult. 

Ealegh's  wound  was  not  serious,  and  he  was  at  once  detached 
by  the  Lord  High  Admiral  to  proceed  with  a  hght  squadron  to 
Puerto  Beale,  to  burn,  such  merchantmen  as  had  taken  refuge 
there.  The  Spaniards  offered  Howard  2,000,000  ^  ducats  if  he 
would  stay  his  hand ;  but  the  Lord  High  Admiral  answered  that 
he  had  come  to  bm-n  and  not  to  ransom.  The  short  time  spent 
in  negotiation,  however,  enabled  the  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia  to 
remove  a  certain  amount  of  goods  from  some  of  the  ships  ere  they 
were  fired. 

The  loss  to  Spain  was  estimated  at  20,000,000  ducats.  Besides 
the  merchantmen  which  were  destroyed  and  the  two  large  galleons 
which  were  taken,  thirteen  men-of-war,  eleven  ships  freighted  for 
the  Indies,  and  thirteen  miscellaneous  vessels  were  sunk,  bm-nt,  or 
bilged.  About  twelve  hundred  pieces  of  ordnance  were  also  taken 
or  sunk.  Nearly  sixty  naval  and  military  officers,  whose  names  are 
given  at  length  by  Camden,  were  knighted  in  consequence  of  their 
behaviour  upon  the  occasion ;  and  Howard  of  Effingham,  for  the 
service,  was  subsequently  created  Earl  of  Nottingham. 

Having  gained  the  to\vn,  the  leaders  discussed  what  they  should 
do  with  it.  Essex  desired  to  retain  it,  and  offered  to  hold  it  with 
four  hundred  men  and  three  months'  provisions.  Sir  Francis  Vere 
and  Admiral  Duijvenvoorde  were  also  of  opinion  that  it  should  be 

'  Stow  says  620,000. 

2  Hakluyt  and  Harris  say  2,500,000. 


1596.]  '    RETURN   OF  HOWARD   AND   ESSEX.  517 

garrisoued  and  kept ;  but  Howard  aud  all  the  other  senior  officers 
were  opposed  to  the  project,  and  anxious  to  return  to  England. 
The  place,  therefore,  was  given  over  to  pillage,  its  fortifications 
were  razed,  and  many  of  its  principal  buildings,  the  churches 
excepted,  were  burnt. 

On  July  5th,  the  fleet  weighed  again  and  proceeded  to  Faro  in 
Algarve,  a  hundred  miles  to  the  westward.  The  town  had  been 
deserted,  the  inhabitants  carrying  off  nearly  all  their  goods,  and 
little  spoil  beyond  the  bishop's  library  was  taken. ^ 

Essex  was  not  wholly  satisfied  with  what  had  been  done,  and 
suggested  sailing  to  the  Azores,  and  there  lying  in  wait  for  the 
home-coming  East  Iirdia  carracks.  Lord  Thomas  Howard  and 
Admiral  Duijvenvoorde  concm-red ;  but  all  the  other  officers  seem 
to  have  been  beset  by  a  fear  of  losing  what  they  had  gained,  and 
by  a  desire  to  hasten  home  to  enjoy  it.  Essex  thereupon  asked  that 
those  ships  which  were  short  of  stores  or  had  many  sick  on  board 
might  be  sent  to  England,  together  with  the  land  forces,  and  that 
he,  with  two  of  her  majesty's  ships  and  ten  other  vessels,  might  be 
suffered  to  go  to  the  Azores  and  look  for  the  carracks.  The  council 
would  not,  however,  consent  even  to  this ;  whereupon  Essex  insisted 
upon  each  member  delivering  his  views  in  writing,  in  order  that 
his  own  attitude  might  be  vindicated. 

The  sole  concession  that  he  succeeded  in  obtaining  was  that  on 
the  homeward  voyage  a  visit  should  be  paid  to  Corunna ;  but 
neither  in  Corunna,  nor  in  the  neighbouring  port  of  Eerrol,  was  a 
single  Spanish  ship  found.  Essex,  still  anxious  to  effect  something 
more,  would  have  taken  Corunna,  and  attacked  such  Spanish  vessels 
as  were  in  Santander  and  San  Sebastian.  Once  more  the  gallant 
Duijvenvoorde  supported  him,  and  once  more  the  two  were  over- 
ruled.^ And  so  the  fleet  returned  to  England,^  with  the  two 
galleons,  a  hmidi'ed  brass  guns,  and  an  immense  amount  of  very 
valuable  miscellaneous  booty. 

Then  followed  an  amusing  and  undignified  struggle  for  the 
plunder,  most  of  the  officers  protesting  that  little  or  none  had  fallen 

'  This  booty  fell  to  Esses,  wlio  succeeded  in  retaining  it  in  spite  of  Elizabeth's 
efforts  to  secure  it.  He  afterwards  gave  part  of  it  to  Sir  Thomas  Bodley,  and  so  it 
became  the  nucleus  of  the  Bodleian  Library. 

-  For  Essex's  defence  of  his  conduct,  see  Cotton  MSS.  Julius,  F.  vi.  103, 
fol.  271. 

^  Reaching  Pl3'moutli  on  August  8th,  1696.  Essex,  who  convoyed  the  St.  Andrew, 
and  a  tly-hoat  laden  with  ordnaTice,  arrived  two  days  later. 


518  MILITAET  HISTORY,    1485-1603.  [1596. 

to  tliem,  and  the  queen's  commissioners  doing  their  best  to  secure 
as  much  as  possible.  The  queen's  anxiety  on  the  subject  was 
probably  well  reflected  in  a  letter  ^  addressed  on  August  10th  from 
the  Council  at  Greenwich  to  the  joint  generals. 

In  spite  of  aU  his  efforts  to  vindicate  his  conduct,  Essex  fell 
into  some  disfavour  at  coui-t.  Lediard  suggests  that  the  uneasiness 
thus  occasioned  him  may  have  led  him  into  the  extravagant  projects 
which  in  the  end  cost  him  his  life.  Probably  he  proved  himself  at 
times  a  difficult  colleague  of  the  Lord  High  Admiral :  possibly  he 
often  allowed  zeal  to  outrun  discretion.  But  it  is  abundantly  clear 
that  in  aU  he  did  during  the  Cadiz  expedition  he  was  animated  by 
the  best  motives,  and  not  by  that  personal  greed  which  remains  a 
blot  upon  the  record  of  some  of  his  most  noted  contemporaries : 
and  the  fact  that  all  his  proposals  for  the  more  complete  humiliation 
of  Spain  seem  to  have  been  supported  by  Duijvenvoorde,^  a  seaman 
of  experience,  is  one  which  speaks  very  strongly  in  favour  of  his 
general  conduct. 

In  1596,  Cumberland  sent  his  ninth  expedition  to  sea.  He  first 
fitted  out  the  Scourge  of  Malice,  obtained  the  Dreadnought  from  her 
majesty,  and  chartered  some  small  craft.  With  these  he  sailed,  but 
the  Scourge  of  Malice  was  presently  disabled  in  a  storm,  and  the 
expedition  had  to  put  back.  He  then  fitted  out  a  vessel  called 
the  Ascension,  of  300  tons  and  thirty-four  guns,  and  dispatched  her 
to  cruise  under  Francis  Shngsby.  She  also  was  damaged  and  forced 
home  by  a  gale,  but,  saiUng  again,  fought  some  gallant,  though 
indecisive,  actions  off  Lisbon  ere  she  returned.^ 

The  immediate  effect  of  the  Cadiz  expedition  was  to  stimulate 
Spain  to  a  fresh  effort.  Phihp  lost  no  time  in  assembling  at  Lisbon 
as  many  ships  as  he  could  coUect  from  all  parts  of  his  extensive 
dominions  and  in  taking  up  such  suitable  foreign  vessels  as  lay  in 
his  ports.  The  fleet  thus  formed  proceeded  in  the  spring  of  1597  to 
Ferrol,  and  there  received  on  board  a  considerable  body  of  troops 
and  a  great  number  of  fugitives  from  Ireland.  The  intention  seems 
to  have  been  to  land  all  these  forces  in  Ireland ;  but  soon  after  the 
fleet  had  quitted  Ferrol  it  fell  in  with  such  terrible  weather,  and 
suffered  so  severely,^  that  it  put  back,  incapable  of  prosecuting  its 

'  Printed  at  length  in  Lediard,  336,  337. 

^  He  was  knighted  fur  his  services  on  the  occasion.     Camden,  iii.  737,  738. 

'  Purchas,  iv.  1148. 

*  Thirty-six  sail  were  reported  to  have  been  lost  in  this  storm. 


1597.]  TEE    VOYAGE   TO    TEE  ISLANDS.  519 

mission.  The  attempt  is  said,  by  contemporary  writers,  to  have 
been  so  secretly  and  so  quickly  prepared  that  the  news  of  its  dis- 
ablement and  dispersion  actually  reached  England  before  the  news 
of  its  saihng. 

The  failm.-e,  costly  though  it  was,  did  not  deter  Philip  from  at 
once  organising  a  fresh  attempt.  He  was  upon  the  point  of 
liberating  some  of  his  resomrces  by  concluding  a  separate  peace  with 
France,  which  had  been  the  ally  of  Elizabeth  since  1593 ;  there  still 
remained  a  considerable  part  of  his  shattered  fleet ;  there  were  yet 
other  vessels  in  his  Galician  ports ;  and  the  state  of  affairs  in 
Ireland  appeared,  as  before,  to  invite  him  thither.  This  time, 
however,  early  news  of  Philip's  intentions  reached  England,  and 
steps  were  promptly  taken  for  providing  employment  for  the  enemy 
ere  he  should  be  in  a  condition  to  sail. 

A  fleet  was  fitted  out  with  a  view,  first,  to  surprise  the  Spaniards 
in  Corunna  and  Ferrol,  and  then  to  seize  Terceira  or  some  other 
island  of  the  Azores,  so  as  to  secure  a  base  from  which  to  watch  for 
the  home-coming  Spanish  treasure  ships  from  the  Indies.  The 
expedition,  known  as  the  Voyage  to  the  Islands,  was  entrusted  to 
the  supreme  command  of  the  Earl  of  Essex,  who  had  as  his  vice- 
admiral  Lord  Thomas  Howard,  as  his  rear-admiral.  Sir  "Walter 
Ealegh,  and,  as  general  of  his  land  forces,  Charles  Blount,  Lord 
Mountjoy.  Sir  Francis  Vere  went  as  camp-marshal  or,  as  would 
now  be  said,  general  of  a  brigade ;  Sir  George  Carew  as  lieutenant 
of  the  ordnance,  and  Sir  Christopher  Blount  as  first  colonel. 
Among  the  volunteers  were  the  Earls  of  Kutland  and  Southampton, 
and  Lords  Cromwell,^  Grrey  de  Wilton,-  and  Kich.^ 

Accounts  of  the  expedition  have  been  left  by  various  participants, 
including  Sir  Aiihur  Gorges,  Essex,  Lord  Thomas  Howard,  Lord 
Mountjoy,  Sir  Walter  Ealegh,  and  others  whose  relations  will  be 
found  in  Purchas's  '  Pilgrims,'  *  Sir  William  Monson,  and  several 
more ;  yet  there  is  some  little  doubt  as  to  the  exact  number  of  her 
majesty's  ships  taking  part  in  it,  and  as  to  the  names  of  their 
commanders  at  different  periods.     Careful  comparison  of   the  lists 

'  Edward  Cromwell,  third  Baron,  lie  joined  in  Essex's  rebellion,  but  was  pardoned, 
and  lived  till  IGOT. 

^  Thomas  Grey,  fifteenth  Baron  Grey  dc  Wilton.  Involved  in  Ralegh's  conspiracy, 
he  died  in  the  Tower  in  ltil4. 

'  Robert  Rich,  third  Baron.  In  1618  he  was  created  Earl  of  Warwick,  and  in  the 
same  year  died. 

•  '  Pilgrims,'  iv.  1035. 


520 


MILITARY  BISTORT,   1485-1603. 


[1597. 


and  statements  seems  to  indicate  that  the  naval  portion  of  the  fleet 
was  composed  and  officered  as  follows  : — 


Ships. 

Tons. 

Guns. 

Men. 

Commanders.                     ,       MUitory  Officers. 

Mere  Honour ' 

800 

400 

41 

(Earl  of  Essex. 

1  Sir  Robt.  Mansell,  Capt. 

Due  Repulse  ^ 

700 

350 

50 

Lord  Thos.  Howard,  V.-A. 
\ —  Middleton,  Capt. 

Warspite . 

600 

300 

29 

|Sir  AValter  Ealegb,  E.-A. 
\Sir  Arthur  Gorges,  Capt. 

Garland  . 

700 

300 

45 

(?) 

f  Henry,     Earl     of 
\     Southampton.^ 

Defiance  . 

500 

250 

46 

Sir  Amyas  Preston,  Capt. 

Lord  IMountjoy. 

Mary  Rose     . 

600 

250 

39 

John  Wynter,  Capt. 

Sir  Fras.  Vere. 

St.  Mattheio  . 

1000 

500 

48 

(?) 

Sir  Geo.  Carew.* 

St.  Andrew    . 

900 

400 

50 

—  Throckmorton,  Capt. 

Rainbow  . 

500 

250 

26 

Sir  "Wiu.  Mouson,  Capt. 

Bonaventure . 

600 

250 

47 

Sir  \Vm.  Harvey,  Capt. 

Dreadnought . 

400 

200 

41 

Sir  Wm.  Brooke,  Capt. 

Swiftsure 

400 

200 

41 

Sir  Gelly  Meyrick,''  Capt. 

AntclojJe'^ 

350 

160 

38 

Sir  Thos.  Vavasour,  Capt. 

Nonpareil '    . , 

500 

250 

56 

Sir  Rich.  Leveson,  Capt. 

Foresifjht. 

300 

160 

37 

Carew  Eeynell,'  Capt. 

Tremontana  . 

140 

70 

21 

—  Fenner,  Capt. 

Moon . 

60 

40 

9 

Edw(L  Mitchelbume,  Capt. 

Lion  . 

500 

250 

60 

(?) 

Hope^      .      . 

600 

250 

48 

(V) 

"Some  of  her  Majesty's  small  pinnaces"  also  "attended  the 
fleet."  " 

To  the  whole  force  was  added  a  Dutch  squadron  of  ten  men-of- 
war  under  the  command  of  Admiral  van  Duijvenvoorde. 

The  fleet  sailed  on  July  9th,  1-597,  from  Plymouth,  but  it  met 

'  Essex  afterwards  shifted  his  flag  to  the  Due  Repulse. 

^  Howard  afterwards  shifted  his  flag  to  the  Lion,  which  went  out  with  stores  after 
the  main  fleet  had  sailed. 

°  Henry  Wriothesley,  third  Earl  of  Southampton,  seems  to  have  gone  as  a  military 
volunteer,  although  in  Monson's  and  Gorges's  lists  he  appears  as  commanding  the 
Oarland.  He  was  attacked  and  imprisoned  for  complicity  with  Essex,  but  re-created 
Earl  in  1603,  and  made  a  K.G.     He  died  in  1624. 

*  In  Gorges's  and  Monson's  lists,  Carew  figures  as  commanding  the  St.  Matthew. 
He  may  have  held  naval  as  well  as  military  command. 

*  Son  of  Eowland  Meyrick,  Bp.  of  Bangor,  1559-63 ;  had  been  knighted  for  services 
at  Cadiz.     He  was  executed  in  1600  for  complicity  with  Essex. 

°  Sir  John  Gilbert,  who  did  not  sail,  seems  to  have  been  originally  appointed  to  the 
Antelope. 

'  Sir  Thos.  Vavasour  seems  to  have  been  originally  appointed  to  the  Nonpareil. 

®  Fifth  sou  of  Eich.  Eeynell,  of  East  Ogwell,  was  knighted  in  1599  for  services  in 
Ireland,  and  died  in  1624. 

'  Sir  Eich.  Leveson  seems  to  have  been  originally  appointed  to  the  Hope. 
'°  Account  of  Gorges. 


1597.]  TEE  FLEET  AT   TEE  AZORES.  521 

with  l)ad  weather,  was  obliged  to  put  back  and  repair  damages,  and 
did  not  sail  again  until  August  17th.  Monson  says  that,  before  the 
second  departure,  five  thot;sand  troops  were  disembarked,  and  only 
one  thousand  veterans  remained  on  board.  This  step  was  taken 
with  a  view  to  making  the  provisions  and  stores  last  longer  than 
had  been  originally  intended. 

In  the  Bay  more  bad  weather  overtook  the  expedition.  The 
Mere  Honour  sprang  a  dangerous  leak ;  the  St.  Mattliew  carried 
away  her  mainmast  and  some  yards,  and  narrowly  escaped  driving 
ashore  ;  and  the  St.  Andrew  for  a  time  lost  sight  of  the  fleet.  After 
the  gale  had  moderated,  the  coui'se  was  ill-advisedly  steered  parallel 
with  the  coasts  of  Asturias  and  Galicia,  so  that  the  ships  were 
sighted  from  the  shore,  and  warning  of  their  approach  was  conveyed 
to  the  enemy  in  Cormma. 

The  English  and  Dutch  stood  on  and  off  for  some  time  between 
Cape  Ortegal  and  Cape  de  San  Adrian  in  hopes  of  enticing  the 
Spaniards  to  come  out.  When  it  appeared  that  they  would  not  do 
so,  Essex  was  desirous  of  entering  Eerrol  and  Corunna ;  but  the  risk 
to  the  ships  and  to  the  larger  objects  of  the  expedition,  and  the 
smallness  of  the  available  landing  party,  seem  to  have  led  to  the 
abandonment  of  the  project ;  and,  after  a  council  of  war  had  been 
held,  it  was  decided  to  proceed  to  the  Azores.  Ralegh,  in  the 
Warspite,  which  had  lost  her  mainyard,  was  not  present  when  this 
decision  was  arrived  at,  but  rightly  conjecturing  what  would  be  the 
result  of  the  council,  he  steered  for  the  Azores  as  soon  as  he  had 
made  good  his  damages,  and  there  rejoined  the  fleet. 

There  was  an  arrangement — of  which,  however,  Ealegh  may  not 
have  been  fully  apprised — that,  of  the  three  generals,  Essex  should 
devote  his  attention  to  Fayal,  Howard  to  Graciosa,  and  Balegh  to  a 
third  island ;  this  was  not  adhered  to.  Ealegh,  while  watering,  was 
suddenly  ordered  to  proceed  to  Fayal,  there  to  join  Essex  for  an 
attack  upon  the  place.  He  sailed  at  once  ;  but  at  Fayal  there  were 
no  signs  of  the  commander-in-chief.  Seeing  that  the  inhabitants 
were  carrying  off  their  effects,  and  that  the  works  were  being 
rapidly  strengthened,  Ealegh  would  have  attacked  immediately,  but 
was  persuaded  to  wait  for  four  days  ere  taking  action,  and  then  to 
land  only  in  case  the  earl  should  not  in  the  meantime  have  arrived 
and  assumed  the  command.  Essex  did  not  arrive  within  the 
stipulated  period,  and,  at  the  expiration  of  it,  Ealegh,  being  denied 
permission    to  send  his  casks  ashore  for  water,  landed   about  four 


522  MILITARY  BISTORT,    1485-1603.  [1597. 

miles  from  the  port,  drove  the  Spaniards  before  him,  filled  his  casks, 
and  seized  the  town. 

Next  day  Esses  entered  the  harbour.  His  friends,  more  than  he 
himself  at  first,  appear  to  have  resented  Balegh's  independent 
action ;  and  the  latter  vi^as  summoned  to  explain  his  conduct  before 
a  coimcil  of  war.  He  showed  the  necessity  of  the  measm-e  and, 
persuaded  by  Howard,  made  some  kind  of  apology.  Gorges,  who 
was  Ealegh's  captain,  suggests  that,  in  spite  of  this  affair,  Essex 
seemed  to  be  satisfied  with  Sir  Walter ;  but  Monson  is  of  opinion 
that,  but  for  the  fact  that  Ealegh  was  extremely  popiilar  in  England 
and  that  Essex  feared  public  opinion,  the  rear-admiral  would  have 
been  severely  punished  by  his  chief.  The  probabiUty  is  that  the 
earl  originally  paid,  and  would  have  continued  to  pay,  little  atten- 
tion to  the  matter  had  not  Ealegh's  numerous  enemies  steadily 
worked  upon  the  mind  of  the  commander-in-chief.  It  is  certain, 
however,  that  in  the  result,  first  coldness,  and  then  active  hatred 
arose  between  the  two  flag-officers,  to  the  great  prejudice  of  the 
service. 

After  the  fall  of  the  town,  the  Spaniards  abandoned  the  only  fort 
remaining  in  their  hands.  In  it  the  English  found  an  Englishman 
and  a  Dutchman  with  their  throats  cut.  A  few  days  later  the  guns 
of  the  defences  were  embarked,  the  place  was  burnt,  and  the  iinited 
fleet  sailed  to  Graciosa,  which  submitted.  Essex  had  intended  to 
make  this  island  his  headquarters  while  awaiting  the  home-coming 
of  the  Spanish  treasure  ships  from  America ;  but  his  pilot,  Grove, 
represented  that  the  harbour  was  inconvenient  for  the  purpose. 
Essex,  therefore,  went  to  Saint  Michael's  with  the  bulk  of  the  fleet,' 
leaving  a  small  squadron,  comprising  the  Marij  Bose,  under  Sir 
Francis  Vere  and  Sir  Nicholas  Parker,  to  cruise  between  Graciosa 
and  St.  George's,  and  another,  including  the  Garland  and  the 
Rainbow,  imder  the  Earl  of  Southampton  and  Sir  William  Monson, 
to  cruise  to  the  westward. 

This  was  a  most  unfortunate  arrangement,  for  no  sooner  had 
Essex  departed,  and  the  two  small  squadrons  left  for  their  cruising 
ground,  than  the  treasm-e  squadron  of  forty  sail — seven  of  which 
had  specie  on  board — arrived,  and  was  warned  off  by  the  inhabitants. 
It  bore  away  for  Terceira  and  reached  that  island,  with  the  exception 

'  Monson  says  that  Essex  quitted  Graciosa  in  consequence  of  having  received 
reports  of  Spanisli  vessels,  supposed  to  be  the  treasure  ships,  being  in  the  neighbour- 
hood, and  that  he  himself  warned  Essex  that  the  Spaniards  would  go  to  Angra. 


1597.]  CAPTURE   OF    VILLA   FRANCA.  523 

of  only  three  vessels/  which,  losing  sight  of  their  consorts,  were 
ultimately  made  prizes  by  Essex.  At  Terceira  the  Spaniards  took 
refuge  in  the  weU-fortified  and  garrisoned  port  of  Angra. 

Vere,  Southampton,  and  Monson,  who  had  followed,  endeavoured 
to  enter  the  harbour  in  boats  by  night  and  to  cut  the  Spanish  cables, 
so  that  the  vessels  might  drift  to  seaward ;  but  the  enemy  was  so 
alert  that  the  project  failed.  Word  was  then  sent  to  the  com- 
mander-in-chief at  St.  Michael's  of  what  had  happened,  with  an 
assurance  that  the  Spaniards  should  not  be  permitted  to  put  to  sea. 
In  due  course  Essex,  with  his  whole  force,  reached  the  scene  of 
action ;  but,  although  at  first  he  was  strongly  in  favour  of  hazarding 
an  attack,  a  reconnaisance  convinced  him  and  most  of  the  other 
officers  that  the  idea  was  impracticable ;  and  presently  the  English 
fleet  returned  to  St.  Michael's,  and  anchored  before  Punta  Delgada. 
That  place  was  judged  too  strong  to  attempt,  and  Ralegh  was  left  to 
hold  it  in  check,  while  Essex  proceeded  to  Villa  Franca,  about  six 
miles  distant.  The  town  was  easily  taken,  a  considerable  amount  of 
booty  was  captured,  and  for  several  days  the  people  from  the  fleet 
refreshed  themselves  on  shore. ^  While  Essex  was  thus  engaged, 
Ealegh,  who  awaited  his  return  with  great  impatience,  sighted  an 
East  India  carrack,  and  a  nierchantman  from  Brazil.  The  com- 
mander of  the  former  ran  his  ship  aground  under  the  town, 
hui-riedly  removed  as  much  as  possible  of  her  cargo,  and  then 
burnt  her.  The  Brazil-man  was  taken,  but,  being  in  a  leaky 
condition,  was  not  manned.  Her  goods  were  put  on  board  the 
English  vessels,  and  she  was  destroyed. 

Very  httle  had  been  done,  and  none  of  the  main  objects  of 
the  expedition  had  been  attained ;  yet  it  was  decided  to  retui'n 
to  England,  and  the  fleet  accordingly  quitted  St.  Michael's  on 
October  9th.  Three  days  afterwards  it  was  dispersed  by  a  violent 
storm.  The  same  storm  dealt  even  more  hardly  with  the  Spanish 
fleet,  which,  taking  advantage  of  the  presence  of  the  English  at  the 
Azores,  had  put  to  sea  from  Ferrol  with  the  object  of  efl'ecting  a 
landing  in  Cornwall  and  seizing  some  port  there.     Several  of  the 

1  A  "great  ship"  lielonging  to  tlie  Governor  of  Havana,  a  frigate  of  ttie  King  of 
Spain,  and  a  frigate  belonging  to  a  private  person. — Essex's  account.  The  largest  was 
of  400  tons'  burden,  and  very  rich.  Monson  says  that  Southampton,  in  addition,  sank 
a  pinnace  by  gunsliot. 

^  The  idea  had  lieeu  to  march  overland  and  attack  Punta  Delgada  from  the  rear, 
but  the  difticult  nature  of  the  country  caused  the  reliuquishmeut  of  the  project. — 
Monson. 


524  MILITARY   niSTOET,    1485-1603.  [1597. 

ships  were  lost,  and  one,  sorely  damaged  and  very  short  of  pro- 
visions, was  driven  into  Dartmouth.  The  English  vessels,  on.  the 
other  hand,  aU  reached  port  in  safety. 

Essex  and  Ealegh  were  each  blamed  for  the  failm-e  by  the  friends 
and  partisans  of  the  other,  and  in  consequence  the  quarrel  between 
the  two  leaders  became  very  bitter.  They,  however,  agreed  upon, 
and  both  signed,  a  common  accomit  of  the  fortunes  of  the  expedi- 
tion.    This  accomit  ended  characteristically  as  follows  : — 

"And  now  we  have  given  an  account  of  all  our  whole  carriage  till  we  bare  for 
England.  If  our  coming  home  scattering  be  objected,  we  must  plead  the  violence  of 
storms,  against  which  no  fore-directions  nor  present  industry  can  avail.  We  must 
conclude  with  this :  that,  as  we  would  have  acknowledged  that  we  had  done  but  our 
duties  if  we  had  defeated  the  Adelantada,  taken  the  Spanish  treasure,  and  conquered 
the  islands  of  the  Azores,  so,  we  having  failed  of  nothing  that  God  gave  us  means  to 
do,  we  hope  her  majesty  will  think  our  painful  days,  carefid  nights,  evil  diet,  and  many 
hazards  deserve  not  now  to  be  measured  l\v  the  event.  The  like  honourable  and  just 
construction  we  promise  ourselves  at  the  hands  of  all  my  Lords.  As  for  others,  who 
have  sate  warm  at  home,  and  discant  upon  us,  we  know  they  wanted  strength  to 
perform  more,  and  believe  they  wanted  cour.age  to  adventure  so  much." 

Alluding  to  the  dispersion  of  the  Spanish  fleet,  Monson  says  : 
"  We  must  ascribe  this  victory  only  to  God,  for  certainly  the 
enemy's  designs  were  perilous,  aud  not  diverted  by  our  force."  The 
Spanish  design  was  to  seize  Fahnouth,  and  to  use  it  as  an  advanced 
base  for  operations  against  Ireland.  England  seems  to  have  little 
realised  at  the  moment  the  seriousness  of  the  blow  which  had 
missed  her  so  narrowly. 

A  small  expedition,  which  left  England  in  the  course  of  the 
same  year,  is  of  interest,  and  deserves  mention  here,  on  account  of 
its  connection  with  disputes  which,  in  succeeding  ages,  greatly 
influenced  the  relations  between  Great  Britain  and  France.  It 
was  in  no  sense  a  naval  expedition,  but  essentially  a  fishing  venture. 
Nevertheless,  hke  most  of  the  maritime  expeditions  of  the  period, 
it  led  to  some  fighting. 

Charles  Leigh  and  Abraham  van  Herwick,  merchants  of  London, 
fitted  out  the  HopeweU,  120  tons,  William  Grafton,  master,  and  the 
Chancewell,  70  tons,  Stephen  Bennet,  master,  to  fish  in  the  waters 
of  Cape  Breton  and  Newfoundland,  where  the  French  already 
fished  for  cod.  Charles  Leigh  himself  and  Stephen  van  Hervdck, 
a  brother  of  his  partner,  went  as  managers  of  the  voyage  ;  and  the 
two  vessels,  with  a  pinnace  of  seven  or  eight  tons,  quitted  Gravesend 
on  April  8th,  1.597.  On  May  18th,  they  were  upon  the  banks  of 
Newfoundland.      On    May   '20th,    the    Hopeicell,   without    Leigh's 


1597.] 


DISPUTES    WITH    THE  FRENCH. 


525 


knowledge,  fought  a  French  vessel.  On  June  18th,  off  Eamea 
Island,  other  French  ships  were  encountered,  and  quarrels  arising, 
were  fought  with.  The  English  fared  ill,  and  were  obliged  to  retire 
with  the  loss  of  their  pinnace  and  an  anchor  and  cable.  Worse  still 
befell  on  June  23rd,  when  the  Chanceivell,  which  had  become 
separated  from  her  consort,  was  wrecked  on  Cape  Breton  Island. 


GEORGE    CLIFFORD,    EARL    OF    CUMItERLAXD,    K.G. 
iFrotn  C.  PicarCs  enijravitio  ttftcr  the  picture  formerhj  in  the  Bodlehin.) 


The  French  pillaged  her  people,  stripping  them  to  their  very  shirts ;-. 
but  most  of  the  survivors  seemed '  to  have  gained  the  Hopewell, 
which,  ere  she  returned  to  England,  amply  avenged  the  unfortunates 
by  boarding  and  captm-ing  a  French  craft  of  200  tons,  and  spoiling 
her  of  her  fish  and  oil.' 

The  year  1598  witnessed  the  last  and  most  ambitious  of  the 
numerous  privateering  expeditions  of  that  distinguished  maritime 
adventurer,   the  Earl   of   Cumberland.     The  squadron  collected  on 

'  Hukluyt,  iii.  IVlo. 


526 


MILITARY  HISTORY,    1485-1603. 


[1598. 


the  occasion  comprised  no  fewer  than  twenty  sail  of  ships/  none  of 
which  belonged  to  the  navy,  and  it  formed  a  force  more  formidable 
than  had  ever  been  assembled  by  a  subject.  It  sailed  from  Plymouth 
on  March  6th,  1598.  The  first  intention  of  the  commander-in-chief 
appears  to  have  been  to  proceed  to  the  West  Indies ;  but,  learning 
soon  after  he  had  put  to  sea  that  certain  rich  Spanish  carracks  were 
about  to  cross  the  Atlantic  in  company  with  twenty  merchantmen 
bound  for  Brazil,  he  lay  in  wait  for  a  time  for  the  convoy.  The 
Spaniards,  however,  apprised  of  his  presence  off  their  coasts,  kept 
their  ships  in  port ;  and  the  Earl's  only  captures  at  the  beginning 
of  his  voyage  were  a  Hamburger,  with  a  miscellaneous  cargo  of 
contraband  goods,  a  Frenchman  laden  with  salt,  and  two  Flamands 
full  of  corn. 

Convinced   that   the    carracks  would   not  venture  out  while  he 
was  in  the  neighbourhood,   Cumberland   steered  for  the  Canaries, 


Ships. 


Commanders. 


(The  Earl  of  Cumberland,  "Admiral." 

Scourge  of  Malice 

.    \  John  Watts. 

[(later)  James  Langton. 

Merchant  Royal ' 

.     Sir  John  Berkeley,  "  Lieut.-General  and  Vice- Admiral 

Ascension  ■ 

.     Robert  Flicke  "  Rear- Admiral." 

Samson    . 

fHenry  Clifford  (died). 
■    (Christopher  Clolthurst. 

Alcedo '    . 

/John  Ley. 
■    ((later)  Thomas  Cotoh. 

Consent '^  . 

.     Francis  Slingsby. 

Prosperous 

James  Langton. 
I(later)  John  Watts. 

Centurion ' 

Henry  Palmer. 
■   l(later)  William  Palmer. 

Constance,  gallion ' 

Hercules  Foljauibe. 

Affection  . 

—  Fleming. 

Guiana    . 

( Christoplier  Colthurst. 
■    ((later)  Gerald  Middleton. 

Scout 

.     Henry  Jollifle. 

Anthony  * 

/Robert  Careless  (died). 
(Andrew  Andrews. 

Pegasus '  ^ 

.     Edward  Goodwin. 

Royal  Defence   , 

.     Henry  Bromley. 

Margaret  and  John    . 

John  Dixon. 

Barkley  Bay 

.     (?  later)  John  Ley. 

Old  frigate  ^ 

.      William  Harper. 

And  two  barges  '  *  for  landing  troops. 

'  Left  with  Sir  Jolm  Berkeley  at  San  Juan  de  Puerto  Rico. 

-  Lost,  returning,  on  the  Goodwin  Sands. 

'  Lost,  returning,  off  Ushant. 

■*  One  barge  was  sunk  at  Puerto  Rico,  the  other  was  wrecked  on  the  Bermudas. 


1598.]  CUMBERLAND'S   GREAT  EXPEDITION.  527 

took  and  plundered  the  island  of  Lanzarote,  and  then  pushed  across 
to  Dominica,  where  he  landed  on  May  '23rd,  and  remained  till 
June  1st,  keeping,  meanwhile,  on  good  terms  with  the  natives. 
From  Dominica  he  sailed  to  the  Virgin  Islands,  where  he  landed, 
mustered  all  his  men,  and  announced  his  intention  of  attacking 
Puerto  Eico.  He  arrived  off  San  Juan  in  that  island  on  June  6th, 
landed  a  thousand  men,  and  speedily  made  himself  master  of  the 
place,  with  but  small  loss,  though  he  was  at  first  repulsed.^  His 
intention  was  to  make  the  town  a  base  for  his  future  operations, 
but  it  proved  so  extremely  unhealthy  to  the  troops  on  shore,  of 
whom  more  than  half  died,  that  he  decided  to  quit  it.  This  he  did 
on  August  14th,  leaving,  however,  the  better  part  of  his  squadron, 
under  Sir  John  Berkeley,  his  second-in-command,  to  arrange  for  the 
ransom  of  the  island.  Before  his  departure,  the  earl  captm-ed  a 
caravel  from  the  island  of  Margarita,  off  the  coast  of  Venezuela,  as 
she  came  unsuspectingly  into  harbour,  and  a  ship  from  Angola. 
In  the  first  was  pearl  worth  one  thousand  ducats,  in  the  second 
was  a  cargo  of  negroes. 

Cmnberland,  with  his  division,  made  the  best  of  his  way  to  the 
Azores,  where  he  hoped  to  intercept  the  Spanish  Mexico  Fleet,  or  at 
least  some  carracks ;  but  he  reached  Floras  only  to  learn  that  a  few 
days  earlier  twenty-nine  large  Spanish  ships  had  weighed  thence. 
At  Flores  he  was,  in  course  of  time,  rejoined  by  Sir  John  Berkeley, 
though  not  until  both  divisions  of  the  squadron  had  suffered  severely 
in  a  storm.  The  miited  force  sailed  again  on  September  16th,  and 
in  the  following  month  reached  England  without  further  adventure.^ 
The  expedition,  which  must  have  been  a  very  costly  one,  does  not 
seem  to  have  materially  increased  the  earl's  estate,  but  it  was  of 
undoubted  benefit  to  England,  seeing  that  it  greatly  annoyed  the 
Spaniards,  prevented  that  year's  saihng  of  their  regular  carracks  for 
the  Indies,  and  caused  the  postponement  of  the  retm-n  of  the  Plate 
Fleet  from  America.  It  would  probably  have  been  more  successful 
bad  the  earl  taken  greater  pains  to  keep  secret  his  objects  and  his 
movements. 

Two  non-naval  events  of  considerable  importance  occurred 
during  1-598,  and,  since  they  intimately  affected  naval  policy,  deserve 
mention  here.     One  was  the  conclusion  by  England  of  a  new  and 

'  Here  were  taken  a  French  and  a  Spanish  vessel,  which  were  added  to  the 
squadron. 

^  I'urchas,  iv.  1150;  Mouson's  Tracts;  Harris's  Coll.  i.  688. 


528  MILITARY  BISTORT,   1485-1603.  [1599. 

advantageous  treaty  with  the  United  Provinces  of  the  Netherlands.^ 
The  other  was  the  death  of  Ehzabeth's  hfe-long  enemy,  Philip  II.- 
of  Spain. 

Eeferring  to  1599,  Sir  Wilham  Monson  says  : — 

"I  cannot  write  of  anything  done  this  year;  for  though  there  was  never  greater 
expectation  of  war,  there  was  never  less  performance.  Whether  it  was  a  mistrust  one 
nation  had  of  the  other,  or  policy  held  on  both  sides  to  make  peace  with  sword  in  hand, 
a  treaty  being  entertained  by  consent  of  each  prince,  I  am  not  to  examine :  but  sure  I 
am,  the  preparation  was  great  on  both  sides,  one  expecting  an  invasion  from  the  other. 
It  was,  however,  generall}'  conceived  not  to  be  intended  by  either." 

The  Spaniards  had  collected  ships  and  galleys  at  Corunna.  The 
object  of  the  concentration  was  supposed  to  be  a  descent  upon 
England  or  Ireland  in  1-599 ;  but,  as  the  event  proved,  the  prepara- 
tions were  made  against  the  Netherlands.  In  Ireland,  Essex  was 
supposed  to  be  hatching  schemes  of  ambition  and  revenge.  Jealous 
watch,  therefore,  had  to  be  kept  upon  at  least  two  quarters  ;  and, 
to  meet  the  necessities  of  the  moment,  a  fleet  was  mobilised  with 
a  rapidity  previously  unexampled.  The  work  of  rigging,  victual- 
ling, and  completely  fitting  out  was  accomplished  in  twelve  days. 
Monson  assures  us  that  foreigners  declared  that  "  the  queen  was 
never  more  dreaded  abroad  for  anything  she  ever  did."  Happily 
the  fleet  was  not  called  upon  to  act,  and,  after  having  lain  for  three 
weeks  or  a  month  in  the  Downs,  was  sent  peaceably  back  to  its 
ports  ;  but,  both  as  a  demonstration  of  the  perfection  to  which  the 
organisation  of  the  English  navy  had  attained,  and  as  an  exercise 
in  hurried  preparation  for  war,  the  experimeiit  was  well  worth  the 
comparatively  small  sum  of  money  which  it  cost.  In  more  than 
one  respect  it  resembled  the  mobilisation  of  the  Particular  Service 
Squadron  in  January,  1896.  Looking,  however,  to  all  the  circum- 
stances of  the  two  cases,  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  results 
attained  in  1599  were  much  more  remarkable  than  those  attained 
in  1896.  The  mobihsation  of  1599  seems  to  have  really  taken 
officers,  men,  and  dockyards  by  surprise.  The  mobihsation  of  1896, 
on  the  other  hand,  had  been  unoflicially  prepared  for  several  weeks. 
Yet  the  interval  between  the  moment  when  the  formal  order  went 
forth  from  London  and  the  moment  when  the  mobilised  ships  were 
fully  ready  to  go  anywhere  and  do  anything,  was  actually  as  short 

'  'Fa;dera,'svi.  341. 

^  On  September,  13th,  the  anniversary  of  the  birth  of  his  rival  Burghley,  who  had 
predeceased  him  on  August  15th. 


1600.] 


lEVESON   TO    THE  AZORES. 


529 


in  1599  as  in  189G.     The  constitution  of  this  memorable  Elizabethan 
fleet  is  given  below. 


Sim-. 

Tuns. 

Jleii. 

tJuus. 

Cumiuauiicrs. 

Elizabeth  Jonas 

000 

500 

5G 

liUi'il  Tli(}S.  ITowarJ,  Admiral. 

Ark  Royal    . 

HOO 

400 

55 

Sii-  Waltei-  Halejih. 

Triitmph 

1000 

500 

68 

Sir  Fulke  GmviUe. 

Mere  Honour 

800 

400 

41 

Sir  Henry  Taliiier. 

Repulse 

700 

350 

50 

Sir  Tlios.  Vavasour. 

Garland 

700 

300 

45 

Sir  Wm.  Harvey. 

Defiance 

.500 

250 

46 

Sir  Will.  Moiisuii. 

Nonpareil 

r)Oo 

250 

50 

Sir  Robt.  Crosse. 

JAon     . 

500 

250 

60 

Sir  Hiclid.  Levesou. 

Rainbow 

500 

250 

26 

Sir  Alex.  Clifford. 

Hope    . 

(iOO 

250 

48 

Sir  John  Gilbert. 

Jf'oresUjlit 

300 

KiO 

37 

Sir  Thos.  Shirley. 

Mary  Rose 

GOO 

250 

39 

—  Fortescue. 

Bonaventure 

0)00 

250 

47 

—  Troughton. 

Crane  . 

200 

108 

"24 

—  Jones. 

Swiftsure 

400 

200 

41 

—  Bradi;ate. 

Tremontana 

140 

70 

21 

—  Sliui^sby. 

Advantage 

200 

102 

26 

—  White.' 

Quittance 

200 

108 

25 

Carew  Keynell. 

In  1600,  commissioners  met  at  Boulogne  to  treat  for  peace 
between  England  and  Spain.  They  separated  in  consequence  of 
disputes  concerning  precedence,  and  effected  nothing.  Elizabeth 
and  her  ministers,  foreseeing  the  probability  of  a  lame  issue  of  the 
sort,  and  altogether  distrustful  of  Spanish  sincerity,  meanwhile 
quietly  fatted  out  the  Bepulse,  Sir  Eichard  Leveson,  Admiral  of  the 
Narrow  Seas,  Warspite,  Captain  Troughton,  and  Vanguard,  Captain 
Somers,  as  if  intending  them  to  cruise  against  the  Dmiquerque 
corsairs  on  the  western  coasts.  When  it  was  no  longer  doubtful 
that  the  Boulogne  negotiations  were  destined  to  fail,  Sir  Bichard 
was  suddenly  ordered  to  proceed  with  his  little  squadron  to  the 
Azores,  there  to  lie  in  wait  for,  and  endeavour  to  capture,  the  home- 
ward-bound Spanish  carracks  and  the  Mexico  fleet. 

Spain  was  equally  wary.  In  view  of  the  failure  of  negotiations 
she  equipped  a  squadron  of  eighteen  ships,  and  sent  them  also  to 
the  islands.  The  two  squadrons  heard  of,  but  never  sighted,  one 
another ;  nor  did  Leveson  sight  the  treasure  ships.  Having  ex- 
hausted his  supplies,  he  returned  to  England.  The  only  good 
effected  by  this  expedition  was  the  casual  relief  of  some  distressed 
home-coming  Dutch  East-Indiamen.' 

'  "White"  in  the  printed  '  Tracts ' ;  but  "Hore"  (?  Gore)  in  MS.  in  the  Cott.  MSS. 
^  Monson's  '  Tracts,'  and  MS.  in  Cutt.  Librai'y. 

VOL.   I.  2   M 


530  MILITAIiY  EISTODY,    1485-1603.  [1001. 

The  year  1601,  which,  on  February  25th,  witnessed  the  execu- 
tion of  Eobert  Devereux,  Earl  of  Essex,^  saw  an  attempted  invasion 
of  Ireland  by  a  Spanish  fleet  of  forty-eight  sail  under  Don  Diego 
de  Borachero.  Upon  the  news  of  the  intended  descent  reaching 
England,  Leveson  was  again  placed  in  comnaand  of  a  small  squadron 
and  ordered  to  hasten  to  the  threatened  point.  The  squadron 
consisted  of  the  Warspitc  (flag);  Garland,  Sir  Amyas  Preston; 
Defiance,  Captain  Gore ;  Swi/tsitre,  Captain  Somers ;  and  Crane, 
Captain  Mainwaring. 

In  Ireland,  Hugh  O'Neill,  Earl  of  Tyrone,  was  in  rebellion  at  the 
head  of  all  the  tribes  of  Ulster.  In  1598  he  had  defeated  Bagnall  at 
the  Yellow  Ford,  and  had  roused  Munster ;  and  ever  since,  without 
risking  a  general  engagement,  he  had  harassed  the  English  power. 
The  arrival  of  a  strong  force  of  allies  from  Spain  seemed  to  promise 
triumph  to  his  cause,  provided  only  that  he  could  join  hands  with 
the  foreigners. 

Leveson  was  not  in  time  to  intercept  the  Spaniards,  the  main 
body  of  whom  effected  a  landing  at  Kinsale ;  but  he  gallantly 
entered  a  bay  in  which  a  belated  Spanish  contingent,  under  Vice- 
Admiral  Siriaco  had  anchored,  and,  after  a  sharp  action,  destroyed 
the  whole  of  that  division.  Siriaco,  who  escaped,  disguised  himself, 
and  returned  home  in  a  French  ship.  The  remaining  Spaniards, 
under  Don  Juan  d'Aguila,  held  Kinsale  against  Lord  Mountjoy,  who 
besieged  it,  until  December  24th,  when  Tyrone,  who  attempted  to 
succour  the  place,  was  defeated ;  whereupon  the  invaders  sur- 
rendered upon  condition  of  being  transported  to  their  own  country 
in  English  ships." 

Late  in  the  autumn  of  the  same  year  an  adventurous  privateering 
expedition,  under  "William  Parker,  of  Plymouth,  left  England  to 
Kjruise  against  the  Spaniards  in  the  AVest  Indies.  It  consisted  of 
the  Prudence,  100  tons,  130  men,  William  Parker,  master  and 
"admiral'";  the  Pearl,  GO  tons,  60  men,  Eobert  Eawlins,  master 
and  "vice-admiral";  a  pinnace  of  20  tons  and  18  men;  and  two 
little  shallops.  Among  the  gentlemen  embarked  for  operations  on 
shore  were  Edward  Giles,  Philip  Ward,  —  Fugars,  —  Ashley,  and 
—  Loriman. 

Sailing  in  November,  the  httle  squadron  was  at  the  beginning 

1  And  whifli  also  witnessed  Lancaster's  voj'age  to  the  East  Indies,  for  wliicli  see 
Chap.  XVI. 

-  Monson's  '  Tracts,'  and  MS.  in  Cott.  Library. 


]ii02.]  EXPLOITS    OF   WILLIAM  PAItKEH.  531 

unfortunate,  losing  the  pinnace  and  all  on  board,  save  three,  in  a 
squall.  Parker  steered  for  the  Cape  de  Verde  Islands,  and,  upon 
reaching  them,  threw  a  hundred  men  ashore  at  St.  Vincent, 
captured  the  island,  and  pillaged  and  burnt  the  town.  Thence  he 
stretched  across  to  the  American  continent,  and  attacked  La 
Eancheria,  in  the  small  island  of  Cubagua.  Although  the  Governor 
of  Cumana,  with  a  body  of  troops,  was  on  the  spot  and  gave  the 
invaders  a  warm  reception,  the  place  was  taken.  Parker  allowed 
the  inhabitants  to  ransom  it  for  five  hundred  pounds  of  pearl.  Off 
Cape  de  la  Vela  he  fell  in  with  and  captured  a  Portuguese  ship  of 
250  tons,  bound  from  Angola  and  Congo  to  Cartagena.  Her  also 
he  accepted  a  ransom  for. 

At  Cabecas  he  transferred  a  hundred  and  fifty  of  his  men  to  the 
shallops  and  two  small  pinnaces,  and,  proceeding  to  the  Bastimentos, 
engaged  negro  guides,  with  whose  assistance  he  entered  the  harbour 
of  Puerto  Bello  on  the  night  of  February  7th,  1602.  It  was  moon- 
light ;  and  the  English  were  hailed  by  the  sentries  in  the  castle  of 
St.  Philip,  a  strong  work,  mounting  thirty-five  brass  guns.  They 
replied  in  Spanish,  and  were  ordered  to  anchor.  Parker  obeyed, 
but,  an  hour  later,  leaving  the  pinnaces  before  the  castle,  he  sud- 
denly landed  at  Triana  with  the  shallops  and  thirty  men,  set  the 
place  on  fire,  and  entered  Puerto  Bello  ere  the  people  had  fairly 
recovered  from  their  first  confusion.  In  front  of  the  Koyal  Treasury 
he  foimd  a  body  of  troops  and  two  brass  field-pieces  drawn  up  to 
receive  him.  An  obstinate  fight  resulted ;  and,  if  Fugars  and 
Loriman,  who  had  been  left  in  the  pinnaces,  had  not  opportunely 
landed  with  a  hundred  and  twenty  fresh  men,  Parker's  little  force 
would  have  been  annihilated.  The  timely  assistance  soon  brought 
about  the  fall  of  the  town,  in  which  the  victors  found  10,000  ducats 
in  specie,  belonging  to  the  King  of  Spain,  and  a  considerable  amount 
of  other  money,  plate,  and  merchandise.  This  Parker  divided 
among  his  men.  Two  small  vessels  which  lay  in  the  harbour  were 
taken  possession  of  and  retained. 

Parker's  behaviour,  judged  by  the  standard  of  those  rough  times, 
was  unusually  generous.  Because  the  town  was  well  built,  he 
abstained  from  burning  it ;  and  because  he  was  pleased  at  having 
taken  so  important  a  place  with  so  small  a  force,  he  dismissed  all  his 
prisoners,  including  the  Governor,'  without   exacting  any  ransom. 

'  'I'lie  Governor,  Don  Pedro  Melcndez,  had  fouglit  gallantly,  and  retx'ived  eleven 
wounds. 

2  M  2 


532 


MILITARY  BISTORT,   1485-1003. 


[IC1O2. 


After  reinainirig  for  two  days  he  sailed  again,  and,  after  an  luievent- 

ful  voyage,  reached  Plymouth  in  due  course.' 

"  The  action,"  says  Ledianl,  "  of  taking  a  town  of  so  great  strength  with  so  few  men 
Tired  such  an  idea  of  the  English  valour  in  some  of  the  Spaniards  that  the  Governor  of 
Cartagena,  in  particular,  swore  he  would  give  a  mule's  lading  of  silver  to  have  a  sight 
of  Captain  Parker  and  his  company.  And  had  they  been  sure  he  would  have  jiarted 
witli  wliat  he  had  upon  so  easy  terms  as  they  of  Puerto  Bello  had  done,  it  is  verj-  likely 
tliey  miglit  have  sold  him  that  favour.  But  his  strength  being  imcertain,  as  well  as 
his  pay,  they  did  not  think  tit  to  visit  him." 

The  year  1602,  -which  saw  the  return  of  Parker,  saw  also  the 
setting  out  of  several  private  voyages  which  may  be  briefly  men- 
tioned here.  Bartholomew  GosnoU,'  in  a  small  bark,  carried  a  little 
party  of  thirty-two  persons  to  Elizabeth's  Island,  in  41"  10'  N.,  on 
the  American  coast,  and  would  probably  have  established  a  per- 
manent colony  there  had  not  dissensions  arisen  and  compelled  the 
return  of  the  expedition.  William  Mace,  of  Weymouth,  employed 
by  Ealegh,  who  was  uneasy  as  to  the  fate  of  the  colonists  left  in 
Virginia  in  1587,  pretended  to  make  search  for  them,  but  wasted  his 
time,  and  came  home  prematurely.  Finally,  George  Weymouth,^ 
employed  by  the  Eussia  Company,  sailed  with  two  fly-boats,  one  of 
70  and  one  of  60  tons,  from  Eatcliff,  hoping  to  discover  a  north-west 
passage.  But,  meeting  with  much  ice  and  fog,  his  men  refused  to 
proceed,  and  he  was  obliged  to  return  after  an  absence  of  little  more 
than  four  months. 

There  were  also  two  purely  naval  expeditions  of  considerable 
importance.  Both  were  fitted  out  with  the  object  of  preventing 
Spain  from  again  attempting  to  interfere  with  the  course  of  affairs 
in  Ireland. 

The  first  consisted  of  the  following  vessels  : — 


Sllll'S. 

Tons. 

Men. 

Guns. 

Cummantlers. 

Repulse 

700 

350 

50 

Sir  Pichard  Leveson,  Admiral. 

Garland 

700 

300 

45 

Sir  Wilhani  Monsou,  V.-Admira 

1. 

Defiance 

500 

250 

46 

Captain  Gore. 

31arii  Rose     . 

600 

250 

39 

Captain  Slingsbv. 

^Varspite 

000 

300 

29 

Cajitain  Somers. 

Xi  III  pa  nil 

500 

250 

56 

Captain  C'arew  lievnell. 

J>ri-'aditoiii/ht . 

400 

200 

41 

Captain  Mainwaring. 

Adventure 

250 

120 

26 

Captain  'i'revor. 

A  caravel 

9 

'> 

'P 

Captain  Sawkell. 

'  Purchas's  'Pilgrims,'  iv.  1243;   Harris' 
supp.  to  Prince's  'Worthies  of  Devon.' 

2  Harris's  'Voyages,'  i.  816;  Purclias,  iv.  164 
'  Harris's  'Voyages,'  i.  587. 


Vo3'agss,'  i.   ill  ;  'Life  of  Parker,"  in 
Smith's  '  Hist,  of  Virginia.' 


1G02.]  ATTACK   ON   CEZIMBRA.    -  533 

The  mission  of  this  fleet  was  the  observation  of  the  Spanish 
coasts,  and,  generally,  the  doing  of  as  much  damage  as  possible  to 
the  enemy  in  his  own  waters.  Leveson,  with  five  of  the  ships, 
sailed  on  March  19th,  1G02.  Monson  remained  to  await  the  arrival 
of  a  Dutch  contingent  of  twelve  ships,  the  co-operation  of  which 
had  been  promised  ;  but  news  reaching  England  that  the  Spanish 
Plate  fleet  was  at  Terceira,  his  departure  was  hastened,  in  spite  of 
the  fact  that  he  was  still  only  partially  manned  and  provisioned  ;  and 
he  followed  his  chief  on  March  26th. 

Leveson,  with  his  division,  met  the  Plate  fleet  soon  after  it  had 
quitted  Terceira,  and  engaged  it ;  hut  having  only  five  ships,  while 
the  enemy  had  eight-and-thirty,  he  could  effect  nothing,  and  was, 
indeed,  fortunate  in  being  able  to  escape  capture.  Had  the  Dutch 
and  Monson's  division  been  present  with  the  flag,  the  result  must 
have  been  very  different ;  and  the  failure  may  undoubtedly  be 
regarded  as  distinctly  due  to  Dutch  remissness.  A  rendezvous  off 
Lisbon  had  been  arranged  between  the  two  English  admirals. 
Monson  proceeded  thither,  and  then,  after  waiting  in  vain  for  his 
chief  for  a  fortnight,  cruised  to  the  north-west.  He  presently  met 
with  three  ships  which  Leveson  had  dispatched  to  look  out  for  him, 
and  at  almost  the  same  time  spoke  some  French  and  Scots  vessels 
which  informed  him  that  five  galleons  lay  in  San  Lucar  ready  to 
sail  for  the  Indies,  and  that  two  other  galleons^  had  sailed  three 
days  earlier,  carrying  Don  Pedro  de  Valdes,  as  governor,  to  Havana. 

Taking  the  three  English  ships  under  his  orders,  Monson  steered 
for  the  probable  course  of  the  San  Lucar  galleons,  and  quickly 
sighted  five  sail  which  he  at  first  took  to  be  them.  They  proved, 
however,  to  be  English  merchantmen  coming  out  of  the  Straits. 
Next  day  he  chased  a  Spanish  Indiaman,  but  although  he  took  her, 
she  led  him  so  far  to  leeward  that  during  the  following  night, 
the  galleons  passed  him  in  safety.  Soon  afterwards  the  two 
admirals  met. 

On  June  1st,  being  close  to  Lisbon,  they  took  two  ships  from 
the  Levant,  bound  for  the  Tagus.  While  they  were  examining  them, 
a  caravel  signalled  that  she  desired  to  speak.  Leveson  approached 
the  stranger,  and  from  her  learnt  of  the  recent  arrival  at  Cezimbra  of 
a  carrack  of  1600  tons,  richly  laden  from  the  East  Indies.  She  also 
reported  that  sixteen  galleys  lay  in  the  same  harbour,  three  of  them 
Portuguese,  and  the  rest  about  to  sail  for  the  coast  of  Flanders,  to 
'  These  were  fallen  in  with  one  nijjlit  by  the  Wnrspite,  but  escaped  lier. 


534  MILITAEY  HISTORY,   1485-1603.  [1602. 

cruise  under  Federigo  Spinola  against  the  Dutch  ;  and  she  explained 
that  she  had  been  sent  to  the  admiral  by  the  Nonpareil  and 
Dreadnought,  which  were  at  the  moment  detached. 

Leveson  at  once  ordered  Monson  to  rejoin  him,  and  the  ships 
then  in  company,  i.e.,  the  Warspite^  (flag),  Garland,  Nonpareil, 
Dreadnought,  Adventure,  and  the  two  captured  vessels,  proceeded 
off  Cezimbra,  and  that  very  night  exchanged  a  few  gunshot  with 
the  galleys  there. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  June  2nd,  a  council  of  war  was 
summoned  on  board  the  commander-in-chief,  and  after  considerable 
discussion,  it  was  determined  to  attack  next  day. 

The  place  and  shipping  were  most  advantageously  situated  for 
defensive  purposes.  The  towii  stands  at  the  head  of  a  bay  which 
affords  a  good  anchorage  in  northerly  winds.  Before  the  town,  and 
close  to  the  waters,  was  a  strong  and  well-armed  fort,  and  upon  a 
hill  behind  the  town  was  a  fortified  convent  commanding  the  whole. 
Immediately  under  the  fort  lay  the  great  carrack.  Behind  a  neck 
of  rock  on  the  west  side  of  the  bay  lay  the  eleven  galleys,  so 
disposed  with  their  sterns  foremost,  that  with  their  bow  guns,  of 
which  each  had  five,  they  could  cover  the  advancing  English,  while 
they  were  themselves  protected  by  the  rock,  so  long  as  the  enemy 
remained  out  of  giinshot  of  the  fort  and  the  carrack.  In  addition 
the  place  was  full  of  troops. 

On  June  3rd,  a  breeze  springing  up  at  abo^^t  10  a.m.,  the  admiral 
weighed,  fired  a  warning  gun,  and  hoisted  his  flag  at  the  maintop. 
The  vice-admiral  hoisted  his  at  the  foretop.  It  had  been  arranged 
that  Leveson  should  lead  in  and  anchor  as  near  as  possible  to  the 
carrack,  and  that  the  other  vessels  following  should  fight  under  sail, 
striking  as  opportunity  might  offer  and  occasion  suggest ;  but  this 
plan  was  not  followed  out.  Leveson  led  in  as  stipulated,  but 
Monson,  who  entered  last,  instead  of  fighting  rmder  sail,  luffed  up 
as  close  to  the  shore  as  he  could,  dropped  his  anchor,  and  hotly 
engaged  town,  fort,  carrack  and  galleys  all  at  once,  fighting  both 
broadsides  simultaneously,  while  Leveson,  owing  to  the  mismanage- 
ment of  his  master,  drifted  altogether  out  of  the  roadstead,  and  his 
ship  was  miable  to  enter  it  again  imtil  next  day.  Leveson  in  person, 
however,  missed  very  little  of  the  action,  for  he  shifted  his  flag  to 

'  The  liejiulsc,  being  leaky,  had  lieon  sent  home,  and  Leveson  had  shifted  Ids  flag 
to  the  Warspite.  As  her  master  proved  incompetent,  he  later  shifted  it  to  the 
I)readnou(/hf. 


1602.]  MONSON  AT  CEZIMBRA.  585 

the  Dreadnought.  In  the  coiu'se  of  the  afternoon  he  went  on  hoard 
the  Garland,  and  puhHcly  embracing  Monson,  assured  him  that  he 
had  won  his  chief's  heart  for  ever. 

Monson  was  so  placed  as  to  be  able  to  enfilade  the  galleys,  which 
soon  fell  into  disorder,  many  of  the  slaves  leaving  them  and 
swimming  ashore.  At  2  p.m.  the  Dreadnought  anchored  near  him, 
but  the  fight  went  on  steadily  until  5  p.m.,  at  about  which  time 
Monson,  who  perceived  that  the  two  prizes,  which  had  been 
ordered  to  run  on  board  the  carrack  and  bui-n  her,  were  not  doing 
their  duty,  went  to  them  and  made  preparations  for  himself  leading 
them  on  that  service.  Leveson,  however,  had  begun  to  hope  that 
the  carrack  might  be  taken,  and,  following  Monson  to  the  prizes, 
carried  him  back  with  him  to  the  Dreadnought  to  concert  measures 
to  that  end. 

In  the  result,  the  English  ships  were  directed  to  cease  firing,  and 
one  Captain  Sewell,  an  English  prisoner  who,  in  the  course  of  the 
fight,  had  escaped  from  the  town,  was  sent  to  the  carrack  to  offer 
terms,  and  to  represent  that,  the  galleys  being  beaten  and  the 
English  in  possession  of  the  roadstead,  further  resistance  would 
merely  provoke  the  victors. 

The  captain  of  the  carrack,  Don  Diego  Lobo,  sent  representatives 
on  board  the  Dreadnought  to  treat,  but  it  appearing  that  the  people 
in  the  carrack  were  not  all  dispos&d  to  surrender,  Monson  expedited 
negotiations  by  going  in  his  own  boat  and  personally  arranging 
matters  with  Don  Diego,  who,  after  some  discussion,  siurrendered 
his  ship.^  She  was  worth  a  million  ducats.  Of  the  galleys  two " 
were  taken  and  burnt,  and  all  the  rest  would  have  shared  the  same 
fate  had  the  English  had  at  their  disposal  boats  wherewith  to  board 
them.  The  loss  on  the  side  of  the  victors  was  but  six  killed  and 
about  as  many  wounded. 

On  June  4th,  the  fleet  sailed  on  its  return  to  England.  On  the 
way  it  fell  in  with  a  packet  bearing  dispatches  to  the  effect  that  a 
new  English  squadron  was  in  readiness  to  reinforce  the  one  already 
out,  and  that  the  Dutch  squadron^  was  at  length  on  its  way  south. 
Upon  receipt  of  this  news  it  was  decided  that  Leveson  should 
continue  his  voyage,  and  that  Monson  should  return  to  the  Spanish 

'  Her  name  was   Srio   Valnitiiio.     She   belonged  to  the  vice-royaUy  of  Portiin;al, 
aud  had  lately  come  from  the  Indies,  wintering  by  the  way  at  Jlozambiijue. 
-  The  Trinidadc  3.\v\  Occasion. 
^  The  Dutch  squadron  passed  the  lleet  unseen  in  the  course  of  the  following  night. 


■'536  MILITARY  BISTORT,   1485-1603.  [1602. 

coast  to  assume  commaud  of  the  reinforcing  fleet  upon  its  arrival  on 
the  station.  The  Garland  being  in  need  of  a  refit,  Monson  shifted 
his  flag  to  the  Nonpareil,  which  was  in  better  condition  than  the 
other  ships,  and  in  her  he  parted  company  and  went  south  again. 
Very  severe  weather,  however,  overtook  him,  and  after  it  had 
continued  for  ten  days,  he  was  prevailed  on  by  his  people  to  put  the 
ship  before  the  wind  and  run  for  Plymouth.  He  reached  that  port 
in  safety,  found  that  the  captured  carrack  had  arrived  before  him, 
and  learnt  that  the  squadron  which  he  had  gone  back  to  take  charge 
of  had  not  yet  left  England.^ 

It  should  be  added  here  that  the  nine  galleys  which  had  escaped 
destruction  at  Cezimbra  subsequently  left  that  port  mider  Federigo 
Spinola  to  carry  out  the  object  of  their  original  commission,  and 
cruise  on  the  coast  of  Flanders  against  the  Dutch.  On  Sep- 
tember '23rd,  while  passing  through  the  strait  of  Dover,  they  fell 
in  with  a  squadron  which,  under  Sir  Kobert  Mansell,  was  there 
stationed  to  intercept  them.  The  English  attacked  with  such 
success  that,  of  the  nine  galleys,  only  the  one  commanded  by 
Spinola  himself  got  away  to  Dunquerque,  all  the  others  being  sunk 
or  driven  ashore  on  the  Flanders  coast." 

No  sooner  had  Monson  reached  Plymouth  than  he  was  sent  for 
by  the  queen,  and  entrusted  with  the  command  of  another  squadron, 
destined  to  watch  the  coast  of  Spain,  and  especially  the  harbours  of 
Corunna  and  Ferrol.  As  before,  the  safety  of  Ireland  was  the  chief 
object  of  the  government.  If  Monson  could  satisfy  himself  that  the 
Spaniards  were  not  threatening  Ireland,  he  might  join  the  Dutch 
squadron  at  a  given  rendezvous,  and  act  on  the  Spanish  coast 
according  to  his  discretion  ;  but  his  first  care  was  to  be  for  Ireland. 

He  sailed  from  Plymouth  on  August  31st,  1602,  with  the 
following  force  (see  next  page). 

Bad  weather  attended  the  squadron,  which,  however,  remained 
off  Corunna  mitil  Monson  had  ascertained  that  the  Spanish  ships 
which  had  been  collected  there,  and  which  had  been  suspected  to  be 
intended  for  Ireland,  had  gone  southward  to  Lisbon,  there  to  join 
the  force  under  Don  Diego  de  Borachero.  Monson  also  went  south, 
earning  by  means  of  the  caravel,  which  he  sent  inshore  for  inteUi- 

'  Monson's  'Tracts,'  and  MS.  in  the  Cott.  Library;  CoUiber's  'Columna  Eostrata'; 
Camden. 

This  is  the  account  of  Colliber  and  others.  Camden  says  that  Spinola  sailed  with 
sLk  galleys,  and  lost  two  sunk  and  one  taken  in  a  contlict  with  an  Auglo-Dutch  force 
ill  the  Channel.     With  the  other  three  he  escaped  to  Sluis. 


1602.] 


MONSON  AND    THE  SPANISH  FLEET. 


537 


gence,  of  the  presence  on  the  coast  of  a  Spanish  fleet  of  twenty-four 
sail ;  and  capturing  two  French  merchant  vessels,  which  he  liherated 
upon  receiving  from  them  a  pledge  that  they  would  return  home 
direct  instead  of  proceeding  to  Lisbon,  their  port  of  destination. 


SHirs. 

Tons. 

Jlen. 

Guus. 

Ommanders. 

Swiftsure 

400 

200 

41 

Sir  William  Monwiii, 

Admiral. 

Mary  Rose     . 

600 

250 

39 

Captain  Trevor. 

Dreadnomjht . 

400 

200 

41 

Captain  Cawtielil. 

Adventure 

250 

120 

26 

Captain  Korris. 

Answer 

200 

108 

21 

Captain  Bradgate. 

Quittanre 

200 

108 

25 

Captain  Browne. 

Lion's  Whelp ' 

, , 

, , 

Captain  May. 

Parar/OH^ 

. , 

. , 

Captain  Jason. 

A  small  caravel 

Captain  Hooper. 

In  the  com-se  of  a  chase,  Monson,  in  the  Swiftsure,  with  the 
Dreachwuglit  in  company,  was  led  into  Cezimbra,  the  scene  of  his 
exploits  earHer  in  the  year.  He  exchanged  shots  with  the  fort, 
which  protected  the  chase,  and  while  in  the  roadstead,  captured  a 
caravel,  which  came  in  unsuspectingly,  and  which,  volunteering 
information  concerning  the  state  of  affairs  at  Lisbon,  was  allowed 
to  depart  again.     But  he  could  hear  nothing  of  the  Dutch  squadron. 

Proceeding  off  Lisbon,  which  was  the  appointed  rendezvous,  he 
sighted  a  light  on  the  night  of  September  26th,  and  beheving  it  to 
come  from  some  richly  laden  vessel  bound  for  the  Tagus,  chased  it. 
He  had  with  him  at  the  moment,^  besides  his  flagship,  only  the 
Adventure  and  the  Lion's  WheJp.  To  his  astonishment  he  presently 
found  himself  in  the  midst  of  the  Spanish  fleet.  The  enemy 
recognised  the  Adventure,  and  opened  fire  on  her,  wounding  some 
of  her  men ;  but  had  darkness  lasted  a  few  hours  longer,  the  English 
would  have  got  away  without  much  fighting.  Daylight,  however, 
discovered  the  Swiftsure,  Adventure,  a.nd  Lion's  Whelp  only  a  short 
distance  ahead  of  the  Spanish  fleet,  and  the  latter  gave  chase. 

Three  of  the  Spaniards,  being  better  sailers  than  the  rest,  soon 
gained  upon  the  English,  and  threatened  the  Lion's  Whelp  ;  but 
Monson  lay  to  to  await  the  three,  and  after  a  time  had  the  satis- 
faction of  seeing  them  recalled  by  their  admiral,  who  stood  in  with 
the  shore. 

1  Bought  from  the  Lord  High  Admiral,  IGOl.     Pipe  Office  Accounts,  2239. 

-  A  merchantman. 

^  The  other  ships  had  parted  company  in  a  storm  four  nights  earlier. 


538  MILITARY  HISTORY,   1485-1603.  [1603. 

The  early  autumn  was  occupied  in  watching,  but  in  vain,  for  the 
home-coming  San  Domingo  convoy.  On  October  21st,  Monson,  in 
the  Swiftsure,  chased  a  galleon  under  the  castle  of  Cape  St.  Vincent, 
and  gallantly  attempted  to  run  alongside  and  carry  her  by  boarding. 
He  was  prevented  from  doing  this  by  the  cowardice  or  ineptitude  of 
the  man  at  the  helm,  who  bore  up  at  the  critical  moment ;  and  in 
the  result  he  found  himself  exposed  to  a  very  heavy  fire  which, 
in  his  oviTi  words,  "  rent  his  ship  so  that  a  team  of  oxen  might  have 
crept  through  her  under  the  half-deck,  and  one  shot  killed  seven 
men."  During  the  fight  a  Spanish  squadron  looked  on  from  the 
westward,  and  several  English  men-of-war  from  the  eastward, 
neither  caring  to  intervene  for  fear  of  being  hit  by  friends  as  well 
as  by  foes.  Monson,  during  the  night,  extricated  his  ship,  and  after 
an  ineffectual  attempt  to  reach  Terceira,  returned  to  England, 
di-opping  anchor  in  Plymouth  Sound  on  November  24th.  The  other 
ships  came  home  independently. 

The  Dreadnought  and  Manj  Rose,  both  very  sickly,  had  returned 
before  the  admiral.  The  Adventure  arrived  an  hoiu'  after  him, 
reporting  that  she  had  fallen  in  with  the  home-coming  Brazilian 
fleet,  and  had  been  badly  mauled  by  it,  but  had  taken  nothing.  The 
Paragon  had  captured  a  rich  prize  laden  with  sugar  and  spices.  As 
for  the  Quittance,  she  had  pluckily  engaged  two  Dunquerquers,  and 
had  borne  herself  very  well  with  them,  but  had  unhappily  lost  her 
captain,  Browne,  in  the  action.^ 

This  was  the  last  naval  expedition  of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth. 
That  great  queen  died  on  March  24th,  1603. 

'  Monson's  'Tracts,'  and  MS.  in  Cott.  Library. 


(     539     ) 


CHAPTER  XV. 

The  Campaign  op  the  Spanish  Armada.^ 

Origin  uf  the  "Most  Uappy  Armada" — l^catli  "f  Santa  Cruz — hicompt'teuce  ul"  the 
uew  leader — Philip's  instructions — Tlie  strategical  plan — Its  ambiguity — Pliiliii's 
secret  instructions — Co-operation  with  Parma — Clianges  in  the  schemt — Sidonia's 
general  orders — The  Armada  leaves  Lisbon — Philip's  view  of  England — England's 
view  of  Pliilip — English  preparations — Desire  of  the  English  leaders  to  strike  at 
tlie  Armada  while  still  on  the  coast  of  Spain — Difficidties  concerning  stores  and 
victuals — Anxiety  of  Howard — News  of  the  enemy — The  government  forl)iils  the 
rieet  to  cruise  in  distant  watei-s — Howard  puts  to  sea — Disjiosition  of  tlie  tloct — 
Dutch  co-operation — Tlie  Armada  leaves  Corunna — It  encounters  a  storm — 
English  and  Sjianish  armaments — The  Armada  sighted — Howard  leaves  Plymouth 
— The  action  of  Jul}'  21st — Capture  of  Don  Pedro  de  Valdes — Cajiture  of  the  San 
Snlvddor — The  action  of  July  2ord — The  action  of  July  2;jth — The  Armada  off 
Calais — The  fireships — The  action  off  Gravelines — Flight  of  the  Armada — The 
English  pursue — Seymour  and  Wynter  detached — The  Spanisli  losses. 

rpHE  history  of  the  Spanish  Armada,^  regarded 
from  the  naval,  and  not  from  the  pohtical 
point  of  view,  begins  with  the  year  1583,  when  the 
Spanish  admiral,  Santa  Cruz,  intoxicated  b)'  the 
success  which  he  had  recently  gained  off  Terceira, 
proposed  to  Philip  to  employ  his  victorious  arms  against  England.^ 
At  considerable  length  he  explained  what  preparations  would  be 
necessary ;  and  he  endeavoured,  by  anticipation,  to  combat  some 
of  his  master's  possible  objections  to  the  scheme.  "  If,"  he  wTote, 
"  we  fall  to  considering  the  difticulties  of  the  task,  nothing  will  be 
done."  ' 

'  The  reproductions  fixna  Pine's  engravings  of  the  tapestry  hangings  in  the  old 
House  of  Lords  (with  which  this  cliapter  is  illustrated)  possess  a  sjiecial  historical 
interest.  The  tapestries  were  made,  after  designs  by  (!.  Vroom,  l"or  Howard  of 
Effingham  himself,  prohaUy  to  some  extent  tmder  his  ilirection.  tJames  T.  bought 
them,  and  gave  them  to  the  House  of  Lords  ;  and  they  perished  in  the  tire  of  18;H. 

'■^  "La  Felicisima  Armada"  (the  Most  Ilajjpy  Arm.ada),  was  its  oflicial  description. 
The  origin  of  the  description,  "The  Invincible  Arm.ada,"  is  a  little  obscure;  but 
Captain  C.  F.  Duro  has  adopted  it  as  the  title  of  his  book  '  La  Armada  Invencible," 
(  Madrid,  1884:),  numerous  documents  printed  in  winch  are  cited  below. 

^  An  invasion  of  England  had,  indeed,  been  proposed  by  Alva  as  early  as  1569. 

*  Duro,  i.  p.  242. 


540  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  THE  SPANISH  ARMADA.  [1588. 

But,  at  that  early  date,  nothing  was  attempted.  Santa  Cruz  did 
not,  however,  rest  satisfied  with  making  his  original  proposals.  In 
January,  1586,  he  again  wrote  to  the  king.  "  For  a  long  time," 
he  began,  "your  majesty  has  cherished  an  idea  of  undertaking 
something  against  England." '  He  then  stated  the  argmnents  in 
favour  of  an  expedition.  Queen  Elizabeth  had  fitted  out  vessels  to 
carry  war  and  rapine  into  Philip's  seas,  islands,  and  Indies.  The 
veteran  seaman  was  frank  and  honourable  enough  to  pay  his  tribute 
of  admiration  to  the  heretical  sovereign.  "Looking  at  the  matter," 
he  wrote,  "  merely  from  the  statesman's  standpoint,  one  must 
admit  that  she  has  adopted  a  courageous  policy,  and  one  which, 
while  it  has  won  her  glory,  has  enriched  and  inspirited  her  subjects." 
Seeing  that  the  Turks  and  the  French  were  otherwise  occupied,  the 
admiral  recommended  his  sovereign  to  assume  the  offensive. 

This  energetic  communication  did  not  fail  to  produce  some 
effect.  At  the  desire  of  the  king,  Santa  Cruz  sent  him,  in  the 
following  March,  a  very  detailed  list  of  the  vessels,  men,  ammu- 
nition, and  stores  which  would  have  to  be  provided  if  the  necessary 
fleet  and  army  were  to  undertake  an  eight  months'  campaign.  He 
also  estimated  the  cost.  His  proposed  Armada  was  powerful  indeed. 
It  consisted  of  556  vessels,  including  150  large-  ships  of  war,  with 
a  total  burthen  of  77,250  tons  ;  and  the  fleet  was  to  carry  no  fewer 
than  91,222  men." 

Santa  Cruz  died  in  February,  1588,  but,  ere  that,  Philip  had 
finally  made  up  his  mind  to  delay  no  longer.^  A  fleet  was  to  join 
Parma  for  the  pui-pose  ;  and,  as  its  leader,  Don  Alonso  Perez  de 
Guzman,  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  was  selected.*  The  choice  was 
an  extremely  bad  one.  Medina  Sidonia  hesitatingly  accepted  the 
command,^  after  having  protested  his  absolute  inexperience  at  sea 
and  in  war.  He  had  only  been  enough  at  sea  to  discover  that  he 
was  liable  to  sea-sickness."  But  his  scruples  were  overcome,  and 
Philip  wrote  thanking  him  for  having  accepted  the  post. 

On  March  22nd,'  the  commander-in-chief  received  his  instructions 
from  the   king.     There  was  to  be  no  further  postponement.     The 

>  Duro,  aoc.  2,  11.  243.  ^  Ih.,  doc.  7.  =  lb.,  doc.  53,  p.  414. 

*  Kanke,  ]i.  314,  suggests  that  one  of  the  reasons  may  liave  been  tliat  the  duke  liad 
distinguislied  himself  at  the  defence  of  Cadiz. 

'•>  baro,  doc.  60.  ■=  76.,  doc.  53,  p.  415. 

'  Duro,  doc.  94.  Tlie  date,  according  to  the  K.S.  then  used  in  Spain,  sliould  be 
April  1st ;  hut  as  the  O.S.  was  used  in  England,  all  dates  in  this  chapter  ai'e  given  in 
tlie  English  form. 


1588.]  PHILIF'S   STRATEGICAL    SCHEME.  541 

English  were  not  to  be  allowed  to  perfect  their  preparations. 
Victory  being  the  gift  of  God,  Medina  Sidonia  was  to  see  to  it  that 
crime  should  not  disgrace  the  Armada/  and  especially  that  there 
should  be  no  blasphemy  on  board  the  ships.  If  committed,  blasphemy 
was  to  be  severely  punislied,  lest  all,  for  suffering  so  great  an 
iniquity,  should  inciir  divine  vengeance. 

Then  the  strategical  plan  was  unfolded.  "  When  you  have 
received  my  orders,"  ran  the  instructions,  "you  will  put  to  sea  with 
the  whole  Armada,  and  proceed  direct  for  the  English  Channel,  up 
which  you  will  sail  as  far  as  the  point  of  Margate,  there  opening 
communication  with  the  Duke  of  Parma,  and  ensuring  him  a 
passage  across."  "  While  still  on  his  voyage,  Medina  Sidonia  was 
to  keep  up  a  correspondence  with  Parma ;  and,  to  facilitate  this,  the 
king  promised  to  forward  a  crj-ptographic  code.  In  view  of  the 
possibility  of  the  ships  being  dispersed  by  bad  weather,  places  of 
rendezvous  were  appointed.  The  coasts  of  France  and  Flanders,  on 
account  of  their  shallows,  were  to  be  carefully  avoided.^  On  the 
other  hand,  the  English  coast  was  to  be  closely  followed.  An 
English  fleet  might  create  a  diversion ;  but  Medina  Sidonia  was, 
nevertheless,  to  continue  his  voyage,  and  not  to  seek  an  encounter 
with  the  enemy  afloat.  If,  however,  Drake  should  pursue  closely, 
he  was  to  be  attacked.*  He  was  also  to  be  attacked  if  he  were  fallen 
in  with  near  the  mouth  of  the  Channel.  For  Philip  was  of  opinion 
that  only  part  of  the  English  fleet  would  be  with  Drake.  In  case 
the  Armada  should  sight  the  enemy  off  the  point  of  Margate,  "  even 
if  Drake's  and  the  Admiral's  squadrons  were  found  to  be  united," 
the  Spaniards  would  stiU  be  in  superior  force  ;  and,  neglecting 
neither  the  weather  gauge  nor  any  other  possible  advantage,  might 
attack  and  hope  for  victory. 

The  king  issued  no  special  directions  as  to  the  order  of  battle. 
That  was  to  be  formed  as  circumstances  might  dictate.  He  re- 
minded the  admiral,  however,  that  the  English,  on  account  of  their 
superiority  in  artillery,  would  seek  to  fight  at  long  range.  The 
Spaniards,  therefore,  should  .endeavour  to  get  to  close  quarters.  The 
English,  it  was  also  said,  mounted  their  guns   so  that  they  could 

'  Duro,  doc.  !)4,  ]>.  (1. 

-  lb,  doc.  !I4,  ]).  7.     rariiia  w.is  in  the  Xi'flitMliiiids. 

^  The  old  beUel'  in  Kn^land  was  that  tlic  Sjianianls  liad  boon  instructed  to  Iiul;  the 
French  coast. 

'  Duro,  doc.  94,  \i.  0.  Philip  seems  to  have  sjiecially  feared  Drake,  who  in  the 
previous  year  had  "  singed  the  King  of  Spain's  beard." 


542  THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   THE  SPANISH  ARMADA.  [1588. 

shoot  low/  Philip,  moreover,  impressed  upon  his  admiral  that  he 
must  engage  the  enemy  only  if  it  should  become  apparent  that 
Parma's  passage  across  could  not  be  ensured  without  an  action. 
For  Medina  Sidonia  was  to  spare  his  Spaniards  as  much  as  possible, 
with  a  view  to  assisting  Parma  with  six  thousand  men,  in  case  there 
should  be  no  battle,  or  with  fewer,  in  case  losses  should  be  incurred.^ 
This  exhortation  to  avoid  an  unnecessary  action  must  have  been 
rather  embarrassing  to  the  commander-in-chief,  since  Philip  had 
elsewhere  directed  him  to  fight  if  Drake  pui'sued,  or  were  fallen  in 
with  near  the  mouth  of  the  Channel. 

If  Parma  landed  in  England,^  Medina  Sidonia  was  to  station  his 
fleet  at  the  mouth  of  the  Thames,  and  to  guard  that  river.  He 
would  then  be  able  to  keep  open  and  safe  the  communications  with 
Flanders,  and  to  co-operate  in  the  most  efficacious  manner. 

According  to  the  instructions,  Medina  Sidonia  was  only  to  act 
independently  of  Parma,  in  the  event  of  an  action  having  to  be 
fought  at  sea,  which  action  was  nevertheless  described  as  being 
"after  all  the  chief  thing."*  Above  all,  he  was  to  remain  on  the 
English  coast  until  the  business  should  be  brought  to  a  satisfactory 
termination. 

These  instructions  are  vague  and  ambiguous. °  They  leave  one 
in  doubt  as  to  what  Philip  really  had  in  mind."  The  orders  admit 
of  the  following  intei-pretation. 

Margate  Eoad  was  to  be  the  immediate  destination  of  the 
Armada.  There,  for  the  first  time,  touch  was  to  be  gained  with 
Panua,  as  soon  as  possible  after  the  arrival  of  Medina  Sidonia.' 
Philip  says  nothing  definite  as  to  Medina  Sidonia  convoying  Parma, 
but  directs  him  to  ensure  the  latter's  passage  across.  This  order  is 
so  indeterminate  that  one  may  conjectm-e  that  after  his  arrival  off 
Margate,  the  admiral  might  act  according  to  circumstances.  The 
Idng,  perhaps,  expected  that  Medina  Sidonia  would  manage  to  drive 
the  enemy  from  the  Channel  as  the  result  of  a  battle  fought  off 
Margate  before  the  fleet  anchored  in  the  Eoad.  In  that  case,  Parma 
might  cross  without  assistance.     But,  if  the  enemy  still  remained 

'  Duro,  doc.  04,  p.  10.  -  lb.,  due.  'Ji,  pp.  10,  11.     See  .ilso  Fnnide,  33-1. 

=  Ih.,  doc.  9-i,   p.  11.  ■*  Ih.,  doc.  94,  pp.  10,  11. 

^  Yet  Duro,  doc.  i.  p.  48,  comnieuts  :  "  No  caba  nada  mas  meditado,  claro  y  preciso 
que  esta  instruccion." 

''■  It  is  true  that  Philip  had  delivered  to  the  two  dukes  certain  plans  which  have 
not  l)een  preserved.     These  may  possibly  have  been  more  precise.     Duro,  doe.  94,  p.  7. 

'  Duro,  doc.  95. 


1588.]  MEDINA    SIDONIA'S  INSTRUCTIONS.  543 

in  the  neigbbouihood,  then  it  would  be  the  duty  of  Medina  Sidonia 
with  part,  or  the  -whole,  of  the  Annada,  to  convoy  Panua.  This 
intei-pretation  is  the  more  probable,  seeing  that  Philip,  in  bis 
instructions,  ordered  his  admiral,  after  Parma's  landing,  to  guard 
and  keep  open  the  passage  between  Flanders  and  the  mouth  of 
the  Thames. 

At  first  sight,  it  seems  illogical  to  protect  Parma's  passage  from 
Flanders  from  a  base  at  the  mouth  of  the  Thames.  But  it  must  be 
remembered  that  on  the  coast  of  Flanders  there  were  no  ports 
suitable  for  the  Armada,  whereas  at  the  mouth  of  the  Thames,  and 
in  the  Downs,  there  were  good  anchorages,  where  storms  might  be 
ridden  out,  and  where  favourable  opportunities  might  be  awaited. 

Medina  Sidonia's  business,  then,  was  to  ensure  Parma's  passage 
to  Margate  ;  to  there  reinforce  his  anuy  with,  in  the  most  favourable 
event,  six  thousand  men ;  ^  and  thenceforward  to  co-operate  with  him 
in  the  mouth  of  the  Thames.  The  admiral's  mission  was  subsidiary 
to  that  of  Parma,  but  might  nevertheless  be  a  very  important  and 
honourable  one,  especially  in  the  case  of  a  great  action  being  fought 
at  sea.  It  is  clear  that  Philip  entirely  failed  to  comprehend  the 
only  principles  in  accordance  with  which  successful  invasions  of 
insular  States  with  respectable  navies  can  be  carried  out.  Had  he 
understood  them,  he  must  have  ordered  the  projected  invasion  to 
wait  upon  the  fighting  of  a  decisive  action  with  the  English  fleet, 
instead  of  exhorting  his  admiral  to  avoid  a  battle.  "We  may,  there- 
fore, take  it  that  his  characterisation  of  an  action  at  sea  as  "  after 
all,  the  chief  thing,"  was  mere  consolatory  flattery,  designed  to 
compensate  Medina  Sidonia,  in  some  measure,  for  having  been 
vouchsafed  no  more  than  what  was  intended  to  be  a  secondary  part 
in  the  drama. 

The  secret  instructions-  confirm  the  supposition  that,  after 
Medina  Sidonia's  arrival  off  Margate,  Parma  was  to  pass  over  with 
his  fighting  force.  But  if,  they  continue,  God  should  fail  to  permit 
the  hoped-for  issue  and  should  prevent  I'arma  from  crossing,  thus 
rendering  impracticable  the  desired  co-operation,  then,  still  remaining 
in  coiTCspondence  with  Parma,  the  admiral  should  endeavour  to 
make  himself  master  of  the  Isle  of  Wight.  This  would  give  the 
Spaniards  a  secm-e  harbour  whence  they  might  pursue  the  various 

'  Parma  greatly  counteil  u]Km  thc.'ie  men,  ami  callcil  tlicni  "cl  nicrvo  iivinciiial"  of 
his  force.     Compare  Motley,  ii.  441. 

2  Duro,  doc.  ;i5.     Writteu  March  22ii(l. 


544  TEE   CAMPAIGN  OF   THE  SPANISH  ARMADA.  [1588. 

undertakings  rendered  possible  by  their  possession  of  that  important 
position. 

With  these  secret  instructions,  the  king  sent  a  sealed  letter^ 
which  Medina  Sidonia  was  to  hand  to  Parma,  either  after  the 
latter  had  landed  in  England,  or  after  he  had  abandoned  all  hope 
of  being  able  to  do  so.  By  this  missive,  Parma  was  empowered,  in 
case  neither  England  nor  Spain  should  have  gained  a  decisive 
victory,  to  treat  for  peace.  The  king  prescribed  three  main  con- 
ditions, viz.  (1)  Free  exercise  of  the  Catholic  faith  in  England,  and 
the  repeal  of  the  sentence  of  exile  upon  those  already  expelled 
from  the  country  on  account  of  holding  that  faith ;  (2)  Surrender  of 
the  places  held  in  the  Netherlands  by  the  English,  and  especially 
of  Flushing ;  (3)  Compensation  for  the  great  injuries  inflicted  on 
Spanish  possessions  and  subjects.  From  this  it  is  apparent  that 
some  time  before  the  sailing  of  the  Armada,  Philip  admitted  the 
possibility  of  the  failure,  whole  or  part,  of  the  expedition. 

The  instructions,  secret  as  well  as  pubhc,  were  drawn  up  on 
March  22nd.  The  confusion  and  ambiguity  noted  in  them  may  be 
noted  also  in  the  supplementary  instructions  which  were  subse- 
quently added  to  them.  The  Armada  did  not  leave  Cormma  i;ntil 
July  12th,  so  that  there  was  plenty  of  time  for  the  reconsideration 
of  the  plans  put  forward  in  March. 

On  May  18th,  Medina  Sidonia  wrote  to  the  king  a  letter"  in 

which   he  discussed   the  project.     His  views  then  expressed  agree 

with  Philip's  instructions,  in  so  far  as  they  indicate  that  the  admiral 

considered  it  as  settled  that  he  was  not  to  seek  the  enemy  previous 

to   the   moment   of    Parma's   junction   with    him.      He   does   not, 

however,  mention  the  place  of  junction.     And  the  letter  opens  up 

some  entirely  new  questions.     In  common  with  his  most  experienced 

officers,  Medina  Sidonia  considered  that  it  would  be  risky  to  hand 

over  many  of  his  troops  to  Parma  so  long  as  the  enemy's  fleet  had 

not  been  rendered   harmless.'     His   idea  was  rather  to  unite  with 

Parma,    and   then   to   seek   and   destroy  the   EngHsh   fleet,   before 

attempting  a  landing.     If  he  should  succeed  in  doing  this,  he  would 

give  Parma  as  many  men  as  the  latter  might  ask  for.     The  land 

attack  would   thereby   be   rendered   the  more   secure   and   certain. 

This   pre-supposed,  of   coiu-se,  a  junction  between  Medina  Sidonia 

and  Parma  previous  to  the  discovery  and  disabling  of  the  enemy. 

'  Diiro,  doc.  OG.  '  Ih.,  doc.  113,  p.  101. 

'  lu  a  word,  he  recognised  the  gravity  of  neglecting  a  "  potent "  fleet. 


1588.]  MEDINA    SIDONIA   AND   PARMA.  545 

It  is  nowhere  expressly  said  that  it  would  be  for  Parma's  transports 
to  wait  off  the  English  coast,  somewhere  near  Margate,  mitil  the 
EueUsh  fleet  should  be  beaten.  Yet  that  seems  to  have  been 
Medina  Sidonia"s  meaning.  At  all  events,  Panna  was  to  have  no 
sliare  worth  mentioning  in  the  victory  which  it  was  pm-posed  to 
gain  after  the  junction  liud  been  effected.  Parma's  contingent  was 
not  regarded  as  hkely  to  very  considerably  strengthen  the  fighting 
power  of  the  Armada  at  sea.  The  letter  further  indicates  that 
I'hilip  had  proposed  that,  after  the  junction  had  been  effected,  the 
English  fleet  should,  if  possible,  be  blockaded  in  some  port,  and  then 
harassed  simultaneously  by  land  and  by  sea. 

After  the  departure  from  Lisbon,  Medina  Sidonia  wrote  to 
Parma  ^  that  the  Armada  ^^•as  on  its  way,  and  that  the  people  were 
in  good  spirits  and  burning  for  a  fight,  "if  the  enemy  would  wait 
for  them."  Still,  apparently  bearing  in  mind  the  original  in- 
structions, he  said  that  the  king  had  ordered  him  to  proceed 
directly  to  Parma's  assistance.  He  laid  stress  upon  the  fact  that 
he  had  only  to  clear  the  way,  attacking  if  the  enemy  annoyed  him. 
But  he  was  not  to  follow  the  Enghsh  fleet  far,  if  it  gave  way.  In 
this  letter,  the  scheme  of  junction  with  Parma  was  touched  upon 
with  the  same  perplexing  vagueness  as  on  jorevious  occasions. 
Medina  Sidonia  begged  Parma,  immediately  upon  receiving  the 
dispatch,  to  set  sail  in  order  to  meet  the  Annada,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  send  a  messenger  to  the  fleet,  to  inform  the  admiral  how  far 
Parma's  preparations  had  advanced,  and  where  the  junction  was  to 
take  place.  Supposing  Margate  to  have  still  been  the  destination 
of  both  forces,  Medina  Sidonia  evidently  contemplated  the  possibihty 
of  a  junction  previous  to  his  arrival  off  that  town. 

Eecalde's  opinion  of  the  plan  is  noteworthy.  Kecalde  was 
vice-admiral-  of  the  entire  fleet;  and  it  would  be  his  duty  to 
exert  himself  to  the  utmost  in  the  battle.  His  remarks  are  to  bi; 
found  in  a  letter^  which,  on  July  1st,  shortly  before  the  final 
departure  of  the  fleet  from  Spain,  he  addressed  to  the  king. 

The  object  of  the  fleet  was,  according  to  the  little  which  Recalde 
had  been  able  to  learn,''  to  fight  the  enemy  at  close  quarters  and 

'  Duro,  doc.  lia 

''  I.e.  "  almiianto,"  or  Becoml  in  coniinaiid.  The  commander-in-chief  was  Btyled 
€aj)taiu-General.     Duro,  doc.  110. 

"  Duro,  doc.  140. 

*  llecalde's  expression  to  this  effect  indicates  liow  ill-iiilbruicd  even  the  highest 
officers  were  as  to  tlie  nictliods  to  be  imrsued. 

VOL.   I.  2  N 


546  THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   TEE  SPANISH  ARMADA.  [1588. 

disperse  him,  if  he  accepted  action,  as  Becalde  felt  siu-e  he  woiild. 
But  it  has  aheady  been  shown  that  PhiHp  preferred  that  Parma's 
passage  should  be  managed  without  a  battle.  If  there  should  be  no 
fight,  continued  Eecalde,  the  fleet  was  to  proceed  to  the  Dowus,^ 
and  thence  reach  out  a  helping  hand  to  the  forces  at  Dunquerque. 
The  next  measure  was  to  be  the  taking  of  such  precautions  as  would 
enable  Parma's  army  to  safely  reach  England,  landing  at  the  place 
which  PaiTna  should  designate  as  being  the  most  suitable  for  the 
purpose. 

If  we  may  trust  Eecalde's  impressions,  the  orders  then  in  force 
prescribed  neither  that  the  junction  should  be  effected  off  Margate, 
nor  that  Medina  Sidonia  and  Parma,  after  their  junction,  should 
proceed  thither.  Indeed,  he  himself  offered  suggestions  as  the 
most  suitable  place,  declaring  that  it  should  be  one  as  httle  as 
possible  removed,  either  northward  or  southward,  from  the  mouth 
of  the  Thames.  Margate  would,  of  course,  be  such  a  place  ;  but, 
if  Margate  had  already  been-  specified  to  him  as  the  point  selected, 
Eecalde  would  scarcely  have  written  as  he  did.  Parma's  passage 
would,  he  thought,  probably  occupy  several  days,  for  cavahy  was 
to  be  sent  over  ;  and  as  all  could  not  cross  at  once,  the  transports 
would  have  to  make  at  least  two  trips.  After  Parma  had  crossed 
successfuU}-,  it  would  be  necessary,  according  to  Eecalde,  to  seek 
a  port  in  England  for  Medina  Sidonia's  fleet.  He  suggested 
several,  and  expressed  the  opinion  that  even  if  the  Spaniards  beat 
the  English  fleet,  the  latter  would  hardly  be  reduced  to  so 
impotent  a  condition  as  not  to  be  able  to  again  appear  at  sea  in 
fighting  tidm. 

As  has  thus  been  indicated,  the  details  of  the  original  plan  were 
not  adhered  to.  The  plan  seems,  in  fact,  to  have  been  modified 
little  by  little  until  not  Margate,  but  the  coast  of  Flanders  became 
the  immediate  destination  of  the  Armada.  For,  on  July  '20th, 
the  day  before  the  first  action  with  the  Enghsh,  Medina  Sidonia  ^ 
wanted  to  remain  off'  the  Isle  of  Wight  until  Parma's  preparations 
should  be  so  far  advanced  as  to  admit  of  a  junction  being  effected 
as  soon  as  the  Armada  should  arrive  at  some  place  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Dunquerque.  It  is  clear  that  the  admiral  then  no  longer 
thought   of  proceeding   first   of   all    to   Margate   Eoad.      Had    he 

'  "  Las  Dunas."     But   the  expression  might  mcau  The  Dunes,  or  the  linnks  on  the 
Netherlamls'  coast. 
*  Duro,  doc.  160. 


1588.]  THE  PLAN  OF  JUNCTION   WITH  FARMA.  547 

contemplated  such  a  step,  Margate  would  have  been  as  convenient 
a  place  of  waiting  as  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Isle  of  Wight.' 
The  junction  was  not  to  be  needlessly  postponed,  the  coast  of 
Flanders  being  a  dangerous  one,  and  the  Anuada  having  to  fear 
that  many  of  its  ships  might  be  driven  ashore  in  case  of  heavy 
weather  arising.  For  this  reason  Parma  was  requested  to  join 
immediately  upon  Medina  Sidonia's  arrival  on  the  coast,  and  not 
to  cause  the  fleet  a  moment's  delaj'.  But  again  the  exact  place  of 
junction  was  not  specified. 

Valdes,  however,  wrote'-  that,  on  July  -0th,  Dunquerque  was  the 
point  of  destination.  On  July  '21st,  after  tlie  first  l)attle,  Medina 
Sidonia's  idea^  was  to  continue  his  passage  without  halt,  until  he 
should  learn  from  Parma  what  to  do,  and  where  to  wait  for  him. 
If  Margate  was  still  the  goal,  it  is  evident  that  M;^diua  Sidonia 
understood  that  the  junction  was  to  be  effected  before  his  arrival 
off  that  place.  The  coast  of  Flanders,  then,  in  spite  of  the  dangers 
of  its  shoals,  may  be  accepted  as  the  locality  for  the  intended 
meeting.  Moreover,  on  July  26th,  Medina  Sidouia,  as  Valdes 
had  done  previously,  indicated  Dunquerque  as  the  point.  Parma 
was  to  join  the  Anuada  as  soon  as  it  came  in  sight  of  Dunquerque.* 

But  when  the  Spanish  admiral  drew  near  Calais,  he  was 
informed  by  the  pilots  that,  owing  to  the  currents,  it  would  be 
risky  to  proceed  farther  on  his  intended  com'se.  He  therefore 
altered  his  plan.  The  new  scheme  was  that  Parma  should  join 
off  Calais.^  After  the  junction  had  been  effected,  the  combined 
fleet  was  to  seek  some  secure  harbour,  in  default  of  which  the 
large  ships  of  the  Armada  would  certainly  drive  ashore.  Nor  is 
it  clear  that  there  was  any  longer  an  idea  of  making  Margate  the 
common  point  of  destination.  On  the  contrary,  Medina  Sidonia 
seems  to  have  again  turned  his  mind  to  the  Isle  of  Wight,  and 
to  have  proposed  to  Parma  to  seize  the  requisite  secure  harl)our 
in  that  neighbourhood. ° 

In  spite  of  all   this   vagueness,  alteration,  and   ambiguity,  one 

'  Duro,  lioc.  95,  pp.  14,  15.  The  duke  is  therein  stiictl}'  lbrbid<ieii  to  attemiJtlaiiy- 
thiiig  against  tlic  Isle  of  Wight  before  first  proceeding  to  Margate. 

=  S.  P.  Doni.  ccw.  3G. 

'  Expressed  in  a  letter  to  Parma  of  July  21st.     Fronde's  Transcripts  in  B.  Jr. 

♦  Duro,  doc.  165,  p.  238 ;  doc.  1()8,  p.  259. 

°  lb.,  doc.  1C5,  p.  238;  and  Meilina  Sidonia  to  Parma,  July  27tli,  in  Fronde's 
Transcripts. 

«  lb.,  doc.  183. 

2  N   2 


548  THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   THE   SPANISH  ABMADA.  [1588. 

perceives  that  the  leading  idea  of  the  expedition  was  that  if  the 
Enghsh  fleet  should  follow  Medina  Sidonia,  it  was  to  be  dispersed, 
so  that,  the  Channel  being  cleared,  Parma  could  cross  it.  If  the 
Enghsh  fleet  should  not  appear,  or  if  it  should  appear  and  be 
decisively  defeated,  the  minor  details  of  subsequent  operations 
would  present  no  difficulties,  provided  that  a  secure  harbour  or 
anchorage  could  be  found  for  the  Armada,  and  that  Parma  should 
have  favourable  weather  for  his  passage.  The  actions  fought  before 
the  arrival  of  the  Armada  off  Calais  imperilled  the  carrying  out  of 
the  leading  idea.  It  is  not  astonishing  that  the  scheme  of  minor 
details,  vague  as  it  was  even  before  the  first  action,  became 
afterwards  hopelessly  confused. 

So  much  for  the  general  plan  of  operations.  The  preparations 
in  Spain  may  now  be  retm-ned  to.  And,  first  of  all,  Medina 
Sidonia's  general  orders  to  his  fleet  ^  demand  attention.  They 
laid  stress  upon  the  religious  aspect  of  the  expedition.  The  people 
were  to  iinderstand  that  they  were  participating  in  a  crusade. 
Their  behaviom-  must  be  worthy  of  their  holy  aims. 

All,  high  and  low,  must  realise,  above  all  things,  that  the  king 
undertook  the  expedition  mainly  for  the  service  of  God,  and  for  the 
leading  back  to  the  bosom  of  the  Church  of  souls  subjected  to 
the  enemies  of  the  Holy  Catholic  faith.  Lest  they  should  forget 
these  aims,  the  people,  before  proceeding  on  board,  were  to  humbly 
confess,  and  to  receive  the  Sacrament.  No  one  in  the  fleet, 
on  pain  of  severe  punishment,  was  to  "  idly  make  use  of  the 
name  of  our  Lord,  or  of  our  Lady,  or  of  the  Saints."  Even  less 
sinful  exclamations  were  to  be  punished,  apparently  by  stoppage 
of  the  offender's  ration  of  wine.  As  men  swear  most  lightly  while 
at  play,  certain  games  were  to  be  forbidden,  and  others  were  to 
be  played  as  httle  as  possible.  In  no  case  was  play  by  night  to  be 
permitted. 

During  the  entire  dm-ation  of  the  expedition,  and  for  a  month 
afterwards,  aU  contentious  questions,  challenges,  and  so  on,  were, 
upon  pain  of  death,  to  be  referred  to  Medina  Sidonia.  This  rule 
applied  to  all,  great  as  well  as  small.  Loose  women  were  not 
to  be  suffered  on  board  the  ships.^      Every  morning   at   sunrise, 

>  Buio,  doc.  99. 

-  But  there  were  some  women  with  the  Aimada.  A  lady  and  children  were  with 
Oquendo's  (second  in  command :  Duro,  doc.  171,  p.  281 ;  and  "  la  urea  de  las  mujeres  "  is 
mentioned :  Duro,  doc.  137,  p.  164. 


1588.]  MEDINA   SID  ON  J  A   DISHEARTENED.  54  f> 

in  accordance  with  the  Spanish  custom,  the  ships'  boys  were  to 
call  out  the  morning  salutation  at  the  foot  of  the  mainmast.  On 
the  approach  of  night  thej'  were  to  recite  the  Ave  Maria,  and,  on 
certain  days,  the  Salve  and  Litany.  As  symbolising  the  Catholic 
faith  and  Spanish  dominion,'  bannei's  bearing  the  figure  of  Chinst, 
the  figure  of  the  Virgin,  and  the  arms  of  Philip,  were  to  be  carried 
by  the  fleet. 

At  last  the  Aimada  was  in  a  condition  to  sail.  It  put  to 
sea  from  Lisbon  on  the  morning  of  May  20th,  1588,^  and  on 
June  9th,  Medina  Sidonia,  with  part  of  it,  entered  Conmna. 
The  rest  of  the  fleet  was  to  have  entered  the  same  port  on  the 
following  day,  but  was  scattered,  and  to  some  extent  damaged, 
by  a  violent  storm.  Medina  Sidonia  was  at  once  disheartened, 
and  advised  Phihp,  seeing  tliat  the  ships  were  separated,  many 
of  the  people  sick,  provisions  bad  and  scarce,  and  officers  and 
men  unfit  for  their  work,  to  make  an  honourable  treaty  with 
the  English.^ 

The  commander-in-chief  of  the  Armada,  in  a  word,  wished  to 
give  up  his  undertaking  before  he  had  left  Spain  or  caught  sight 
of  the  enemy.  And,  indeed,  he  Iiad  reasons  for  not  feeling  entirely 
satisfied.  He  mentioned  the  absence  of  many  of  his  ships  ;  and 
that  the  crews  had  complained  of  the  victuals.  Yet  he  showed 
clearly  enough,  by  his  attitude  on  that  occasion,  how  unsuitable 
he  was  for  the  leadership  of  men. 

It  is  remarkable  that  Philip,  thus  informed  b}'  Medina  Sidonia 
himself  of  the  character  of  that  officer,  did  not  appoint  a  stronger 
man  to  supersede  him.  Philip,  however,  kept  his  admiral,  while 
he  wholly  neglected  his  admiral's  advice.  He  directed  Medina 
Sidonia  to  await  the  arrival  in  port  of  his  heaviest  ships,  and 
expressed  a  hope  that  they  would  be  ready  for  sea  on  July  2nd.'' 

In  the  course  of  a  short  time,  almost  all  the  missing  vessels 
safely  reached  Corunna  and  other  Spanish  ports.  Some  of  them 
had  been  driven  nearly  as  far  as  the  Scilly  Isles.^  Haste  was  made 
over  the  repairs  of  the  damaged  ships,  and  in  the  furnishing   of 

'  Duio,  doc.  \0U,  p.  82. 

=  lb.  doc.  115,  p.  JO(J;  doc.  118,  p.  113.     May  30tli,  N.S. 
^  "Medios  lionrosos." 
*  lb.,  doc.  131. 

"  Wliere  they  siglited  and  chased  several  Englisli  traders  :il)iiut  June  13tli :  S.  1'. 
Dora.  ccxi.  47,  48 ;  Duro,  docs.  135,  137,  140. 


550  THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   THE  SPANISH  ABM  AD  A.  [1588. 

proper  victuals.  In  the  meantime  the  religious  aspect  of  the 
expedition  was  kept  prominently  in  view  by  the  erection  on  an 
island  in  the  harbour  of  tents  and  altars,  where  the  people  once 
more  confessed,  and  received  the  Sacrament. 

Philip's  motives,  viewed  from  our  present  standpoint,  are 
sufficiently  apparent.  He  was  animated  by  personal  pique,  for 
his  matrimonial  advances  had  been  repulsed  by  Elizabeth,  and  he 
knew  that  he  was  detested  in  England.  He  had  patriotic  reasons 
for  his  action  ;  for  his  huge  empire  oversea  had  suffered  sorely  from 
the  depredations  of  the  wild  spirits  of  England,  and  his  subjects  in 
the  Low  Countries  were  being  abetted  in  their  struggle  for  freedom 
by  English  help  and  sympathy.  And  he  had  the  religious  incentive ; 
for,  himself  a  zealot  of  the  most  extreme  type,  he  could  have 
regarded  no  mission  as  more  glorious  or  more  worthy  of  a  Christian 
sovereign  than  the  bringing  back  of  England  to  the  fold  of  the 
Boman  Church. 

Yet,  in  the  eyes  of  the  England  of  the  third  quarter  of  the 
sixteenth  centmy,  Philip,  naturally  enough,  found  no  justification 
whatsoever.  If  he  had  been  repelled  by  England  and  her  queen, 
his  gloomy  and  fanatic  character  had  richly  merited  the  rebuff.  If 
he  had  suffered  in  his  possessions  oversea,  the  attitude  of  his 
representatives  there  had  invited,  nay,  even  compelled,  hostile 
English  action.  If  his  Netherlands  subjects  were  in  arms  against 
him,  Spanish  tyranny  and  oppression  were  merely  ixieeting  with 
their  inevitable  reward.  And,  if  he  stood  for  the  Eoman  Catholic 
faith,  Elizabeth  stood  as  conspicuously  for  a  faith  which,  though 
new,  was  already  much  dearer  to  the  majority  in  England.  Even 
the  English  Eoman  Catholics  were  not,  with  very  rare  exceptions, 
won  over  by  Phihp's  assumption  of  the  Crusader's  cross.  They 
were  not  religiously  free,  it  is  true,  in  those  days ;  yet  they  knew 
well  that,  upon  the  whole,  they  were  little  worse  off  under  Ehzabeth 
than  they  would  have  been  under  Philip.  In  England,  liberty  had 
shown  its  head,  and  could  not  but  grow  and  flourish.  Akeady 
toleration  was  slowly  extending.  And  the  inspirations  of  a  new 
and  lusty  youth  had  seized  upon  all  Englishmen  and  rendered 
them  proud  of  their  nationality,  no  matter  whether  they  agreed  or 
disagreed  with  the  Eeformation.  So  it  was  that  many  English 
Eoman  Cathohcs  gallantly  fought  for  England  in  that  crisis,  with 
arms  as  well  as  with  diplomacy  ;  and  that  few,  indeed,  cared  to 
range  themselves,  even  passively,  against  her. 


1588.]  THE  ENGLISH  CASE  AGAINST  SPAIN.  551 

After  the  Armatla  liiid  failed,  an  official  English  account '  of  the 
proceedings  against  it  was  drawn  up,  and  has  been  preserved.  It 
will  be  much  quoted  from  later,  since  it  possesses  the  signal  merit, 
from  the  naval  point  of  view,  of  having  been  prepared  under 
Howard's  direction.  But  it  is  also  interesting  because  it  contains, 
in  the  form  of  a  curious  preamble,  a  statement  of  what  was  certainly 
the  generally  accepted  English  case  against  Spanish  ambition  and 
duplicity. 

"AVhereae,"  it  runs,  "the  Queen's  most  excellent  'Majesty  liad  of  late  years  sundry 
and  most  certain  intelligences  of  the  great  warlike  jireparation  both  for  sea  and  land 
which  the  King  of  Spain  of  late  years  made  from  all  parts,  not  only  of  the  mightiest 
and  most  puissant  ships  ami  vessels  that  he  could  prepare,  as  well  from  foreign  places 
as  in  his  own  dominions,  and  by  arresting  of  the  ships  of  other  countries  that  came  into 
his  dominions,  but  also  of  all  kind  of  numition  and  victuals,  and  of  captains,  soldiers 
and  mariners,  and  of  all  other  provisions  for  a  mighty  army  by  seas,  to  come  out  of 
Spain  and  Portugal;  for  the  more  strength  whereof  it  was  notorious  to  the  world  liow 
he  had  drawn  into  Spain  and  Portugal  his  principal  and  most  experimented  captains 
and  old  soldiers  out  of  Naples,  Sicilia,  Lombardy,  and  other  parts  of  Italy,  yea,  ami 
from  sundry  remote  ]>laces  of  the  Indies;  the  prejiaration  whereof,  with  the  numbers  of 
ships,  men,  victuals,  onlnance  and  all  kind  of  munition,  was  made  patent  to  the  world 
by  sundi-y  hooks  ]irinteil  ami  imblislied  both  in  Sjiain,  Portugal,  and  in  many  other 
coimtries  of  Christendom,  carrying  the  titles  of  the  '  Hapjiy  Armada  of  the  King  of 
Spain,'  and,  in  some,  sjiecially  expressed  to  be  against  England :  And,  in  like  sort, 
where[as]  her  Majesty  had  the  like  knowledge  of  the  mighty  and  puissant  forces  of 
horses  and  footmen,  sufticient  to  make  many  armies,  prepared  in  the  Low  Countries 
imder  the  conduct  of  the  Duke  of  Parma,  the  King's  Lieutenant-General,  and  of 
multitude  of  ships,  bilanders,  boats  and  other  vessels  tit  for  the  transporting  and  landing 
of  the  said  forces,  armies  from  the  coast  of  Flanders,  with  a  general  publication  to  the 
world  that  all  these  so  mighty  forces,  both  by  sea  and  land,  were  intended  to  the 
invasion  of  her  Majesty's  realms,  and,  as  was  iiretcndcd,  to  have  made  there\vith  a  full 
conquest:  Yet  for  that,  in  this  time  of  their  preparation,  the  King  of  Spain,  by  his 
Lieutenant-General,  the  Duke  of  Parma,  caused  certain  oflers  to  be  made  to  her  ]\Iajesty 
for  a  commmiication  of  a  peace  betwixt  their  Majesties;  howsoever,  by  the  common 
judgment  of  the  world,  the  same  was  done  but  to  abuse  her  ^fajesty  and  to  win  time 
whilst  his  preparations  might  be  made  coMi]ilete;  her  Majesty,  nevertheless,  like  a  most 
godly  and  Christian  prince,  <lid  not  refuse  to  give  ear  to  so  Christian  an  offer,  for  which 
purpose  she  sent  certain  noblemen  ^  of  her  Privy  Coimcil  into  Flanders  to  treat  with 
certain  Commissioners,  who  contimied  there  without  any  good  success  by  reason  of  the 
imreasonable  delays  of  the  King's  Commissioners;-'  yea,  they  continued  tlicrc  until  the 
Navy  of  Spain  was  overcome  and  force<l  to  tl y." 


'  Cotton  MS.  Julius  F.  x.  fV.  111-17.  The  credit  of  showing  that  this  docmucnt 
has  an  otTicial  character,  and,  moreover,  that  it  veiMCsents  the  views  and  conclusions  of 
Howard  himself,  is  due  to  Professor  Laughton,  Pi.N.  Sec  '  State  Papers  relating  to  the 
Defeat  of  the  Sjianish  Armada,'  ii.  3S8  (App.  H.) 

*  The  English  Conunissioners  were  Henry,  Earl  of  Derby ;  William,  Lonl  Cobham ; 
Sir  James  h  Crofts ;  and  Doctors  Valentine  Dale  and  John  Kogers. 

'  The  demands  and  oilers  of  the  Commissioners  are  set  forth  in  Cott.  MS.  Julius, 
F.  vi.  23,  f.  51  b. 


552 


THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   THE   SPANISH  ARMADA. 


[1588. 


The  impression,  therefore,  in  England  was  to  the  effect  that 
Phihp  was  bent  not  so  much  upon  the  settlement  of  grievances,  if 
he  had  any,  as  upon  the  subjugation  of  the  country ;  and  the 
prevalence  of  this  impression  cannot  but  have  had  an   important 


AN   ENGLISH   snil"   OF    WAR,    1588. 
(.J//0-  ///(•  TiijjistrU's  ill  Ike  ohl  House  of  Lonl.i.') 

influence  upon  the  attitude  of  an  independent  and  self-reliani 
people. 

While,  therefore,  Spain  prepared  for  the  spring,  England  made 
ready  to  receive  the  shock  without  flinching. 

Early  in  the  year^  the  Lord  High  Admiral,  Lord  Howard  o: 
Effingham,  had  warned  Walsyngham^  that  it  would  be  dangerous 
then  to  weaken  the  English  fleet.  He  was  of  opinion  that  Parma 
at  Dunquerque,  was  hatching  something  against  Scotland,  anr 
complained  that  English  prestige  had  diminished.  He  wrote  thai 
the  enemy  was  aware  that  the  English  were  like  bears  tied  tc 
stakes,  and  that  the  dogs  might  worry  them  with  impunity.     Or 

'  February  1st :  S.  P.  Dom.  coviii.  4(i.     From  on  board  tlie  IFViiYe  Bear. 
"  Howard  had  been  sjjecially  couimissioned  on  December  21st,  1587,  to  commanc 
af;ainst  the  Spaniards  :  S.  P.  Dom.  ccvi.  41. 


1">88.]  FEELING    OF  ENOLISTI   OFFICEIiS.  ij53 

the  same   day  Hawkyns  appealed    to  Walsynfjbaiu '   lor   bold    and 
decisive  action. 

"Having  of  long  time  seen,"'  he  wrote,  "the  malicious  practieeR  of  the  luqiists 
combined  generally  tlinmgliout  Cliristendom  to  alter  the  government  of  this  realm  ami 
to  bring  it  to  palmistry,  and  .consequently  to  servitude,  I  have  a  good  will  from  time  to 
time  to  do  and  set  forward  something  as  I  could  have  credit  to  imijeach  their  iiurjiOKe. 
But  it  hath  prevailed  little,  forithat  there  was  never  any  substantial  ground  laid  to  be 
followed  efl'ectually.  ...  If  we  stand  at  this  point  in  a  mammering  and  at  a  stay,  we 
consume,  and  our  Commonwealth  doth  utterly  decay.  .  .  .  We  have  to  choose  either  a 
dishonourable  and  uncertain  peace,  or  to  put  on  virtuous  and  valiant  minds,  to  make  a 
way  through  with  such  a  settled  war  as  may  bring  forth  and  counnand  a  quiet  pe.ice." 
He  went  on  to  recommend  ,"  that  tliere  be  always  si.K  principal  good  sliips  of  lier 
Majest3''s  upon  the  coast  of  Spain,  victualleil  for  four  months,  and  accompanied  with 
some  six  small  vessels,  which  shall  haunt  the  coast  of  Sjiain  and  the  islands,  and  be  a 
sufficient  company  to  distress  anything  that  goeth  tliroiigh  the  seas.  And  when  these 
must  return,  there  woul<l  be  other  six  good  ships,  likewise  accompanied,  to  keep  the 
jilace.  .  .  .  For  these  sis  ships  we  shall  not  break  the  strength  of  the  navy ;  for  we 
shall  have  a  sufficient  company  always  at  home  to  front  any  violence  that  can  be  any- 
way offered  uuto  us.  .  .  .  And  therefore  I  conclude  that  witli  God's  blessing  and  a 
lawful  ojjen  war,  the  Lord  shall  bring  us  a  most  honourable  and  quiet  j)eace,  to  the 
glorv  of  His  Church,  and  to  tlie  honour  of  her  Majesty  and  this  realm  of  England." 

On  February  29th,  Howard  learnt  that  the  Armada  was  about 
to  sail  from  Spain.  He  had  recovered  from  his  dejection,  and, 
writing  to  Burghley,^  said : 

"If  I  may  have  the  four  great  ships  come  to  me  in  time,  and  20  good  hoys,  but 
with  20  men  apiece,  which  is  but  a  small  charge,  and  each  of  them  but  with  two 
iron  pieces,  I  doubt  not  but  to  make  her  Majesty  a  good  account  of  anything  tliat  shall 
be  done  by  the  Spanish  forces,  and  I  will  make  him  wish  his  galleys  at  home  again.  .  .  . 
I  protest  before  God,  and  as  my  soul  shall  answer  for  it,  that  I  think  there  were  never 
in  any  place  in  the  world  worthier  ships  than  these  are,  for  so  many.  And  as  few  as 
we  are,  if  the  King  of  Sjiain's  forces  be  not  hundreds,  we  will  make  good  spoit  with 
them.  And  I  pray  you  tell  her  Majesty  from  me  that  her  monej'  was  well  given  for 
the  Ark  Ralegh^  for  I  think  lier  tlie  odd  ship  in  the  world  for  all  conditions;  and  truly 
I  think  there  can  no  great  ship  make  me  change  and  go  out  of  her.  We  can  see  no 
sail,  great  nor  small,  liut  how  far  soever  they  be  off,  we  fetch  them  and  speak  with 
them." 

And  Sir  "William  Wynter,  writing  on  Februaiy  28th,  to  the 
Principal  Officers  of  the  Na\y*  after  the  winter  had  tried  the 
fleet,  spoke  with  equal  enthusiasm  of  the  vessels. 

"Our  ships,"  he  said,  "do  show  themselves  like  gallants  here.  I  assiue  you,  it  will 
do  a  man's  heart  gooil  to  behold  them  ;  and  would  to  Ood  the  Prince  of  Parma  were 


'  S.  P.  Dom.  ccviii.  47.     From  on  board  the  Bonaventure. 
'  S.  P.  Dom.  ccviii.  87.     From  on  board  the  Ark. 

"  Bought  from  Sir  W.  Kalegh  for  £5000.     The  sum  was  in  1502  dcluctcd  from  his 
debt  to  the  Crown. 

*  S.  P.  Dom.  ccviii.  85.     From  on  board  the  Vanquard  in  the  Do^vns. 


554  THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   THE   SPANISH  ARMADA.  [1588. 

upon  the  seas  with  all  his  forces,  and  we  in  the  view  of  them.  Then  I  doubt  not  but 
that  you  would  hear  that  we  would  make  his  enterprise  very  unpleasant  to  him.  But 
with  sorrow  I  speak  it,  I  am  afraid  that  they  will  keep  me  from  the  baths  of  Bath  by 
their  long  detraction,  where  I  meant  to  have  been  to  seek  healtli  by  tlie  beginning  of 
May  next." 

Drake  was  another  of  those  who  advised  and  longed  for  an 
energetic  offensive.  Writing  on  March  30th  to  the  Conncil,^  he 
said  :— 

"If  her  Majesty  and  your  Lunlship  thinks  that  the  King  of  Spain  nieaneth  any 
invasion  in  England,  then  doubtless  his  force  is  and  will  be  great  in  Sjiain;  and  thereon 
he  will  make  Ids  groimdwork  or  foundation,  whereby  the  Prince  of  Parma  may  have 
the  better  entrance,  which,  in  mine  own  judgment,  is  most  to  be  feared.  But  if  there 
may  be  such  a  stay  or  stop  made  by  any  means  of  this  fleet  in  Spain,  that  they  may 
not  come  through  the  seas  as  conquerors — which,  I  assure  myself,  tliey  think  t(i  do — • 
then  shall  the  Prince  of  Parma  have  such  a  check  thereby  as  were  meet." 

Bnt  he  added  that  the  ships  had  not  enough  powder  on  hoard 
for  more  than  a  day's,  or  a  day  and  a  half's  fighting,  and  that 
more  ought  to  be  sent  to  them  ;  "  for  it  importeth  but  the  loss 
of  all."  Nor  did  he  underrate  the  importance  of  increasing  the 
active  navy.     To  the  queen,  on  April  13th,  he  wrote  : — '^ 

"  If  your  Majesty  will  give  present  order  for  our  proceeding  to  the  sea,  and  send  to 
the  strengthening  of  this  fleet  here  four  more  of  3'our  Majesty's  good  ships,  and  those 
16  sail  of  ships  with  their  pinnaces  which  are  preparing  in  London,  then  shall  your 
Majesty  stand  assured,  with  God's  assistance,  that  if  the  fleet  come  out  of  Lisbon,  as 
long  as  we  have  victual  to  live  withal  upon  that  coast,  they  shall  be  fought  with.  .  .  . 
God  increase  your  most  excellent  Majesty's  forces  both  by  sea  and  land  daily ;  for  this 
I  surely  think,  there  was  never  any  force  so  strong  as  there  is  now  ready  or  making 
ready  against  your  Majesty." 

Drake  continued  to  press  his  opinion  ^  that  the  Spaniards  should 
be  met  and  fought  off  their  own  shores.  On  April  "iSth  he  again 
wrote  to  the  queen:  "These  great  preparations  of  the  Spaniard 
may  be  speedily  prevented  as  much  as  in  your  Majesty  lieth, 
by  sending  your  forces  to  encounter  them  somewhat  far  off,  and 
more  near  their  own  coasts." 

But  the  Channel  was  to  be  the  scene  of  England's  defence. 
This,  however,  was  not  the  desire  of  the  naval  commanders. 
Writing  to  Burghley*  on  May  23rd,  the  Lord  High  Admiral  related 
what  had  so  far  been  done. 

"Upon  Tuesday  Last,"  he  says,  "being  tlie  21st  of  this  instant,  tlie  wind  serving 
exceedingly  well,  I  cut  sail  at  the  Downs,  assigning  unto  my  Lord  Henry  Seymour 


1  S.  P.  Dom.  ccix.  40.     Prom  Plymouth.  '■>  lb.,  ccix.  112. 

"  lb.,  ccix.  89.     From  Plymouth.  ••  lb.,  ccx.  28.     From  Plymouth. 


1588.]  LACK   OF  Pit 0 VISIONS.  555 

thoHc  ships  appointed  to  stay  witli  liim  on  tlie  Narrow  Seas;  ami  so  partiii};  companies 
tlie  same  mornini;  atliwart  of  Dover,  and  witli  a  pleasant  gale  all  the  way  lonjc,  came 
and  arrived  this  day,  being  the  23rd,  alumt  eight  of  the  clock  in  the  morning,  at  this 
jKirt  of  Plynioutli,  wlience  Sir  Francis  Drake  came  fortli  with  sixty  sail  very  well 
appointeil  to  meet  with  me;  and  so,  casting  about,  he  put  witli  mo  into  the  haven 
again,  where  I  mean  to  stay  there  two  days  to  water  our  fleet,  and  afterwards,  God 
willing,  to  take  the  opportunity  of  the  first  wind  serving  for  tlie  coast  of  Spain,  with 
intention  to  lie  on  and  off  betwixt  England  and  that  coast  to  watch  tlie  coming  of  the 
Spanish  forces." 

When,  on  May  28th,  Howard  again  wrote  to  Burghley '  the 
fleet  was,  contrary  to  the  coniniander-in-chief's  expectations,  still 
at  Plymouth. 

"I  have  received  a  letter,"  he  said,  "from  my  man  Burnell,-  wliom  I  left  to  come 
after  us  with  tlie  ten  ships  with  victuals.  I  perceive  by  his  letter  tliat  the  ships,  and 
also  the  victuals,  be  nothing  in  that  readiness  that  I  looked  tliey  sliould  be  in,  nor  as 
Mr.  Quarles'  did  promise  me;  for  he  clid  ensure  me  that  within  seven  or  eight  ilays  at 
the  lartliest  they  should  be  dispatclieil  after  my  departure  from  tlie  Court,  which  was 
the  14th  of  this  month.  Burneirs  letter  unto  me  bearetli  date  of  the  20th,  and  signifieth 
unto  me  that  Mr.  Quarles  and  Mr.  Peter  told  him  that  it  would  not  be  ready  to  depart 
in  12  or  14  days  after;  and  besides  that  the  ships  were  in  no  readiness  that  should 
bring  it,  and  that  there  would  be  no  mariners  gotten  for  them.  .  .  .  We  have  here 
now  but  18  days'  victual,  and  there  is  none  to  be  gotten  in  all  this  country;  and  what 
that  is  to  go  witli.al  to  sea,  your  Lordship  may  judge." 

He  had  already  learnt  that  the  Anuada  was  to  have  sailed  with 
the  first  fair  wind;  and,  realising  the  danger  of  delay,  expressed 
his  intention  of  sailing,  short  of  stores  though  he  was,  "  for  go  we 
will,  though  we  starve  " ;  seeing  that  he  did  not  know  whether 
the  Spaniards  were  bound  for  England,  Ireland,  or  Scotland.  "  I 
beheve  surely,"  he  added,  "  if  the  wind  hcjld  here  but  six  days, 
they  will  knock  at  our  door.  If  they  do  so,  the  fault  is  not  ours  ; 
for  I  hope  we  have  lost  not  one  hour  nor  minute  of  time,  nor  will 
suffer  any  after  to  be-  lost."  And  in  a  second  letter*  of  the  same 
day  he  said:  "There  is  here  the  gallantest  company  of  captains, 
soldiers,  and  mariners  that  I  think  ever  was  seen  in  England.  It 
were  pity  they  shtiuld  lack  meat,  when  they  are  so  desirous  to 
spend  their  lives  in  her  Majesty's  service." 

Walsyngham  <in  June  9th,  at  the  queen's  direction,  wrote ^  to 
Howard,  desiring  him  not  to  cruise,  as  he  had  intended,  so  far  to 

'  S.  P.  Dom.  ccx.  35. 

-  Francis  Burnell,  of  Acton  Burnell.  lie  was  then  captain  of  the  Mary  Hose,  and 
later  joined  the  Ark.  From  one  branch  of  liis  family  are  descended  the  Italian  Actons, 
and  Lord  Acton  ;  from  another.  Captain  .John  Coke  Burnell  (1883),  H.N. 

■''  .James  Quarles  was  B.aeshe's  successor  in  the  Victualling  Department. 

*  S.  P.  Dom.  ccx.  30.  "  Ih.,  ccxi.  8. 


556  THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   THE   SPANISH  ARMADA.  [1588, 

the  southward  as  Bayona/  since  the  Spaniards,  by  taking  a 
westerty  course,  might  circumvent  him  and  "  shoot  over  to  this 
reahu  "  during  his  absence.  Howard  received  this  command  on 
June  14th,  and  was  much  embarrassed  by  it,  Drake,  Hawkyns, 
Frobiser,  and,  in  fact,  all  the  most  experienced  captains,  being 
in  favour  of  endeavouring  to  meet  the  Spaniards  as  near  as  possible 
to  their  own  coasts,  where,  it  was  then  the  admiral's  conviction, 
they  intended  to  remain  while  the  English  wore  themselves  out 
and  expended  their  supplies."     Howard  remonstrated  vigorously. 

"  If,"  he  said,  "  we  had  heen  on  their  coast,  tliey  durst  not  have  put  off,  to  have  left 
us  on  their  hacks ;  and  wlien  thej-  shall  come  with  the  south-westerly  wind,  which 
must  serve  them  if  they  go  for  Ireland  or  Scotland,  though  we  he  as  high  as  Cape 
Clear,  yet  shall  we  not  he  able  to  go  to  them  as  long  as  the  wind  shall  be  westerly. 
And  if  we  lie  so  high,  then  may  the  Spanish  fleet  bear  with  the  coast  of  France,  to 
come  for  the  Isle  of  Wight ;  which  for  my  part,  I  think,  if  they  come  to  England,  they 
will  attempt.  Then  are  we  clean  out  of  the  way  of  any  service  against  them.  But  I 
must  and  will  obey ;  and  am  glad  there  be  such  there  as  are  able  to  judge  what  is  titter 
for  us  to  do  than  we  here." 

On  June  19th,  Howard  was  still  waiting  at  Plymouth  for 
supplies.^  Nor  had  they  reached  him  by  June  22nd,*  when  he 
wrote : — 

"  If  the_y  come  not,  our  extremity  will  be  very  great,  for  our  victuals  ended  the  loth 
of  this  month;  and  if  that  Mr.  Darell''  had  not  very  carefully  provided  us  of  14 
days"  victuals,  and  again  with  four  or  five  days'  more,  which  now  he  hath  provided,  we 
had  been  in  some  great  extremity.  .  .  .  Men  have  fallen  sick,  and  by  thousands  fain  to- 
be  discharged,  and  others  pressed  in  their  stead." 

At  about  that  time  the  Lord  High  Admiral  naturally  became 
exceedingly  anxious,  and  on  June  22nd,  being  still  at  Plymouth,  he 
w'rote  to  AVals3'ngham  : " 

"  1  am  very  sorry  that  her  Majesty  will  not  thoroughly  awake  in  this  perilous  and 
most  dangerous  time.  ...  I  put  out  on  AVedaesday  to  the  sea  in  hopes  to  have  met 
with  some  of  our  victuallers,  but  on  Friday  we  were  put  in  again  with  a  southerly 
wiuil.  I  hope  now  shortly  we  shall  hear  of  our  victuals,  for  the  wind  doth  now  serve 
them.  I  pray  Goil  all  be  well  with  them,  for  if  any  chance  should  come  to  them  we 
should  be  in  most  miserable  case.  For  the  love  of  God  let  the  Narrow  Seas  be  well 
strengthened,  and  the  ships  victualled  for  some  good  time." 


'  "  The  isles  of  Bayona."  Bayona  is  near  the  south  point  of  Galicia,  and  numerous 
islands  lie  otf  the  coast  to  the  northward  of  it. 

-  S.  P.  Dom.  ccxi.  18.  From  on  board  the  Ark  in  Plymouth  Sound.  S.  P.  Dom. 
ccxi.  26  (June  15th),  also  from  the  Ark  in  Plymouth  Sound. 

'  Ih.,  ccxi.  37.     Howard  to  Walsyngham. 

■*  Ih.,  ccxi.  45.     Howard  to  the  Council. 

'•  Marmaduke  Darell,  victualling  agent  for  the  navy.     He  was  knighted  in  1603. 

«  S.  P.  Dom.  ccxi.  46. 


1588.]  NEWS   OF  TEE  ARMADA.  557 

He  was,  no  doiilft,  the  more  anxious  in  consequence  of  having 
heard,  although  he  could  hardly  credit,  that  a  squadron  of  nine 
great  ships  had  heen  sighted  on  June  13th  hetvveen  Ushant  and 
the  Scilly  Isles  by  an  English  trading  bark,  and  that  other  vessels 
had  been  chased,  and  even  fired  at,  by  the  enemy  .^ 

But  at  length  a  month's  victuals  arrived.  Writing  to  the  queen  ^ 
on  Sunday,  June  28rd,  Howard  said  :  "On  Saturday,  late  at  night', 
they  came  to  us.  They  were  no  sooner  come,  although  it  were 
night,  but  we  went  all  to  work  to  get  in  om-  victuals,  which  I  hope 
shall  be  done  in  24  hours,  for  no  man  shall  sleep  nor  eat  till 
it  be  dispatched ;  so  that,  God  willing,  we  will  be  under  sail 
to-morrow  morning,  being  Monday,  and  the  •24th  of  this  present." 
On  the  same  day  he  wrote  to  Walsyngham,^  at  12  p.m.,  "  God 
wilhng,  I  will  set  sail  within  this  three  hours,"  and  expressed  his 
belief  that  the  Armada  was  bound  to  the  coast  of  France  to  pick  up 
an  army  under  the  Duke  of  Guise. 

The  fact  that  Enghsh  traders  had  been  sighted,  chased,  and  fired 
at  by  Spanish  ships  at  the  mouth  of  the  Channel  on  Jime  13th,  and 
two  or  three  following  days,  was,  as  has  been  seen,  scarcely  credited 
at  first  by  Howard.  But  the  report  undoubtedly  created  in  time 
a  very  general  impression,  among  himself  and  his  subordinates,  that 
the  whole  Armada  was  then  close  to  England.  We  know  now 
that  the  report  was  correct,  but  that  the  Spanish  vessels  were 
merely  a  few  which,  by  the  tempest  of  June  9th,  had  been  driven 
from  off  Corunna,  and  that  most  of  them  retmrned  thither  before 
the  final  sailing  of  the  Armada  on  Jrdy  12th.  For  some  time  after 
June  13th  there  was  no  further  definite  news  of  the  whereabouts 
of  the  enemy  ;  and  it  was  therefore  generally  concluded  that  the 
Spaniards  had,  for  some  unknown  reason,  put  back.  Upon  that 
assmnption,  Drake*  and  Thomas  Fenner^  strongly  counselled  that 
the  English  fleet  should  proceed  in  a  body  to  the  coast  of  Spain. 

The  advice,  however,  did  not  find  favour.  The  dispositions 
which  were  actually  made  are  set  forth  in  a  letter,  addressed  by 
Howard  to  Walsyngham,"  on  July  (5th.  The  commander-in-chief 
had  put  to  sea,  probably  on  June  24th,  for  a  cruise  in  the  Channel, 
and  had  been  subsequently  informed  Ijy  a  dispatch  from  Walsyng- 

'  S.  P.  Dom.  ccxi.  47,  48.  Tliei^e  were  some  of  the  vesKi'k  whicli  liad  been  disiieiseil 
liy  the  Ktorin  of  June  '.ith. 

^  76.  ccxi.  50.     From  on  board  tlie  ArJc,  at  I'lyiiiouth. 

»  lb.,  ccxi.  51.  '  lb.,  cexii.  it.     .Tuly  4tli. 

'  lb.,  ccxii.  10.     July  14th.  «  76.,  ccxii.  18. 


558  THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   THE  SPANISH  APMADA.  [1588. 

ham  that  there  was  no  danger  of  France  assisting  the  Spaniards. 
After  describing  how  he  had  looked  for  Spanish  ships  off  the  ScilUes, 
and  failed  to  find  them,  he  wrote  :  "I  have  divided  myself  here  into 
three  parts,  and  j'et  we  lie  within  sight  one  of  another,  so  as,  if  any 
of  us  do  discover  the  Spanish  fleet,  we  give  notice  thereof  presently 
the  one  to  the  other,  and  thereupon  repair  and  assemble  together. 
I  myself  do  lie  in  the  middle  of  the  Channel,  with  the  greatest  force. 
Sir  Francis  Drake '  hath  20  ships  and  four  or  five  pinnaces,  which 
lie  towards  Ushant ;  and  Mr.  Hawkyns,'  with  as  many  more,  lieth 
towards  Scilly."  If  the  Armada  were  destined  for  England,  he  did 
not  doubt  of  falling  in  with  it ;  if  it  were  aimed  at  Scotland,  he 
would  follow  it  through  the  Narrow  Seas.  He  did  not  believe 
that  it  was  Ijound  for  Ireland.  At  the  same  period  Lord  Henry 
Seymour,  with  his  flag  in  the  Rainbow,  commanded  a  detached 
force  in  the  Downs,  to  watch  Flushing,  Dunquerque,  and  the 
Straits  of  Dover  ;  and  two  Netherlands  fleets  were  under  orders  to 
co-operate.^ 

On  July  l'2th,  the  very  day  when  the  Armada  quitted  Corunna, 
Seymoiir  wrote  to  Walsyngham,''  and,  after  recounting  how  the 
summer  weather  on  his  station  had  been  unusuaUy  bad,  and  ad- 
mitting that  the  gales  were  often  favourable  for  the  Spaniards, 
should  they  choose  to  come  into  the  Channel,  added :  "  Yet  shall 
they  be  as  greatly  damaged  by  the  raging  seas  as  by  their  enemies. 
And  to  heap  on  braveries  for  conquering  little  England,  that  hath 
always  been  renowned,  and  now  most  famous  by  the  great  dis- 
covered strength,  as  well  by  sea  as  by  land,  the  same  also  united 
with  thousands  [of]  resolute  civil  minds — how  can  the  same  enter 
into  my  conceit  they  should  any  ways  prevail?"     Thus  there  was- 

'  Vice-Admiral. 

-  Rear- Admiral.  For  many  generations  afterwards  it  was  customary  to  write  of 
otherwise  untitled  tiag-officers  in  this  way. 

'  A  Netherlands  contingent,  of  about  30  vessels,  was  under  the  supreme  com- 
mand of  Justinus  van  Nassau,  Lieutenant- Admiral  of  Zeeland,  a  natural  son  of  Prince 
William  I.  The  other  flag-officers  of  this  squadron  were  Jan  van  Wassenaer,  Lord 
of  Warmond,  Pieter  van  der  Does,  and  Joos  de  Moor.  This  force  watched  the  ports, 
and  especially  Dunquerque.  Another  Netherlands  squadron,  under  Jan  Gerhrandtszoon,. 
cruised  off  the  northern  coasts  of  the  United  Provinces.  A  squadron  under  Captain 
Cornelius  Lonck  van  Eoozendaal  seems  to  have  been  intended  to  join  Howard's  fleet ; 
but  did  not  do  so. — Jonge  :  '  Het  Nederlaudsche  Zeewezen,'  i,  136,  137.  Justinus  van 
Nassau,  with  40  sail,  visited  Dover  in  the  middle  of  August.  Seymour  wrote  to' 
Walsyngham,  on  August  ITtli :  "  I  find  the  man  very  wise,  subtle,  and  cunning,  and 
therefore  do  trust  him."     S.  P.  Dom.  ecxv.  24. 

*  S.  P.  Dom.  ccxii.  34. 


1588.]  THE   A  It  MAD  A    LEAVES   CORUNNA.  55& 

an  admirable  spirit  in  his  clixision.  On  July  1-Uli,  Howard  wrote 
to  Walsyngham '  tliat  he  had  four  pinnaces  looking  out  on  the 
Spanish  coast,  and  then,  echoing  Seymour,  continued  :  "  I  know 
not  what  weather  you  have  had  there,  but  there  was  never  any 
such  summer  seen  here  on  the  sea.  God  of  His  mercy  keep  us 
from  sickness,  for  we  fear  that  more  than  any  hurt  the  Spaniards 
will  do." 

In  the  meantime,  Howard,  having  found  no  Spaniards  in  the 
Channel,  had  cruised  farther  to  the  southward  from  July  8th  to 
July  10th,  and  then,  fearing  lest  the  enemy  might  pass  him  un- 
sighted, had  put  about,  and  returned  to  Plymouth  on  July  l'2th,  to 
re-water  and  refresh  his  ships. '•'  He  seems  to  have  been  a  little 
puzzled,  for  he  wrote  thence  to  Walsyngham,^  on  July  17th:  "I 
make  all  the  haste  I  can  possible  out.  .  .  .  Seeing  the  advertise- 
ments *  be  no  surer,  I  mean  to  keep  the  three  great  ships  with  me 
yet  awhile,  to  see  what  will  come  of  it.  Some  four  or  five  ships 
have  discharged  their  men ;  for  the  sickness  in  some  is  very  great, 
so  that  we  are  fain  to  discharge  some  ships  to  have  their  men  to 
fm'nish  the  others."  But,  though  perplexed  and  worried,  he  was 
in  good  spirits,  and  full  of  confidence.  And,  indeed,  all  in  the  fleet 
were  in  like  mood.  Thomas  Fenner,  for  example,  wrote  to 
Walsyngham^  on  July  17th:  "There  never  happened  the  like 
opportunity  to  heat  down  the  Spanisli  pride,  if  it  be  etfectually 
followed." 

The  movements  and  fortunes  of  the  Spaniards  must  now,  for  a 
time,  be  followed. 

The  weather  at  Corunna  had  for  some  days  been  stormy,  when, 
on  the  evening  of  July  11th,  it  began  to  improve.*  Medina  Sidonia 
thereupon  ordered  his  captains  to  lie  at  single  anchor  only  ;  and  at 
midnight,  the  tiring  of  a  gun  from  the  flagship  served  as  a  signal 
to  the  fleet  to  weigh.  At  daylight,  a  second  gmishot  from  the 
San  Martin  directed  the  ships  to  make  all  sail.  The  light  south- 
west breeze  was  not  sufficient  to  till  the  canvas,  and  between 
daybreak  and  '2  p.m.  on  July  l'2th,  tlu;  Armada  did  not  make  three 
miles'  progress,  and,  at  the  latter  hour,  had  not  rounded  Cape 
Priorino.  It  then  fell  quite  calm ;  but  after  a  short  time  the  wind 
got  up  again  a  little,  and  the  coast  was  slowly  left  behind. 

'  S.  P.  Dom.  ccxii.  42.  ■'  CotUm  MS.     Julius,  F.  .\.  111-117. 

^  S.  P.  Dom.  ccxii.  fiO.  *  I.e.  reportK  conceraing  the  enemy. 

'  S.  P.  Dom.  ccxii.  62.     From  on  lioard  the  NonparfiL       *  Duro,  tloc.  15-t. 


-360  THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   THE   SPANISH  AP3IADA.  [1588. 

All  went  well  until  July  17th,  when  the  x^'mada  encountered  a 
violent  storm.'  The  Spanish  seamen  declared  that,  at  a  corre- 
sponding time  of  jear,  they  had  never  witnessed  such  a  heavy  sea  as 
was  soon  aroused.  The  18th  was  clear  and  sunny,  with  light  winds. 
Forty  ships  were  found  to  be  missing  ;  and  Medina  Sidonia  sent 
forward  a  dispatch-vessel  in  the  direction  of  the  Lizard,  in  order 
to  look  for  them.  The  gale,  however,  had  done  little  damage  to 
the  vessels  which  were  still  in  company.  A  detailed  list  of  the 
entire  Armada,  as  of  the  fleet  opposed  to  it,  will  be  found  in  an 
appendix  at  the  close  of  this  chapter. 

At  Lisbon  -  the  Spanish  fleet  had  consisted  of  130  sail,^  made 
up  of  65  galleons ;  2.5  iDxas  or  hulks,  of  from  300  to  700  tons ; 
19  pataches  or  dispatch-vessels,  of  from  70  to  100  tons ;  13  zabras ;  ' 
4  galleasses ;  ^  and  4  galleys ;  with  2431  guns,  and  an  aggi'egate 
burthen  of  57,868  tons,  and  carrying  officers,  seamen,  and  troops  to 
the  number  of  30,656,^  besides  volunteers,  servants,  priests,  and 
other  civilians.  The  supplies  for  this  huge  expedition  included 
110,000  quintals'^  of  biscuit,  11,117  mayors'  of  wine,  6000  quintals 
of  pork,  8000  quintals  of  cheese,  6000  quintals  of  fish,  4000  quintals 
of  rice,  6000  fanegas  ^  of  beans  and  peas,  10,000  arrobas "  of  oil, 
21,000  arrobas  of  vinegar,  and  11,000  pipes  of  water.  There  were 
stores  of  sheet  lead  and  leather  for  the  repair  of  shot-holes ;  21  field- 
pieces,  with  40  mules  to  draw  them,  and  3500  shot  for  them ;  and, 
as  extra  ordnance  supplies,  7000  arquebusses,  1000  muskets,  10,000 
pikes,  1000  spears,  6000  half-pikes,  with  spades,  axes,  shovels, 
baskets,  etc.,  etc.,  for  work  ashore.'" 

Nine  days  after  the  departure  from  Corunna,  that  is,  on  July  20th, 
the  Armada  was  but  nine  craft  short  of  its  Lisbon  strength  ;  and 
of  the  missing  vessels,  two  had  never  got  as  far  as  Corunna  ;  so 
that  the  dispersion  occasioned  by  the  gale  of  the  17th  may  have 
been  quickly  repaired,  although  the  Armada,  since  leaving  Lisbon, 
had  possibly  been  reinforced,  and,  probably,  had  not  been  rejoined 
by  all  the  ships  separated  from  it  outside  Corunna  on  the  night  of 

'  Duro,  docs.  159,  168.  -  On  April  2'Jth  :  Duro,  doc.  110. 

^  In  addition  to  twenty  small  cai-avels  and  feluccas:  Duro,  docs.  109,  110. 
■*  G.alleasses  were  very  large  galleys. 

''  This,  the  paper  strength,  no  doubt  exceeded  the  real  force  :  Duro,  doc.  113.  The 
estimated  strength  at  Corunna  was  only  22,500  all  told. 

^  1  quintal  is  101  "4  lbs.  '  1  mayor  is  56-2  gals. 

'  1  fanega  is  1  •  5  bushels.  °  1  arroba  is  3  •  5  gals. 

1°  Duro,  doc.  109. 


y. 


■o  - 

g  I 

o  =• 

o  ^ 


a    5" 


O     -J 


Q     f- 


1588.]  ENGLISH  V.    SPANISH  ABMAMENTS.  5G1 

June  Utli.  Of  (J'i  ships  "  of  the  first  chxss,"  5'J,  avera<,'ii)g  7'2G  tons 
and  26  guns,  were  still  with  the  fleet. 

Captain  Duro,'  and  Professor  Laughton  -  following  him,  seem  to 
be  of  opinion  that,  upon  the  whole,  the  Spanish  vessels  were  much 
more  hghtly  armed  than  their  enemies.  Dr.  W.  F.  Tilton  is  some- 
what opposed  to  this  conclusion.  Of  the  guns.  Professor  Laughton 
says:  "As  a  rule  they  were  small — four,  six,  or  nine  pounders: 
they  were  comparatively  few,  and  they  were  very  badly  workcnl." 
Dr.  Tilton''  imagines  that  he  can  trace  the  origin  of  this  assertion 
to  the  fact  that,  on  July  26th,  the  day  after  the  fight  off  the  Isle  of 
Wight,  Medina  Sidonia  sent  to  Parma  a  request  for  shot  of  four, 
six,  and  ten  pounds.  A  list,  dated  May  4th, ^  shows  that  the 
Spanish  fleet  had  1497  bronze  guns  ^  of  all  calibres,  including  many 
"cannon,"  i.e.,  ships'  guns  of  the  largest  size  then  employed. 
Besides  them  there  were  934  iron  pieces  of  all  sorts.  "  For  these 
2431  weapons,"  says  Dr.  Tilton,  "there  were  only  123,790  shot 
supplied — an  average  of  about  50  shot  per  gun.  It  is  almost  certain 
that  for  the  lighter  pieces  the  supply  was  larger  than  for  the 
greater ;  but,  supposing  that  the  allowance  was  the  same  for  all, 
the  quicker  running  short  of  the  small  shot  becomes  only  the  more 
natural  "  ;  and  Medina  Sidonia's  request  ought  not  to  be  tortured 
into  an  implication  that  he  had  very  few  guns  bigger  than  nine  or 
ten-pounders.  Dr.  Tilton,  moreover,  points  out  that  Professor 
Laughton  bases  at  least  part  of  his  conclusions  upon  a  statement  of 
force  di-awn  up  on  July  9th  (N.S.),  1.587,'^  and  that  he  appears  to 
ignore  that,  as  late  as  March  4th,  1.588,  Philip  ordered  the  arma- 
ment of  the  Armada  to  be  strengthened.' 

It  is,  however,  probable  that  the  thirty-four  ships  of  the  English 
Royal  Navj',  which  were  engaged,  had  a  slight  superiority  of  arma- 
ment over  any  thirty-four  vessels  belonging  to  the  Armada  ;  and  it 
is  quite  certain,  not  only  that  the  Spanish  gunnery  was  very  inferior, 
but  also  that  the  Spanish  practice  of  making  portholes  so  small  as 
barely  to  admit  the  muzzles  of  the  guns  mounted  behind  them, 
prevented  many  giins,  which  might  otherwise  have  rendered  excel- 
lent service,  from  being  effectively  employed.     On  the  other  hand, 

'  Duro,  p.  7(i. 

'  hitroii.  to  'S.  P.  relating  of  tlie  Span.  Aniiada,'  xliv. 

'  'Die  Katiititroiilie  lier  Spanisclien  Armaila':  Frcilmrf;,  i.  B.,  1894. 

*  Duro,  i\w.  110,  [1.  83. 

'  Nearly  all  the  larger  guns  of  the  time  were  bronze  or  brass. 

«  Duro,  doc.  3',»,  p.  300.  '  lb.,  iloc.  GG. 

VOL.   I.  2   O 


562  THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   THE   SPANISH  ABMADA.  [1588. 

there  is  plenty  of  testimony  that,  besides  their  thirty-four  best  ships, 
the  Spaniards  possessed  many  vessels  which  must  be  regarded  as 
having  serious  fighting  importance ;  while  the  testimony  is  equallj' 
strong  that,  beyond  the  thirty-four  vessels  belonging  to  the  queen, 
Howard  commanded  very  few  that  could  serve  a  much  better  purpose 
than,  as  Wj'nter  put  it,  "  to  make  a  show."^  The  superior  handiness 
of  the  English  ships,  and  the  superior  seamanship  of  the  English 
officers  and  men,  are  undoubted.  The  largest  Spanish  ships  were 
but  little  bigger  than  the  largest  English ;  and  their  relatively 
greater  height  above  the  water,  although  it  gave  their  crews  an 
advantage  when  boarding  or  repelling  boarding  was  attempted,  was 
a  soui'ce  of  weakness  which  ought  not  to  be  lost  sight  of.  Their 
excessively  lofty  poops  and  forecastles  rendered  them  very  leewardly, 
and  caused  them  to  present  magnificent  targets  to  the  English 
gunners. 

On  July  19th,  the  Armada,  with  a  favourable  wind  from  the 
westward,  pm'sued  its  course."  On  that  day  the  dispatch-vessel, 
which  had  been  sent  in  the  direction  of  the  Lizard  to  search  for  the 
missing  vessels,  rejoined  the  fleet  with  the  intelligence  that  they 
were  ahead,  under  Don  Pedro  de  A^aldes,  and  that  he  was  keeping 
them  together  and  awaiting  the  main  body. 

By  the  English  this  detached  portion  of  the  Spanish  fleet  was 
sighted  off  the  Lizard.  The  discoverer  of  them  was  Captain  Thomas 
Flemyng,  of  the  Golden  Hind,  a  vessel  which  had  been  apparently 
placed  on  scouting  duty  by  Howard  himself.  Flemyng  was  not,  as 
has  often  been  asserted,  a  pirate,  but  an  honest  man,  and  a  con- 
nection of  the  Hawkyns  family.  He  reported,  or  at  least  conveyed 
the  impression,  that  he  had  seen  as  many  as  fifty  ships  in  company, 
and  he  reached  Plymouth  on  the  19th. 

On  the  afternoon  of  that  day  almost  the  whole  of  the  Ajrmada 
was  once  more  with  the  flag,^  the  four  galleys  and  one  other  vessel 
only  being  missing  ;  and  the  invaders,  as  a  whole,  had  their  first 
sight  *  of  the  English  coast.  Upon  an  annoiincement  to  this  effect 
being  made  to  him,  Medina  Sidonia  hoisted  at  the  fore  a  flag 
bearing  a  crucifix  and  the  figin-es  of  Om-  Lady  and  St.  Mary 
INIagdalene ;    and  fired  three   guns   as   a   signal  for  general   prayer 

'  S.  P.  Dom.  cc.'civ.  7.  Wynter  tu  Walsyngluim,  August  1st,  luSS,  from  the 
Vanguard. 

"  Duro,  docs.  165,  159.  ^  lb.,  doc.  1G5. 

■*  At  i  P.M. :  Duro,  doc.  159. 


H 
W 
W 
►J 


o 
y, 

» 

M 
H 

Q 


(^     ■& 


O 
O 


M     5; 


1568.] 


HAILINO    OF   THE  ENOLL'ill  FLEET. 


jjoa 


and  thanksgiving.'  On  the  morning  of  the  20th,  the  coast  was  seen 
to  be  studded  with  signal  fires."  That  day  a  council  of  war  was 
held,  and  it  was  decided  to  make  for  the  entrance  of  Plymouth 
Sound,  and,  if  circumstances  favoured,  to  endeavour  to  attack  the 
English  fleet  at  its  anchorage.^  Bxit  the  ]'higlish  were  not  to  be 
caught  napping. 

As  soon  as  Flemyng  had  reported,  althougli  tlie  wind  was  very 


TIIK   UE.^tONS   IX    KKNT. 
lAS'ARRAXGED  IN  ANTICIPATIOS  OP  THE  SPANISH  DESCF.ST,    1588. 

(^Frinn  *  Lumhard'n  Pi  nithhithitiini  ttf  Knit.'') 

scant,  Howard  *  warped  out  of  harbour ;  *  but  on  Saturday,  July  '20th, 
he  found  himself  impeded  by  a  south-west  breeze. 

"Alioiit  three  of  the  clock  in  the  afternoon,"  he  writeK,  [we]  "iles^cried  the  Siiaiiish 
fleet,  iiiid  dill  what  we  covdd  to  work  for  the  wind,  which  by  this  morning"  (July  lilst) 
"we  liad  reeovereil,  descryin';  their  fleet  to  consist  of  120  nnil,"  whereof  there  are  four 


'  Duro,  doc.  15!t. 

*  //>.,  doc.  IGo.  The  arraiit;enient  of  the  beacons  in  Kent  is  sliowii  in  the  map. 
There  was  a  sinular  arrangement  in  each  of  the  other  soutliern  counties. 

'  lb.,  iloc.  IS").  It  is  (liflicult  to  understand  how  the  instructions  juslitie<l  any  sucli 
scheme. 

*  S.  P.  Dom.  ccxii.  SO.     To  Walsynghani,  .Tuly  lilst. 

■''  With  fifty-four  sail.  Cott.  MS.  Juhus,  K.  x.  111-117.  About  forty  sail  did  not 
get  out  until  later. 

"  John  Popham,  writing  to  Walsynghani  from  Willington  on  July  22nd,  says  .me 
iiumircd  and  si.\ty-two  sail :  S.  P.  Dom.  ccxiii.  1. 


564  THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   TEE   SPANISH  ARMADA.  [1588. 

galleasses,  and  many  sliips  of  great  burthen.  At  nine  of  the  clock  we  gave  them  fight, 
which  continued  until  one.  In  this  fight  we  made  some  of  them  to  bear  room'  to  stop 
their  leaks ;  notwithstanding  we  durst  not  adventure  to  put  in  among  them,  their  fleet 
being  so  strong.^  .  .  .  The  captains  in  her  Majesty's  ships  have  behaved  themselves 
most  bravely  and  like  men.  .  .  .  For  the  love  of  God  and  our  country  let  us  have  with 
some  speed  some  great  shot  sent  us  of  all  bigness[es]  :  for  this  service  will  continue 
long  :  and  some  powder  with  it." 

Drake, ^  b}'  Howard's  orderfs,  at  once  wrote  to  Seymour  and 
Wynter,  who  were  detached   to  the   eastward,  to   apprise  them  of 

what  had  occurred,  and  to  warn 
them  to  be  in  readiness  for  the 
enemj'  when  he  should  reach  their 
neighbourhood.  Writing  on  the 
'2'2nd,''  apparently  to  the  Earl  of 
Sussex,  Howard  iirgently  asked  for 
reinforcements,  and  added  in  a 
A  SHIP  OF  THK  AHMADA,  1588.  postscript :  "  Thc  shlps  j'ou  send 

{Frvm  ihr  iiuii^'  tif  Lonh-"  Tapr.itrU'".)  shall  find  me  east-nortb-cast,  fol- 

lowing the  Spanish  fleet.  Since 
the  making  up  of  my  letter  there  is  a  galleass  ^  of  the  enemy's  taken 
with  450  men  in  her  ;  and  yesterday  I  spoiled  one  of  their  greatest 
ships,"  that  they  were  fain  to  forsake  her." 

An  account  of  this  first  action  of  July  21st,  is  thus  given  in 
"A  Belation  of  Proceedings,"'  the  document  already  mentioned  as 
having  been  drawn  up  under  Howard's  direction : — * 

"  The  next  moraing,  being  Sunday,  the  21st  of  July,  1588,  all  the  English  ships 
that  were  then  come  out  of  Plymouth  had  recovered  the  wind  of  the  Spaniards  two 
leagues  to  the  westward  of  Eddystone ;  and  about  9  of  the  clock  in  the  morning  the 
Lord  Admiral  sent  his  pinnace,  named  the  Disdain,  to  give  the  Duke  of  Medina 
defiance,"  and  afterwards  in  the  Ark  bare  up  with  the  admiral  of  the  Spaniards 
wherein  the  didje  was  supposed  to  be,  and  fought  witli  lier  luitil  she  was  rescued  by 


'  I.e.  bear  away. 

-  Tlie  English  fleet  was,  of  course,  on  this  and  several  following  days,  without  Lord 
Heurj'  Se3'mour's  division. 

^  S.  P.  Dom.  ccxii.  81i. 

*  Cott.  MS.  Otho.  E.  ix.  1856. 

^  That  of  Don  Pedro  de  A'aldes,  the  N.  S.  del  liosario,  elsewhere  called  a  galleon 
and  a  gaUega. 

'  The  San  Salvador,  of  the  squadron  of  Guipiizcoa. 

'  Cotton  MS.  Julius  F.  x.  lll-llV. 

'  See  Professor  Laughton's  note  in  Append.  H  to  '  Papers  relating  to  the  Def.  of 
the  Sp.  Armada,'  ii.  388. 

"  Bp.  Carleton,  in  his  'Thankful  llenieniliranc'e,'  says:  "To  denounce  the  Battell 
by  shooting  ofl;'  some  Pceces  "  ;  but  wrongly  gives  the  name  of  the  pinnace  as  Defiance. 


a 
o 


a 
D 


1588.]  THE    VIRUT  BATTLE.  06o 

divers  ships  of  tlie  SiKUiish  army.  In  the  lueantiiiic  Sir  Francis  Drake,  Sir  .John 
Hawkyns,  and  Sir  Martin  Krobiscr  I'ouglit  witli  tlie  j^alleou  of  Portugal,  wherein  Joliu 
Martinez  ile  iiecalde,  vice-admiral,  was  supposed  to  be.  The  tight  was  so  well  main- 
tained lor  the  time  tliat  the  enemy  was  constrained  to  give  way  and  to  bear  up  room  to 
the  ea&tward,  in  which  bearing  up,  a  great  galleon,"  wherein  Don  Pe<lro  de  Valdes  was 
captain,  became  foul  of  another  ship,  which  spoileil  and  bare  overboard  his  foremast 
and  bowsjirit,  whereby  he  couW  not  keep  company  with  their  fleet,  but  being  with 
great  dislionour  left  behind  by  the  duke,  fell  into  our  hands."''  There  was  also,  at 
that  instant,  a  great  Biscayan,''  of  800  tons  or  thereabouts,  that,  by  tiring  of  a  barrel  of 
gunpowder,  had  her  decks  blown  up,  her  stern  blown  out,  and  her  steerage  spoiled. 
This  ship  was  for  this  night  carried  amongst  tlie  fleet  by  the  galleasses. 

"This  tight  continued  not  above  two  hours;  for  the  lord  admiral,  considering  there 
were  forty  sail  of  his  fleet  as  yet  to  come  from  Plymouth,  thought  good  to  stay  their 
coming  before  he  would  hazard  the  rest  too  far,  and  therefore  set  out  a  flag  of  council, 
where  his  lordship's  considerate  advice  was  much  liked  of,  and  order  delivered  unto 
each  captain  how  to  pursue  the  fleet  of  Spain ;  and  so,  dismissing  each  man  to  £!o 
aboard  his  own  ship,  his  lordship  apiHijiitcd  Sir  Francis  Drake  to  set  the  watdi  tliat 
night. 

"That  night  the  Spanish  fleet  bare  alongst  by  the  Start,  and  the  next  day,  in  the 
morning,*  they  were  as  far  to  leeward  as  the  Berry.  Our  own  fleet,  being  disapiK)inted 
of  their  light,  by  reason  that  Sir  Francis  Drake  left  tlie  watch  to  ]iursue  certain  hulks 
which  were  descried  very  late  in  the  evening,  lingered  behind,  not  knowing  wliom  to 
follow;  only  his  lordship,  with  the  Bear  and  the  Mary  Jiuse  in  his  company,  some- 
what in  his  stem,  pursued  the  enemy  all  night  within  culverin  shot;  his  own  fleet 
being  as  far  behind  as,  the  next  moniing,  the  nearest  might  scarce  be  seen  half-mast 
high,  and  very  many  out  of  sight,  which  with  a  good  sail  recovered  not  his  lordship 
the  next  day  before  it  was  very  late  in  the  evening.  This  ilay  Sir  Francis  Drake,  with 
the  Revenge,  the  Iloehack,  and  a  small  bark  or  two'  in  his  comjiany,  took  Don  Pedro 
de  Valdes,  which''  was  sjioiled  of  his  mast  the  day  before;  and  having  taken  out  Don 
Pedro'  and  certain  other  gentlemen,  sent  away  the  same  ship  and  coiiiiiany  to  Dart- 
mouth, under  the  conduction  of  the  Roebuck,  and  himself  bare  with  the  lord  admiral, 
and  recovered  his  lordship  that  night,  being  Jlonday." 

"This  Monday,  being  the  22nd  of  July,  1588,  the  Spanianls  abandoned  the  shiji" 
that  the  day  before  was  spoiled  by  fire,  to  the  which  his  lordship  sent  the  Lord 
Thomas  Howard  and  Sir  Jolm  Hawkyns,  Ivtiight,  who  together,  in  a  small  skift"  of  the 
Victory  s,  went  aboard  her,  where  they  saw  a  very  jiitiful  sight — the  deck  of  the  ship 
fallen  down,  the  steerage  broken,  the  stern  blOwni  out,  and  about  fifty  poor  creatures 


'  The  N.  S.  del  Rosario. 

»  On  July  22nd.     See  below. 

'  The  San  Salvador,  of  Guipi'izcoa,  really  of  958  tons. 

'  That  day  Howard  wrote  urgently  for  more  ships,  even  if  they  were  victualled  only 
for  two  days. 

'^  The  Maryaret  and  Jolni  of  Lomloii,  .Tolin  Fisher,  master,  playeil  an  importimt 
part  in  the  capture,  having  engaged  \'aldes's  ship  long  before  Drake  fell  in  with  her. 
S.  P.  Dom.  ccxiii.  8'J. 

•  Valdes's  ship  was  the  .V.  S.  del  Rosario. 

'  Don  Pedro  de  Valdes  made  the  rest  of  tlie  campaign  in  the  Channel  as  Drake's 
guest. ' 

•  Howard's  immediate  object  was  not  so  much  to  decisively  defeat  the  Spmiards  as 
to  prevent  them  from  landing.  Cott.  MSS.  Otho.  E.  ix.  1856.  He  was  still  without 
Lord  Henry  Seymour. 

•  The  San  Salvador. 


566  THE    CAMPAIGN   OF   THE  SPANISH  ABM  AD  A.  [1588. 

burnt  witli  jiuwder  iu  most  miserable  sort.  Tbe  stink  in  the  ship  was  so  unsavoury 
and  tlie  sight  within  board  so  ugly,  that  the  Lord  Thomas  Howard  and  Sir  John 
Hawk-TO.':  shortly  departed  and  came  unto  the  Lord  High  Admiral  to  inform  his 
lordship  in  what  case  she  was  foimd ;  whereupon  his  lordship  took  present  order  that 
a  small  bark  named  the  Bark  Flcmyng,^  whereui  was  Captain  Thomas  Flemyng,  shovdd 
conduct  her  to  some  port  in  England  which  he  could  best  recover,  which  was  performed, 
and  the  said  ship  brought  into  AYeymouth  the  next  da\\"' 

The  Spanish  accounts  of  what  happened  after  the  two  fleets  had 
for  the  first  time  sighted  one  another,  throw  but  Httle  further  hght 
upon  the  events  of  the  '21st  and  2'2nd. 

On  the  night  of  July  20th,  the  Armada  lay  to,"  while  Medina 
Sidonia  sent  Don  Juan  Gil,  who  knew  EngHsh,  to  recoimoitre  the 
land,  and  to  ascertain  how  things  went  there. ^  At  about  the  same 
time,  an  Enghsh  craft  from  seaward  approached  the  Armada  to 
reconnoitre  it,''  and  was  chased  oft'  in  the  direction  of  the  land  by 
Captain  Ojeda,  who,  however,  had  to  retire  before  he  could  come 
up  with  the  Englishman.  Towards  1  a.m.  on  the  same  night,  Don 
Juan  Gil  retm-ned,  bringing  with  him  fom-  English  fishermen  whom 
he  had  seized  in  their  boat.  They  were  taken  on  board  the  flagship, 
but  commmiicated  nothing  of  importance.  At  2  a.m.^  the  moon 
appeared,  and  by  its  hght  the  Spaniards  perceived  that  the  Enghsh 
were  working  to  windward  of  them. 

At  daybreak  on  the  21st  the  wind  blew  from  W.N.W.,"  and  the 
Armada  was  a  little  to  the  westward  of  Plymouth.  To  the  west- 
ward of  them  the  Spaniards  saw  the  English,  to  the  number  of 
about  sixty  sail,'  besides  eleven  more,  including  three  large  ones, 
which  were  under  the  land.  These  last  had  not  then  the  advantage 
of  the  wind,  and  bore  about  N.E.  from  the  Armada;  but  they 
presently  gained  the  wind  and*  joined  the  main  body  of  the  Enghsh 
fleet.  While  this  manoeuvre  was  being  performed,  the  manoeuvring 
division  exchanged  shots  with  the  nearest  Spanish  vessel. 

Perceiving  the  Enghsh  fleet  to  be  united  to  windward,  the 
Spaniards  prepared  for  action,  and  Medina  Sidonia  hoisted  the 
royal  standard  at  the  fore,  the  pre-arranged  signal  for  battle.     The 

'  The  Gohh-n  Hind,  here  named  after  her  owner. 

"  Dmo,  doc.  185 ;  S.  P.  Dom.  ccxv.  oG.  "  Duru,  doc.  165,  168,  185. 

*  lb.,  docs.  168,  185.  '  P.  C.  Calderon's  account. 

"  Duro,  doc.  165,  p.  230.     Calderou  says  W. 

'  Jb.,  docs.  168-170 ;  and  Calderon.    Some  of  the  documents  given  by  Dm-o  say  80. 
'  lb.,  docs.  185,  p.  165.     They  seem   to  have  worked   round   to  seaward  of  the 
Spaniards,  as  shown  in  Adams's  chart. 


3 

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o 


a 

O 


1588.]  liECALDE  ADAiiDOSEl).  507 

Amiadii  was  or(,'anise(l  in  three  squadrons.'  The  van  was  under 
Don  Alonso  de  Lejva,  the  main  bod}'  under  Medina  Sidonia  himself, 
and  the  rear  under  Juan  Martinez  de  Eecalde ;  but  it  would 
appear  tliat,  in  liis  course  up  Channel,  Medina  Sidonia  had  Leyva's 
squadron  on  his  left,  and  Recalde's  squadron  on  his  rif^ht ;  and  that 
the  terms  van  and  rear  apphed  rather  to  the  relative  ranks  of  the 
commanders  of  the  squadrons  than  to  the  positions  of  the  squadrons 
in  the  fleet.  The  Armada,  there  is  little  doubt,  went  at  this  time 
before  the  wind  in  the  form  of  a  huj^e  crescent,  of  which  the  main 
l)ody  constituted  the  centre  and  foremost  portion,  and  the  van  and 
rear  the  wings. - 

The  Enghsh''  contented  themselves  witli  a  long-range  fire  upon 
the  Spanish  port  (Leyva's)  squadron,  and,  pressing  across  the  rear 
of  the  crescent,  hotly  engaged  Kecalde,''  who,  continues  Medina 
Sidonia  in  the  report^  sent  home  by  the  hands  of  Don  Baltasar  de 
Zufiiga, — 

"stood  fast  Mv\  alioile  the  assault  of  ttie  enemy,  althou(;li  he  saw  tliat  he  was 
lieing  left  uiisupjjoiteil,  [most  of]  the  [other]  shiiis  of  his  rear<;nanl  taking  ret'iijie"  in 
the  main  body  of  the  Aniiada.  The  enemy  assailed  with  heavy  fiuntiie,  but  did  not 
dose,  and  his  vessel  sutVei'cd  mueh  in  her  rigf^ini;,  her  forestay  being  cut,  and  her 
foremast  liaving  two  large  shot  in  it.'  In  the  rear  [of  the  squadron],  supportmg 
Kecalde,  were  the  Oran-Grin,  with  Don  Diego  Pimentel,  and  Don  Diego  Enriqriez,  of 
Peru.  The  commander-in-chief's  tlagship  struck  her  foretojisail  and  let  tiy  the  sheets  ; 
and,  condng  to  the  wind,  waited*  for  the  rear  squadron  in  order  to  convoy  it  into  tlie 
main  boily  of  the  tleet.  Seeing  this,  the  enemy  drew  off,  ami  the  Duke  collected  his 
force;  but  was  unable  to  do  more,  because  the  enemy  always  liad  the  wmo,  and  the 
enemy's  ships  were  so  fast  and  handy  that  tlicre  was  nothing  whicli  could  not  be  done 
with  them.  That  day,  in  the  evening,  Don  Pedro  de  Valdes  ran  foul  of  the  ship  Saiilii 
Catalina,  of  Ids  division,  losing  his  bowsprit  and  foresails,  and  withdrew  into  tlie  main 
body  of  the  fleet  to  repair  damages.  The  Armada  manceuvred  until  4  p.m.,  to  recover  tlie 
wind  of  the  enemy.  At  that  hoiu-,  on  board  [the  flagshi])]  of  the  vice-admiral  of 
(Iquenilo's  division,  some  powder-barrels  took  fire,  and  her  two  decks  and  poop  were 
lilown  up.  In  lier  was  the  paymaster-general  of  the  Armada,'  with  part  of  the  king's 
t  easure.  The  duke,  seeing  the  vessel  reuiaining  behind,  headed  the  flagship  for  her, 
and  fired  a  gun  as  a  signal  that  the  fleet  should  do  the  same.     He  also  ordered  l)oats  to 

'   Diuo,  (liii-.  His.     See  also  doc.  IGo,  p.  2'iO,  and  doc.  ISo,  p.  370. 

-  See  an  interesting  note  in  Tilton,  pp.  50-52. 

'  Calderon  says  that  they  were  in  very  fine  order. 

'  The  ships  which  engaged  Kecalde  were  chiefly  those  of  Drake. 

'  Duro,  doc.  165. 

"  Both  Calderon  and  Vanegas  admit  that  some  captains  behaved  disgracefully. 

'  Calderon  says  tliat  otlier  Spanish  ships  were  damaged  also. 
Duro,  doc.  185,  p.  377  (account  of  Captain  Alonso  Vanegas),  says  that  three  English 
ships  attacked  the  commander-in-chief.      Vanegas   jiraises  the  manner  in  which  the 
English  guns  were  served. 

"  Juan  de  Iluerta  :  Duro,  docs.  110,  171  ;  or  Juan  dr  Jucrta  :   Dviro,  doc.  185. 


508  THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   THE   SPANISH  APxMADA.  [1588. 

1)6  sent  to  her  assistance.  The  fire  -was  put  out,  and  the  enemy's  tieet,  wliicli  had  been 
standing  tow.irds  the  ship,'  stayed  its  course  when  it  saw  that  the  commander-in-chief 
approached  her.  The  vessel,  tlieretbre,  was  protected,  and  carried  into  the  main  body 
of  the  Armada. 

"  In  the  course  of  this  casting  about,  the  foremast  of  Don  Pedro's  ship  -  broke  off 
near  the  deck,  and  fell  upon  the  uiainyard.  The  duke  turned  to  help  her  and  to  give 
her  a  hawser ;  but,  in  spite  of  all  efforts,  wind  and  sea  rendered  this  impossible,  and  she 
was  left  immanageable.  This  was  in  consequence  of  Diego  Flores  ^  having  told  the 
admiral  that,  as  it  was  night,  if  he  shortened  sail,  the  Armada,  being  far  ahead,  would 
not  see  him;  that  by  morning  more  than  half  the  fleet  would  inevitably  be  missing; 
and  that,  looking  to  the  proximity  of  the  foe,  the  Armada  must  not  be  imperilled,— for 
it  was  certain  that,  if  sail  were  shortened,  the  expedition  would  be  brought  to  nothing. 
On  the  strength  of  this  opinion,  the  duke  directed  Captain  Ojeda  to  remain  with  four 
jiinuaces  near  Don  Pedro's  flagship.  He  also  ordered  the  second  flagship*  of  Don 
Pedro's  squadron,  the  flagship  ^  of  Diego  Flores,  and  a  galleass,  to  be  ready  to  tow  her 
and  take  off  her  people ;  but  nothing  of  the  sort  was  found  practicable,  owing  to  the 
heavy  sea,  the  darkness,  and  the  state  of  the  weather.^  As  for  the  duke,  proceeding  on 
his  course,  he  rejoined  the  fleet,  and  took  pains  to  draw  it  together  for  whatsoever 
might  happen  on  the  day  following. 

"  On  Monday,  July  22nd,  the  duke  ordered  Don  Alonso  de  Ley va  to  carry  over  his 
van  to  the  rear,  and  so  make  one  squadron  of  van  and  rear ;  and  directed  the  combined 
divisions,  with  three  galleasses,"  and  the  galleons  San  Mateo,  San  Luis,  Florencia  and 
Santiago — being  in  all  forty-three  of  the  best  vessels  of  the  Armada — to  turn  upon  the 
enemy,  so  as  to  avoid  all  hinderance  of  the  junction  with  the  Duke  of  Parma.  As  the 
duke,  with  the  rest  of  the  Armada,  foniied  the  van,  the  whole  fleet  was  now  divided 
into  but  two  squadrons,  Don  Alonso  de  Leyva  having  command  of  the  rear,  and  the 
didie  himself  taking  charge  of  the  van. 

"  The  latter  summoned  all  the  sergeants-m.ijor,  and  ordered  them  to  go  in  a  pinnace 
and  pass  through  the  fleet  in  a  prescribed  order ;  and  directed  each  of  them  in  writing 
to  put  every  ship  in  his  assigned  station,  and,  without  delay,  to  hang  *  the  captain  of 
any  ship  which  shoidd  leave  her  station  and  not  keep  order.  ...  At  eleven  this  same 
tlay  the  captain  (_if  the  Almiranta^  of  Oquendo  advised  the  duke  that  his  ship  was 
in  a.  sinking  condition ;  and  the  duke  ordered  the  king's  treasure  and  her  people  to  be 
removed,  and  the  vessel  scuttled.  On  the  same  day,  in  the  evening,  the  duke  dispatched 
the  ensign-bearer,  Juan  Gil,  in  a  piimace,  to  the  Duke  of  Parma,  to  advise  him  of  the 
position  of  the  Armada." 

Such  was  the  first  battle"  of  the  campaign.  Howard  gained 
a  success,    but   not   an   important   one.     He    had,  however,  made 

'  "At  about  2  I'.ii."  :  Duro,  doc.  185,  aiul  Calderon.     But  it  must  have  been  later. 

"  Which  collided  with  two  other  vessels.     She  was  the  N.  S.  del  Hosario. 

'■'  He  was  Medina  Sidonia's  official  adviser  as  to  seamanship. 

■*  The  San  Francisco. 

■''  The  San  Cristobal. 

"  Valdes,  writing  to  the  king,  said  nothing  of  any  efforts  to  aid  him.  Calderon  and 
A'anegas  sa)'  that  when  a  boat  was  sent  to  him,  he  refused  to  quit  his  ship.  Valdes 
♦loes  not  even  mention  this. 

'  The  fourth  was  in  the  van. 

"  This  was  no  mere  threat.     Duro,  doc.  184,  \\  310. 

"  I.e.  flagship  of  the  second  in  command  ol'  Oqueudo's  division.     She  was  the  San 
Salvador;  and  if  her  scuttling  was  ever  attemjited,  it  was  unsuccessful. 
'"  It  was  visible  from  Plymouth.     S.  P.  Dom.  ccxii.  81. 


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ly«S.]  THE   SECOND   llATTLE.  569 

impoi-tant  iliscoveiics.  He  had  found  by  experience  that  his  ships 
wei"e  faster  and  handier,  and  that  his  gunnery  was  much  better, 
than  the  Spaniards';  and  he  had  seen  some  of  the  Spanish  captains 
disgrace  themselves  by  their  abandonment  of  liecalde.  The  day 
was,  upon  the  whole,  a  veiy  encouraging  one  for  England,  and  it 
was  correspondingly  discouraging  for  Spain,  although  neither  in  his 
report,  nor  in  his  letter  to  Panna,  does  Medina  Sidonia  hint  at 
anything  of  the  kind.  Others  did  not  conceal  the  truth.  "  The 
desertion  of  the  ship  which  had  blown  up,"  wrote  Vanegas,  "  and 
the  loss  of  Don  Pedro  de  Valdes,  shook  the  spirits  of  the  people. 
From  that  time  forward  there  was  no  real  heart  in  them."'  "  These 
misfortunes,"  wrote  another  Spaniard,"  "  presaged  our  failure.  The 
evil  omen  depressed  the  whole  Armada." 

The  Spaniards  continued  on  their  course  up  Channel. 

"The  niglit  of  Monday,  .Inly  22iul,"  says  'A  Kehitioii  of  rroceeiliiiss,"^  "fell  very 
(.aim,  and  the  lour  galleasses*  singled  themselves  out  from  their  fleet,  wliereujion  some 
«loulit  was  had  lest  in  the  night  they  might  have  distressed  some  of  our  small  shiiis 
■whioh  were  short  of  our  fleet,  but  their  comage  failed  them,''  for  they  attempted  nothing. 

"  The  next  morning,  being  Tuesday,  the  23rd  of  July,  15H8,  the  wind  sprang  uji  at 
uorth-east,  and  then  the  Spaniards  had  the  wind  of  the  English  army,  which  stood  in 
to  the  nortii-westward,  towards  the  shore.  So  did  the  Spaniards  also.  But  that  course 
was  not  good  for  the  English  army  to  recover  the  wind  ;of  the  Spaniards,"  and  therefore 
they  cast  about  to  the  eastwards,  whereupon  the  Spaniards  bare  room,  olVering  [to] 
lx>ard  our  ships.  Ui)on  which  coming  room  there  grew  a  great  tight."  The  English 
ships  stood  fast  and  abode  their  coming,  and  the  enemy  seeing  us  to  abide  them,  and 
•livers  of  our  shiiis  to  stay  for  thera,  as  the  Ark,  the  Nonpareil,  the  Elizabeth  Jonas, 
the  Victory,  etc.,  and  divers  other  shiiis,  they  were  content  to  fall  astern  of  the 
Nonpareil,  which  was  the  sternmost  ship. 

"hi  the  meantime,  the  'J'riumpli,  with  five  shii)S,  viz.,  the  Merchant  It'ii/al,"  the 
Centurion,^'  the  Maryarel  and  Johii,^  the  MarTj  Jlose,^"  and  the  Golden  Linn,"  were 
so  far  to  leeward  and  separated  from  our  fleet,  that  the  galleasses  took  courage  and  bare 
room  witli  them,  and  assaulted  them  sharply.  But  tliey  were  very  well  resisted  by 
those  ships  for  the  space  of  an  hour  and  a  half.  At  length  certain  of  her  majesty's 
ships  bare  with  them,  and  then  the  galleasses  forsook  them.  The  wind  then  shifted  to 
the  south-eastward,  and  so  to  S.S.W.,  at  what  time  a  troop  of  her  majesty's  ships  and 
sundry  merchants  assailed  the  Spanish  fleet  so  shar])ly  to  the  westward  that  they  were 


'  Duro,  doc.  18.^.  ■  lb.,  doc.  171. 

=  Cotton  MS.  Julius,  F.  x.  111-117. 

'  In  Duro,  doc.  185,  is  the  story  of  this  Irttlc  scheme  and  its  failure. 
■■'  Vanegas  also  says  this.     Duro,  doc.  185,  p.  382.     Others  attribute  the  failure  to 
the  wind. 

"  Probabl)'  because  of  the  nearness  of  the  slioro 
'  This  action  was  fought  ofl'  Portland. 
"  Merchantman  under  Drake's  command. 
■'  Ships  equipjied  by  the  City  of  London. 
'"  Francis  Burnell's  victualler,  not  II. M.S.  of  the  name. 


570  THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   THE   SPANISH  ARMADA.  [158S. 

all  forced  to  give  way  and  to  liear  room;  which  his  lordship  jjerceiviiis;,  together  with 
the  distress  that  the  Triumph  and  tlie  five  merchant  ships  in  her  company  were  in, 
called  unto  certain  of  her  majesty's  ships  then  near  at  hand  and  charged  them  straitly 
to  follow  him,  and  to  set  freshly  upon  the  Spanianls,  and  to  go  withm  musket-shot  of 
the  enemy  before  they  should  discharge  any  one  piece  of  ordnance,  thereby  to  succour 
the  Triumph ;  which  was  very  well  performed  by  the  Ark,  the  Elizabeth  Jonas,  the 
Galleon  of  Leicester,^  the  Golden  Lion,  the  Victory,  the  Mary  Pose,  the  Dreadnour/hf, 
and  the  Swallow;  for  so  they  went  in  order  into  the  fight.  "Which  the  Duke  of  Medina 
perceiving,  came  out  with  sixteen  of  his  best  galleons  to  impeach  his  lordsliip  and  to 
stop  him  of  assisting  of  the  Triumph.  At  which  assault,  after  wonderful  sharp 
conflict,  the  Spaniards  were  forced  to  give  way,  and  to  flock  together  like  sheep.  In 
this  conflict  one  William  ("oxe,  captain  of  a  small  pinnae*  of  Sir  William  Wynter's, 
named  the  Deliijht,  showed  himself  most  valiant  in  the  face  of  his  enemies  at  the 
hottest  of  the  encomiter,  [who]  afterwards  lost  his  life  with  a  great  shot.  Towards  the 
evening  some  four  or  five  ships  of  the  Spanish  fleet  edged  out  of  the  south-westwards, 
where  some  other  of  our  ships  met  them,  amongst  which  [the]  Mayflower,  of  London, 
discharged  some  pieces  at  them  very  valiantly,  whicli  ship  and  company  at  sundry 
other  times  behaved  themselves  stout  I  \-. 

"This  figlit  was  very  nobh'  continued-  from  morning  until  evening,  the  lord 
admiral  being  always  [in]^the  hottest  of  the  encounter;  and  it  may  well  be  said  that 
fur  the  time  there  was  never  seen  a  more  terrible  value  of  great  shot,  nor  more  hot  fight 
than  this  was ;  for  although  the  musketeers  and  harquebusiers  of  crock '  were  then 
infinite,  yet  could  they  not  be  discerned  nor  heard,  for  that  the  great  ordnance  came  so 
thick  that  a  man  would  have  judged  it  to  have  been  a  hot  skirmish  of  small  shot,  being 
all  the  fight  long  within  half  musket-shot  of  the  enemv. 

"  This  great  fight  being  ended,  the  next  day,  being  ^^'ednesday,  the  24th  of  July, 
1588,  there  was  little  done,  for  that  in  the  fights  on  Sunday  and  Tuesday  much  of  our 
munition  had  been  spent;  and  therefore  the  lord  admiral  sent  direct  barks  and 
pinnaces  unto  the  shore  for  a  new  supply  of  such  provisions. 

"This  day  the  lord  admiral  divided  his  fleet'  into  four  squadrons,  whereof  he 
appointed  the  first  to  attend  liiraself ;  the  second  his  lordship  committed  to  the  charge 
of  Sir  Francis  Drake;  the  third  to  Sir  John  Hawkyns,  and  the  fourth  to  Sir  Martin 
Frobiser.  This  afternoon  his  lordship  gave  order  that,  in  the  night,  six  merchant 
ships  out  of  every  squadron  should  set  upon  the  Spanish  fleet  in  sundry  places,  at  one 
instant  in  the  night  time,  to  keep  the  enemy  waking;  but  all  that  night  fell  out  to  lie 
so  calm  that  nothing  could  be  done." 

Medina  Sidoniti's   relation*   of    events   of   the    two   days   is    as 
follows  : — 

"On  Tuesilay,  July  23rd,  tlie  day  broke  fine,  and  the  enemy's  fleet,  being  to 
leeward,  was  standing  in  towards  the  land,  endeavouring  to  the  best  of  its  ability  to 
recover  the  wind.  The  duke  also  tacked  towards  the  land  in  order  to  keep  \\\e  wind, 
the  galleasses  going  with  him  in  the  van,  and  the  rest  of  the  fleet  following.     The 


'  With  the  exception  of  this  vessel,  which  was  a  merchantman  of  Drake'.s  squadron, 
all  the  relieving  ships  belonged  to  the  Royal  Navy. 

-  Vanegas,  Calderon  and  Manrique  agree  in  saying  that  Medina  Sidonia's  ship  fiicd 
one  hundred  and  fitty  rounds.     She  had  several  shot-holes  in  her  hull  below  water. 

'  Some  of  the  arquebusses  of  the  time  were  fireil  from  a  rest  called  a  crock  or  crook. 

*  Miranda  that  ilay  counted  one  hundred  and  twenty  English  sail.  Duro,  doc.  ICll, 
p.  268.     Bee,  too,  Duro,  doc.  168,  p.  258. 

°  Duro,  doc.  165. 


lo8S.]  THE   SECOND    BATTLE.  571 

enemy  Beem<;  our  ailniiial  staiidiiii;  lowanls  the  lainl,  and  that  lie  cmilil  nut  in  this 
manner  re.u'ain  the  wind,  i-ast  alumt  tn  seaward;  wliereuimn  those  iit'  our  sliijis  that  liad 
tlic  wind  of  tlie  enemy  hore  away  lor  Inni  ami  attacked  luni.  Captain  liertendona ' 
very  gallantly  engageci  the  Knsrlisii  admiral's  ship,  and  would  have  hoardcl  her,  hut  as 
he  nenreil  her  she  bore  away  and  stood  to  seaward.  In  this  action  there  also  partici- 
pated  the  San  Marcos,  San  Luis,  San  Mateo,  llida,  Oquendofs  flagship,  the  Santa 
Ana],  San  FvUpe,  San  Juan  <lr  Sinilia,  in  which  was  Don  Diego  Tellez  Enriquez, 
who  had  been  in  action  with  the  foe  since  the  morning,  the  galleoi\s  Florencia, 
Santiaijo,  San  Juan  of  Diego  I'Mores's  squadron,  in  which  was  Don  Diego  Eiuiquez, 
son  of  the  Viceroy  of  Peru,  and  the  Vahna-ra^'  of  the  Levant  s(iua.lron,  in  which  was 
the  camp-master  Don  Alonso  de  Luzon.  The  galleasses  of  the  vanguard  being  carried 
by  the  current  almost  within  cidverin  shot,  the  duke  sent  them  directions  that  by  oar 
and  sail  they  should  enileavour  to  close  with  the  enemy,  to  which  en<l  lie  also  headed 
his  flagship  towards  him.  The  galleasses  threatened  the  sliips  of  their  rear,  which  were 
engaged  with  some  of  our  vessels  that  had  closed  with  and  were  seeking  to  board  them. 
These  were  the  galleons  !■  lortnria,  in  which  was  Ciaspar  de  Sosa;'  the  flagship  of 
Ociuendo;  the  Biiforia,*  in  which  was  Garibay ;  the  Valmara,  in  which  was  Don 
Alonso  de  Luzon;  and  the  galleon  Juan  Bautisfa,  in  which  were  Don  .Juan  Maldonado 
and  Don  Luis  de  JIacda ;  but  all  to  little  piu-pose,  for  the  enemy,  seeing  that  we 
endeavoured  to  come  to  arm's  length,  liore  away,  avoiding  our  attack,  thanks  to  the 
lightness  of  his  vessels;  and  afterwards  the  English  returnc<l  with  tide  and  wind  in 
their  favour,  and  engaged  Juan  Martinez  de  Hecalde,  who  was  in  the  real-.  Don 
Alonso  de  Leyva  went  to  his  aid,  the  admiral's  flagship'^  being  still  in  the  hottest  of 
the  fight,  occupied  in  supixirting  those  vessels  which  were  in  action,  at  a  distance  from 
lioth  fleets,  with  the  English  rear.  Captain  Marolin  [de  Juan]"  was  ordered  away  in 
a  boat  to  direct  those  ships  which  were  nearest  to  him  to  att'ord  assistance  to  Juan 
:^blrtinez  de  Hecalde,  which  they  did;  upon  which  the  enemy  relinquished  Juan 
Martinez,  and  made  for  the  flagship,  which  was  on  her  way  to  reinforce  the  sliijis  above 
spoken  of;  and  the  conmiander-in-chief,  seeing  the  enemy's  flagship  in  the  van,  turned 
towards  her  and  lowered  topsails.  And  the  enemy's  flagship  and  all  the  fleet  passed 
him,  flriug  at  him  ship  by  ship,  while  he,  on  his  side,  flred  his  guns  very  well  and 
([uickly,  so  that  lialf  the  enemy's  fleet  did  not  draw  near,  but  fired  at  him  from  a 
ilistance.  When  the  fury  of  the  action  lia<l  worn  itself  out,  there  came  to  the  support 
of  the  conimander-iu-chief  Juan  Martinez  de  liecalde,  Don  Alonso  de  Leyva,  the 
Marquis  of  Penafiel,  who  was  in  the  San  Maram,  and  Oquendo;  whereupon  the  foe 
bore  away  and  stood  out  to  sea,  their  aibniral  shortening  sail,  liaving,  as  it  seemed  to 
us,  sustained  some  damage,  ami  re-assembling  those  of  his  vessels  which  had  been 
engaged  with  our  van.  In  this  action,  which  endured  for  more  than  three  hours,  the 
galleon  Florencia  was  one  of  the  fnreiiiost  vessels,  and  was  in  close  light  with  the 
enemy. 

"On  Wednesday,  July  24tli,  Juan  Martinez  de  Hecalde  once  more  took  command  of 
the  rear,'  Don  Alonso  de  Leyva  remaining  with  him,  and  they  dividing  between  them 
the  forty  or  more  ships  belonging  to  it.     The  enemy  approached  our  rear  and  attacked 

'  Of  the  Itegazona,  flagship  of  the  Levant  contingent. 

*  Trinidad  Valencera. 

'  Commanding  a  body  of  three  thousand  Portuguese  trooi*. 

'  N.  S.  de  Begoiia,  of  the  squadron  of  Diego  Elores. 

'  The  San  Martin. 

"  One  of  the  duke's  statY  in  the  San  Martin. 

'  Laughton  thinks  that  at  about  this  time  he  shifted  from  his  original  flagship,  the 
.SaHte  Ana,  which  as  early  as  the  iilst  had  been  badly  damaged,  to  the  San  Juan. 
1LS60,  n. 


572  TJIE    CAMPAIGN   OF   TEE   SPANISH  ARMADA.  [1588. 

the  admiral.'  The  galleasses  fired  their  stem  guns,  as  also  did  Juan  Martinez  and  Don 
Alonso  de  Leyva  and  the  other  ships  of  the  squadron,  without  quitting  station.  Thus 
the  enemy  drew  oft'  without  any  success,  the  galleasses  having  damaged  their  adndral's 
rigging,-  and  brought  down  his  main-yard." 

The  fight  off  Portland  was  even  more  indecisive  than  the  fight 
off  Plymouth.  Neither  side  lost  a  ship,  neither  side  gained  any 
tactical  or  strategical  advantage.  But  Medina  Sidonia  had  been 
betrayed  into  contravening  his  instructions  by  seeking  an  action. 

"The  next  morning,"  continues  'A  Kelatiou  of  Proceedings,'^  "being  the  25th  of 
July,  1588,  there  ^vas  a  great  galleon*  of  the  Spaniards  short  of  her  company  to  the 
southwards.  They  of  Sir  John  Hawkyns  his  squadron,  being  next,  towed  and 
recovered  so  near  that  the  boats  were  beaten  off  with  musket  shot :  whereupon  three 
of  the  galleasses  and  an  armado  ^  issued  out  of  the  Spanish  fleet,  with  whom  the  lord 
admiral,  in  the  Ark,  and  the  Lord  Thomas  Howard,  in  the  Golden  Limi,  fought  a  long 
time,  and  much  damaged  them,  that  one  of  them  was  fain  to  be  carried  away  upon 
the  careen;'^  and  another,  by  a  shot  from  the  ArTc,  lost  her  lantern,  which  came 
swimming  by  ;  .and  the  third  his  nose.  There  was  many  good  shots  made  by  the  Arh 
and  Lion  at  the  galleasses  in  the  sight  of  both  armies,  which  looked  on  and  could  not 
approach,  it  being  calm,  for  the  Ark  and  the  Lion  did  tow  to  the  galleasses  with  their 
long  boats.  At  length  it  began  to  blow  a  little  gale,  and  the  Spanish  fleet  edged  up  to 
succour  their  galleasses,  and  so  rescued  them  and  the  galleon,  after  which  time  the 
galleasses  were  never  seen  in  fight  any  more,''  so  bad  was  their  entertainment  in  this 
encounter.  Then  the  fleets,  drawing  near  one  to  another,  began  some  fight,  but  it 
continued  not  long,  saving  that  the  Nonpareil  and  the  Mary  Pose  struck  their  topsails, 
and  lay  awhile  by  the  whole  fleet  of  Spain  very  bravely,  during  which  time  the 
Triumjih,  to  the  northward  of  the  Spanish  fleet,  was  so  far  to  leeward  *  as,  doubting 
that  some  of  the  Spanish  army  might  weather  her,  she  towed  ott"  with  the  help  of 
sundry  boats,  and  so  recovered  the  wind."  The  Pear  and  the  EUzaheth  Jonas, 
IJerceiving  her  distress,  bare  with  her  for  her  rescue,  and  put  themselves,  through  their 
hardiness,  into  like  perils,  but  m.ade  their  jiarties  good  notwithstanding,  until  they  had 
recovered  the  wind ;  and  so  that  day's  fight  ended,  which  was  a  very  sharp  fight  for 
the  time."' 

'  Ajiparently  liecalde. 

-  Duro,  docs.  166, 168, 185  ;  ]\Ianrique  to  Philip.  But  there  seems  to  be  no  English 
mention  of  this,  or  of  the  loss  of  the  main-yard. 

''  Cott.  MS.  Julius,  F.  X.  111-117. 

*  liecalde's  flagship,  the  Santa  Ana.  She  had  been  severely  mauled  on  the  21st 
and  23rd.  Kecalde  probably  shitted  his  flag  from  her  on  the  24th.  After  the  rough 
handling  whicli  she  received  on  the  25th,  she  parted  companj-  from  tlie  Armada  during 
the  night,  and  drifted  to  La  Hogue,  whence  she  went  to  Le  Havre,  where  at  length  she 
became  a  complete  wreck. 

°  An  "  annado,"  i.e.  a  galleon  or  large  ship  Ijelonging  to  an  armada,  of  which  armado 
is  an  Enghsh  corruirtion. 

"  I.e.  heeled  over,  probably  in  order  to  raise  her  shot  holes  above  the  water. 

'  Yet  Medina  Sidonia  considered  that  the  galleasses  that  day  did  very  well. 

"  The  wind,  nowhere  expressly  given,  must  have  been  S.  or  S.S.W. 

'•'  Yanegas  says  that  the  way  in  which  the  Triumph  was  hauille<l  was  much 
adnnred  by  the  Spaniards.     Duro,  doc.  Ibo,  p.  386. 

'"  It  took  place  off  the  Isle  of  '\\'ight,  anil,  according  to  Mii'anda,  lasted  for  about 
four  hours.     Duro,  doc.  171,  p.  268. 


B 


O 
H 


O      ^ 


s! 


Eh  S- 

w  - 

9  '^ 

^  I 


l-I 


1588.]  THE  Tinnn  hattlk.  573 

"Now,  foiasrauch  as  our  powder  ;\inl  shut  was  well  wasted,  the  lord  ailiiiiral 
tliouglit  it  was  not  good  in  jiolicy  to  assail  tlieiu  any  more  until  their  coming  near  unto 
Dover,  where  he  should  find  the  army '  which  he  hail  left  under  the  conduction  of 
the  I^ird  Henry  Seymour,  and  Sir  \\'illiain  Wynter,  knight,  ready  to  join  with  his 
lordship,  whereby  our  fleet  should  be  much  strenj;tbened ;  ainl,  in  tlie  mcaiitinie,  lieller 
store  of  ammunition  mitiht  be  provideil  from  the  shore. 

"On  Friday,  bcini;  the  20th  of  July,  loSM,  his  lordsldp,  as  well  in  reward  of  tlieir 
goo'd  services  in  these  former  lijjhts,  as  also  for  the  encouragement  of  the  rest,  called  the 
Lord  Thomas  Howard,  the  Lord  Shellield,  Sir  Roger  Towiishend,  Sir  Martin  FroI)iser, 
and  Sir  John  Hawkyns,-  .and  gave  them  all  the  order  of  knighthood  aboard  tlie  Ark. 
All  this  ilay,  and  Saturday,  being  the  27th  of  July,  the  Spaniards  went  always  before 
the  Englisli  army  like  sheep,  during  which  time  the  justices  of  jieace  near  the  sea-coast, 
the  Earl  of  Sussex,  Sir  George  Carey,  and  the  cajitains  of  the  forts  and  castles  along  the 
coast,  sent  us  men,  powder,  shot,  victuals  ,-11111  slii]is  to  aiil  ami  assist  us." 

The    Spanish  version  of   the  same  events,   as  ^iven  in  INIediiia 
Sidonia's  relation,^  runs  : — 

"On  Thursday  [July  2.5th],  the  Feast  of  St.  Domiiiii',  the  Santa  Ana  and  a 
Portuguese  galleon*  were  somewhat  astern,  and  the  enemy  attacked  them  with  great 
fury.  The  galleasses,  the  vessel  of  Don  Alonso  de  Leyva,  and  other  ships  went  to  their 
assistance;  and  the  galleasses  did  so  well  that  they  succeeded  in  I'escuing  them, 
although  surrounded  by  many  of  the  enemy.  While  this  fight  was  in  progress  in  the 
rear,  the  enemy's  admiral,  with  other  large  ships,  attacked  our  flagship,  approaching 
nearer  than  on  the  first  day,  and  firing  their  large  lower-deck  guns."  They  severed 
the  flagship's  mainstay  .and  killed  some  soldiers.  To  the  help  of  the  flagship  came 
the  San  Ltih  (in  which  was  the  cainji-master  Don  Augustiii  Jfexia,  who  checked 
the  enemy),  Juan  Martineii  de  Recalde,  and  the  San  Juan  of  Diego  Flores's  squadron, 
in  which  was  Don  Diego  Enriquez,  together  with  Oquenda.  These  rangeil  themselves 
for  the  protection  of  the  flagship,  though  they  were  prevented  by  the  currents  from 
keeping  together ;  and  other  ships  did  the  same.  Thereupon  the  enemy  retired.  His 
admiral,"  being  much  damaged,  drove  a  little  to  leeward  of  our  fleet.  Our  flagship  cast 
a  boat  towards  her,  as  did  Juan  Martinez  de  Kecalde,  the  San  Juan  de  Siciiia,  the 
flagship  of  the  galleons  of  Castille,  the  Gnni  Oriii,  and  all  the  other  ships  of  our 
Arma<la;  while  the  enemy's  ships  recovered  the  wind,  and  guarded  their  flagship,  which 
was  so  mauled  in  the  action  that  she  struck  her  standard  and  fired  guns  as  signals  of 
distress,  and  was  at  length  toweil  by  eleven  of  the  enemy's  long  boats.  Our  flagship, 
and  the  second  in  command,  and  the  rest  of  the  ships  gained  on  her  so  much  that  the 
enemy  drew  close  about  her  to  support  her,  it  appearing  certain  that  we  would  that  day 
succeed  in  boarding  her,  that  being  the  only  way  to  victory.'  But  at  that  moment  the 
wind  freshened  in  favour  of  the  enemy's  admiral,  and  she  began  to  slip  away  from  us," 


'  J.t:  armament. 
Sir  George  Beeston  was  also  knighted  that  day.     Drake  was  already  a  knight. 

'  Duro,  doc.  165. 

*  Calderon  also  mentions  a  second  vessel,  though  the  English  accounts  say  nothing 
about  her. 

'  It  may  be  that  the  weather  had  iireviously  preventeil  tliem  from  using  these,  the 
lower-deck  ports  of  those  days  being  but  little  raised  above  the  water. 

"  Clearly  not  the  Ar/c,  liagsbip  of  Howard,  but  the  Triumph,  tiag.ship  of  Sir  Jlartin 
Frobiser,  commanding  the  fourth  squadron. 

'  '  Solo  el  remedio  de  la  victoria.'     11.237. 

'  Calderon  says  that  she  sailed  so  fast  that  two  ships  of  the  -Vrmada  in  pursuit  of 
her,  seemed  to  him  to  be,  comparatively  speaking,  .anchored. 


574  THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   THE  SPANISH  ARMADA.  [1568. 

aiul  to  leave  tlie  boats  which  hail  been  towing  her:  ainl  thereupon  the  enemy's  fleet, 
which  had  jireviouHly  fallen  a  little  to  leeward,  recovered  the  wind.  The  duke,  seeing 
that  in  the  intended  attack  the  advantage  would  ino  longer  be  with  us,  and  that  we 
were  near  the  Isle  of  AViglit,  fired  a  gun  and  proceeded  on  his  course,  the  rest  of  the 
Armada  following  in  very  good  order,  and  the  enemy  remaining  far  astern. 

"  The  same  day  the  duke  dispatched  Captain  Pedro  de  Leon  to  Dunquerque,  to  the 
Duke  of  Parma,  to  advise  liim  not  only  of  the  place  where  the  duke  was,  but  also  of  his 
success,  as  also  that  it  was  desirable  that  he  should  come  out  and  join  the  fleet  with  as 
little  delay  as  possible.  The  duke  gave  the  charge  of  the  squadron  of  Don  Pedro  de 
Valdes  to  Don  Diego  Enriquez,  son  of  the  viceroy,  since  he  had  noted  him  to  be  able 
and  careful  in  matters  belonging  to  the  sea. 

"Frida\',  the  2Gth,  broke  calm,  with  the  fleets  in  sight  of  one  another.'  The  duke 
disjiatched  a  pinnace  to  the  Duke  of  Parma,  with  Domingo  Ochoa  as  pilot,  to  obtain  from 
him4-lb.,  6-lb.,  and  10-lb.  shot,  because  much  of  Ids  munition  had  been  expended  in  the 
successive  tights ;  and  begging  him  also  to  send  as  soon  as  possible  forty  fly-boats  to 
join  tlie  Armada,  so  that  with  them  we  might  close  with  the  enemy,  our  ships  beino 
very  heavy  in  comparison  with  those  of  the  enemy,  and  it  being  impossible,  in  conse- 
quence, to  get  at  close  quarters  with  thera.  The  pilot  was  also  to  inform  the  duke  that 
it  would  be  well  for  him  to  be  I'eady  to  come  out  and  join  the  Armada  on  the  day  when 
it  should  arrive  in  sight  of  Dunquerque.  Thither  the  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia  was 
proceeding  cautiously,  fearing  lest  Parma  might  not  be  there,  seeing  that  Don  liodrigo 
Tello  had  not  returned,  nor  had  any  other  messenger  come  thence.  At  sunset  the  wind 
got  up,  and  the  Armada  pursued  a  course  toward  Calais. 

"  On  Saturday,  the  27th,  at  daybreak,  the  two  fleets  were  very  near  one  another,  but 
did  not  fire.  The  Armada  had  a  fair  wind,  and  tha  rear  was  close  up  and  in  excellent 
order.  At  ten  o'clock  we  sighted  that  part  of  the  coast  of  Prance  near  to  Boulogne ;  and 
jjroceeding  towards  Calais,  we  arrived  oft'  that  place  at  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon." 

For  the  third  time  the  fight  was  indecisive  ;  but,  as  before,  the 
balance  of  advantage  turned  in  favour  of  the  Enghsh.  The  Santa 
Ana  was  obhged  to  leave  the  Armada,  which  she  never  again 
rejoined;  and,  by  the  admission  of  a  Spanish  eye-witness,^  the 
English  inflicted  more  damage  than  they  received. 

Plymouth,  Portland,  and  the  Isle  of  Wight  had  previously  been 
considered  in  England  as  likely  places^  for  an  attempted  landing  by 
the  Spaniards.  It  is  curious  that  the  first  three  battles  of  the 
campaign  took  place  off  those  spots ;  but  the  fact  seems  to  be 
a  mere  chain  of  coincidences,  and  nothing  more.  Medina  Sidonia 
certainly  had  no  thought  of  landing,  and  made  no  attempt  to  land, 
at  either  Plymouth  or  Portland  ;  and  although  he  had  thought  at 
one  time  of  seizing  the  Isle  of  Wight,  and,  at  another,  of  remaining 
near  it  until  Parma  should  be  ready  to  join  him,  he  had  before 
July  25th,  surrendered  both  those  ideas.  That  the  fight  of 
July  '25th  ever  became  heavy,  and  to  some  extent  general,  is  far 

'  Several  Spanish  ships  which  drifted  from  the  main  body  of  the  Armada  had  to  be 
towed  back  to  it  by  means  of  their  boats.     Duro,  doc.  It  5. 

'  Duro,  doc.  171.  ^  S.  P.  D.  ccix.  49. 


5. 


< 


o 

o 

w 


a    5- 

H     - 


1588.]  TIIK   HUES  1 1 11'^.  OiO 

more  probably  due  to  the  laet  that  it  was  St.  Dniuinic's  Day,  and 
that  Medina  Sidonia  had  specially  devoted  himself  to  that  saint,' 
in  whose  honour  the  Armada  had  from  early  morning  been  dressed 
with  ilags. 

The  official  EngHsh  story  in  '  A  Kc^lation  of  Proceedings,'-  is 
continued  as  follows  : — 

"On  Saturiby  [July  27tli],  in  the  evening,'  the  SpaniKli  Heet  came  near  untu  Calais 
on  the  coast  of  Plcardy,  ami  there  smldenly  came  to  an  anclior  over  a<;ainst,  betwixt 
Calais  and  Calais  Cliffs;  and  our  English  Heet  anrlKJied  short  ol'  them,  within  culverin 
shot  of  the  enemy. 

"The  Spaniards  sent  notice  of  tlieir  arrival  presently  untu  the  Puke  I'l'  I'arma,  hut, 
because  there  should  be  no  time  detracted  to  permit  their  forces  to  join,  the  lord 
ailmiral,  the  28th  of  .July,  15H8,  about  luidiught,  caused  eight  shijis*  to  be  tired  and 
let  drive  amongst  the  Spanish  fleet ;  whereupon  they  were  forceil  to  slip  or  cut  cables  at 
half  and  to  set  sail.  By  reason  of  which  fire  the  chief  galleass''  came  foul  of  anotlier 
ship's  cable  and  brake  her  rudder,  by  means  whereof  he  was  forceil  the  next  day  to  row 
ashore  near  the  haven's  mouth  and  town  of  Calais;  whereupon  the  lord  ailmiral  sent 
his  long  boat,  under  the  charge  of  Amyas  Preston,"  gentleman,  his  lieutenant,  and  with 
liiin  Mr.  Thomas  Gerard'  and  "Mr.  [William]  Harvey,"  together  with  other  gentlemen, 
his  lordship's  followers  and  servants,  who  took  her''  and  had  the  spoil  of  her.  There 
entered  into  her  above  one  hundred  Knglishmen.  And  for  that  she  was  aground  and 
sewed'"  two  foot,  and  could  not  be  gotten  otT,  they  left  her  to  Jlonsr.  (iourdan,  Captain 
of  Calais,  where  she  lieth  sunk." 

"Now  that  the  Lord  Henry  Seymour  ami  Sir  William  Wyntcr  were  joined  with  us, 
our  fleet  was  near  about  one  hundred  and  forty  sail,'''  of  ships,  barks  and  pinnaces,  etc. 
During  the  time  that  this  galleass  was  iu  taking  by  the  lord  admiral,"  Sir  Francis 


'  Duro,  doc.  171,  J..  281.  ^  Cott.  MS.  .lulius,  V.  x.  111-117. 

'  Lord  Henry  Seymour  and  Sir  ^Villiam  AVynter  joined  the  conuuandcr-in-chief 
that  evening  ofl'  Calais  at  about  8  r.M.     S.  I*.  Dom.  cc.xiv.  7 ;  ccxiv.  2. 

■*  While  Howard  was  discussing  this  scheme  with  ^\'vnter,  the  Ark  narrowly 
escaped  being  run  down  by  the  Bntr  and  three  other  ships.  S.  P.  Dom.  ccxiv.  7, 
Carleton  says  that  the  fireships  were  commanded  by  Yonge  an<l  Prowse. 

'  The  San  Lorenzo.     She  became  a  complete  wreck. 

*  Wounded  on  this  service ;  commanded  an  expedition  to  the  Spanish  ^lain  in 
]5!)5;  was  captain  of  the  Ark  in  the  exiiediticm  to  Cadiz  in  15tlG,  when  he  was 
knighted. 

"  Probably  created  Baron  (ierard  in  100.3.  If  so,  eldest  son  of  Sir  Gilbert  Gerard, 
Master  of  the  Bolls. 

"  Knighted  at  Cadiz  in  159G  :  cajitain  of  the  I'oiniventure  in  1.5'.i7. 

°  Captain  William  Coxe,  of  the  Deliijlit,  was  the  first  to  board  her.  Ho  seems  to 
have  been  killed  in  the  tight  off  Gravelines.     S.  P.  Dom.  ccxiv.  7. 

'"  "Sewed  two  foot,"  ij'.,  aground  in  water  two  feet  too  shallow  to  tloat  her. 

"  Don  Hugo  de  Monc.ada,  connuanding  the  galleasses,  was  killed  in  this  figlit. 
Gourdan  drove  the  English  away. 

'-  "There  were  but  fifteen  of  these  whicli  bore  the  burden  of  the  battle."  Carleton: 
'  Thankful  Remembrance.' 

'■'  Howard  conunitted  an  error  in  wasting  time  over  the  stranded  galleass;  for 
Medina  Sidonia  ami  Parma  were  so  chise  to  one  another,  that  it  had  become  imjicrative 
to  concentrate  all  efforts  for  a  decisive  victory  over  the  Armada. 


576  THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   THE   SPANISH  ARMADA.  [1588. 

Drake,  in  the  Itevcnge,  acconii)aiiieil  with  i\Ir.  Thomas  Fenner  in  the  Nonpareil,  anil 
tlie  rest  of  his  squadron,  set  upon  tlie  fleet  of  Spain  and  scare  them  a  sliarp  figlit.  And 
witliin  sliort  time  Sir  Jolin  Hawkyus,  in  the  Victory,  accompanied  with  Mr.  Edward 
Feuton,  in  the  Mary  Base,  Sir  George  Beeston,  in  tlie  Dreadnought,  Mr.  Richard 
Hawkyns,  in  the  Sirallou;  and  the  rest  of  the  ships  appointed  to  his  squadron,  bare 
with  the  midst  of  the  Spanish  army ;  and  there  continued  a  hot  assault  all  that  ^ 
forem>on.  Sir  George  Beeston  behaved  himself  valiantly.  This  fight  continued  hotly  ; ' 
and  then  came  the  lord  admiral,  the  Lord  Thomas  Howard,  the  Lord  Sheffield,  near 
the  place  where  the  Victory  had  been  before,  where  these  noblemen  did  very  valiantly. 
Astern  of  these  was  a  .  great  galleon  ^  assailed  by  the  Earl  of  Cumberland  and 
Mr.  George  Baymond,'  in  the  Donaventure,  most  worthily ;  and,  being  also  beaten 
with  the  Lord  Henry  Seymour,  in  the  llainhom,  and  Sir  AVilliam  Wynter,*  in  the 
Vanguard,  yet  she  recovered  into  the  fleet.  Notwithstanding,  that  night  she  departed 
from  the  army  and  was  sunk. 

"After  this,  Mr.  Edward  Fenton,  in  the  Mary  Bose,  and  a  galleon  encountered  eacli 
other,  the  one  standing  to  the  eastward  and  the  other  to  the  westward,  so  close  as  they 
could  conveniently  one  pass  by  another,  wherein  the  captain  and  company  did  very 
well.  Sir  Robert  Southwell  that  day  did  worthily  behave  himself,  as  he  had  done 
many  times  before ;  so  did  Mr.  Robert  Crosse,^  in  the  Hope,  and  most  of  the  rest  of  the- 
captains  and  gentlemen.  This  day  did  the  Lord  Henry  Seymour  and  Sir  William 
Wynter  so  batter  two  of  the  greatest  armados  °  that  they  were  constrained  to  seek  the 
coast  of  Flanders,  and  were  afterwards,  being  distressed  and  spoiled,  taken  by  the 
Zeelanders  and  carried  into  Flushing.  In  this  fight  it  is  known  that  tliere  came  to 
their  end  sundry  of  the  Spanish  ships  besides  many  others  unknown  to  us." 

The  Spanish  story'  of  the  occurrences  off  Calais  and  GrayeUnes, 
as  set  forth  in  the  relation  of  Medina  Sidonia,  is  as  follows : — 

"There  were  divers  opinions  as  to  whether  we  should  anchor  there"  (off  Calais), 
"  or  sliould  proceed  further ;  but  the  duke,  learning  from  the  pilots  who  were  with  him 
that  if  he  went  further  the  currents  would  force  him  out  of  the  English  Channel  an<l 
into  the  North  Sea,  decided  to  anchor  off"  Calais,  seven  leagues  from  Dunquerque, 
whence  the  Duke  of  Parma  might  join  him.  At  five  o'clock,  therefore,  in  the  after- 
noon,' order  was  given  for  the  whole  fleet  to  anchor;  and  the  duke  sent  Captain 
Heredia'  to  visit  Monsieur  de  Gourdan,  Governor  of  Calais,  not  only  to  advise  him  of 
the  cause  of  our  presence  there,  but  also  to  assure  him  of  our  friendship  and  good 
intentions.  This  evening  thirty-six  ships  joined  the  enemy,  whereof  five  were  large 
galleons.     This  was  supposed  to  be  the  squadron  which  Juan  Acles '"  had  had  under 


'  July  29th,  off  Gravelines.  The  Spaniards  were  in  half-moon  formation,  with  the 
admiral  and  large  ships  in  the  centre,  and  the  galleasses,  Portuguese  galleons,  etc.,  to 
the  number  of  about  sixteen,  on  each  wing.  S.  P.  Dom.  ccxv.  77 ;  ccxiv.  7.  But  tlie 
exigencies  of  the  fight  seem  to  have  quickly  destroyed  all  formation. 

^  Probably  the  Orau  Grin. 

'  Lost  captain  of  the  Penelope,  1591. 

*  Wynter  was  wounded  in  the  hip,  by  the  overturning  of  a  demi-cannon.  S.  P. 
Dom.  ccxiv.  7. 

*  Knighted  at  Cadiz,  1596.  *  The  San  Felipe  and  San  Mateo. 
'  Duro,  doc.  165.                                            '  Of  July  27th. 

'  Pedro  de  Heredia,  attached  to  the  duke's  staff  in  the  San  Martin. 
'"  "Acles"   was   the   Spanish   name   for   Hawkyus.      The   supposition   about    the 
squadron  was,  as  we  know,  incorrect. 


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ir)88.]  THE  A 11  MAD  A    IX   CONFUSION.  .077 

liis  iliar^'e  liel'ore  l)iiiii|Uoi-<|iit'.  'I'liuy  all  aiiclmrtil  abuut  a  Ica^uu  IVoiii  Dur  Armaila. 
That  night  Caiitaiu  Heieilia  letiiincd  from  (.'alais,  anil  Baid  that  the  governor  juade 
^reat  offers  of  service  on  the  part  of  his  majesty,  anil  showed  his  <;<>od\vilI  by  offerinj; 
the  same  on  his  own  part.  'I'hat  night  also  the  didie  sent  the  secretary  Arceo  to  the 
Duke  of  I'arma,  to  apprise  him  of  the  place  where  he  then  was,  and  of  the  fiict  that  he 
cc)\dil  not  wait  there  without  imiierilliiijj  the  entire  Armada. 

"On  Sunday,  July  28tli,  at  dtiwn,  ('a|itain  Don  Hodrigo  Telln  arrived,  coming  from 
Dunquerqiie.  The  duke  (of  Medina  Sidonia)  had  sent  him  away  on  the  llUh  of  tiie 
month,  lie  rcjHirtcd  that  tlie  duke  (of  I'arma)  was  at  IJruges,  whither  he  had  proceeded 
to  him;  and  that,  altliouifli  he  had  shown  great  satisfaction  at  the  news  of  tlie  arrival 
of  the  Armivla,  yet,  on  the  evening  of  the  27th,  when  Telio  had  ipiitted  Duiniuerque, 
the  duke  had  not  appeared  there,  and  that  neither  men  nor  stores  were  being  embarked. 

"That  day;  in  the  morning,  the  Governor  of  Calais  sent  his  nepliew,  with  a  jiresent 
of  refreshments,  to  visit  the  duke,  and  to  inform  lum  that  the  neighbourliood  wlicie  iie 
had  anchored  was  very  dangerous  to  remain  in,  because  the  currents  and  couiitciscts  of 
that  channel  were  extremely  strong.  The  duke,  seeing  the  goodwill  of  the  fiovenior  nf 
Calais,  sent  the  jiurvcyor-general,  Bernabe  de  Tedroso,  to  buy  victuals.  VVitii  liiui 
went  the  comptroller.  That  night  likewise  tlie  duke  sent  Don  Jorge  JIanri(itie  to  the 
Duke  of  Parma  to  m-ge  him  to  come  out  six^edily.  On  the  Sunday  night  the  secretary 
Arceo  sent  a  man  from  Dunquerque  to  report  that  the  Duke  of  Parma  ha.l  not  arrived 
there,  that  the  stores  were  not  embarked,  and  that  in  Ids  view  it  was  inipossible  tliat 
things  could  all  be  got  ready  in  less  than  a  fortnight. 

"On  Simday,  at  sunset,  nine  ships  joined  the  enemy,  and  at  their  coming  a  r;qnadron 
of  twenty-six  ships  moved  nearer  to  the  laml.'  This  caused  us  to  susjiect  that  they 
had  arrived  with  some  intention  of  employing  tire;  wherefore  the  duke  onlered  Captain 
Serrano  to  go  away  in  a  pinnace,  taking  with  him  an  anchor  and  cable,  so  that,  if  any 
tireship  should  be  directed  at  us,  he  might  tow  her  ashore.  The  duke  also  sent  to  warn 
all  the  ships  to  be  on  their  guard,  and,  for  that  purpose,  to  have  both  men  and  boats 
ready.  At  midnight  two  fires  were  seen  burning  in  the  Englisli  fleet.  'I'hese  increased 
to  eight  ;^  and  suddeidy  eight  sliips  with  sails  set,  and  wind  and  tide  beliind  them, 
came  direct  towards  our  flagship  and  the  rest  of  our  fleet.  All  were  burning  fiercely. 
The  duke  seeing  that,  as  they  drew  near,  our  men  did  not  arrest  them,  and  tearing  lest 
they  nuglit  be  explosion  vessels,  weighed,  and  ordered  the  rest  of  the  Armada  to  do  tlie 
same,''  designing,  when  the  fire  should  have  passed  by,  to  return  and  take  iqi  the  same 
station.  The  commander  of  the  galleasses,^  wliile  keeping  clear  of  one  ship,  drilted  on 
board  the  Sua  Juan  de  .Sicilia,  and  so  damaged  herself  that  she  had  to  remain  close  to 
the  shore.  'I'he  current  was  so  strong,  and  drove  our  Armada  in  such  a  manner,  that 
although  the  flagship  and  several  of  the  vessels  near  her  anchored  again  and  fired  a  gun, 
the  rest  did  not  see  them,  and  were  carried  as  far  as  off  Dunquerque. 

"  On  Monday,  the  29th,  at  daybreak,  the  <luke,  perceiving  that  his  fleet  was  very 
far  off,  and  that  the  enemy  was  coming  up  under  a  jiress  of  sail,  weiglicd  U)  collect  his 
ships,  and,  with  them,  to  recover  station.  The  wind  was  N.W.,''  and  strom;,  blowing 
nearly  straight  on   to  the  coast,  and  the  enemy's  fleet  of  one  hundred  and  thirty-six 

'  The  Knglish  accounts  have  no  mention  of  these  movements. 

-  Of  the  fireships,  which  cost  £5100,  five  were:  the  T/kiiiius  [Did/,!], '100  toi;s; 
Bark  Tiillinl,  200  tons;  Hdt-k  Jioud,  150  tons;  Ilupe  IJ/aivKi/im'],  180  tons;  and  Bear 
YiiiKje,  140  tons.  S.  P.  Doin.  ccxvi.  18,  ii.  'I'he  rest,  among  which  was  the  EUzahcOi, 
of  Lowestoft,  were  probably  smaller. 

'  Many  of  the  ships  undou\)tedly  cut  or  slipped  tlieir  cables,  and  so  were  unprepared 
to  re-anchor  later. 

*  I.e.  his  ship,  the  San  Lorenzo. 

'-  Wynter  says  R.S.W.,  and  later  W.X.W.     S.  P.  Doni.  ccxiv.  7. 

VOL.   I.  2  p 


578  THE    CAMPAIGN   OF   THE   SPANISH  ABMADA.  [I58H. 

hliijis  came  mi  so  fast  with  both  wind  ami  tide  in  its  favour,  tliat  the  dul^e,  whu  was  in 
tlie  rear,  chose  rather  to  save  his  Armada  by  awaiting  the  enemy's  attack,  tlian  to  bear 
away ;  for  bearing  away  would  be  destruction,  seeing  that,  as  the  pilots  assured  liim, 
the  Armada  was  already  very  near  the  shoals  of  Dunquerque.  He  therefore  cast  about 
to  meet  the  enemy,  and  fired  guns  and  dispatched  pinnaces  to  order  all  tlie  ships  to 
ieep  a  close  luft',  unless  they  would  drive  amid  the  shoals  of  Dunquerqiie.  The 
enemy's  admiral,  with  the  greater  part  of  liis  fleet,  attacked  our  tlagship  witli  a  heavy 
fire  delivered  within  musket,  and  even  within  arquebuss,  shot;  and  tliis  went  on 
without  cessation  from  daj'break ;  nor  did  the  flagship  bear  away  until  our  fleet  was 
clear  of  the  shoals.  During  tlie  whole  time,  the  galleon  San  Marcos,  in  whicli  was  tlie 
Marcpiis  de  Penafiel,  remained  by  the  admiral. 

"The  commander  of  the  galleasses,'  not  being  able  to  follow  our  fleet,  made  for 
Calais,  and  ran  himself  ashore  near  the  entrance  of  the  port,  whither  several  of  the 
enemy  followed  him.  It  is  reported  that  the  French  in  the  fortress  of  Calais  covered 
the  galleass  with  the  fire  of  their  guns,  and  that  her  people  reached  the  land. 

"Don  Alonso  de  Leyva  and  Juan  Martinez  de  Kecalde,  the  flagship  of  Oquendo,  all 
tlie  ships  of  the  camp-masters,  Castillian  as  well  as  Portuguese,  the  flagship  of  Diego 
Flores,  that  of  Bertendona,  the  galleon  San  Juan,  of  the  squadron  of  Diego  Flores,  in 
which  was  Don  Diego  Enrique?.,^  and  the  San  Juan  de  Sicilia,  in  which  was  Don 
Diego  Tellez  F.nriquez,'  sustained  the  enemy's  onset  as  stoutly  as  was  possible;  and  in 
consequence  all  their  vessels  were  very  much  mauled,  and  almost  reduced  to  silence,  tlie 
greater  part  of  them  being  without  shot  for  their  guns.  In  the  rear,''  Don  Francisco  de 
Toledo ''  awaited  the  attack  and  endeavoured  to  grapple  with  the  enemy,  whose  vessels 
engagetl  him,  an<l,  by  tlieir  gunfire,  brought  liim  to  great  extremity.  Don  Diego 
Pimentel ''  went  to  his  assistance,  and  botli  were  liard  jiressed ;  upon  ■which  Juan 
Martinez  de  liecalde,  with  Don  Augustin  Mexia,  went  to  their  help  and  rescue<l  tliem 
from  their  difficulties.  In  spite  of  their  experience,  tliese  vessels  returned,  and  again 
attacked  the  enemy,  as  did  Don  Alonso  de  Luzon,'  and  the  Santa  Maria  de  Begona," 
in  wliich  was  Garibay,  and  the  San  Juan  de  Sicilia,  in  which  was  Don  Diego  Tellez 
Enriquez.  These  drew  near  to  the  enemy's  ships  to  board  them,  but  failed  to  grapple 
with  them,  they  using  their  great  guns  at  very  short  range,  and  our  men  returning  the 
fire  with  arqueliuss  and  musket." 

"When  the  duke  heard  the  arquebuss  and  musketry  fire  in  the  rear,'"  but  could  not, 
owing  to  the  smoke,  see  from  the  top  what  was  the  occasion  of  it,  except  tliat  two  sliijis 
of  ours  were  surrounded  by  the  enemy,  and  tliat  the  whole  English  fleet,  having  quitted 
our  flagsliip,  was  engaging  them,  he  ordered  the  flagship  to  cast  about  for  their 
assistance,  although  she  was  badly  mauled  by  great  shot  between  wind  and  water,  it 
not  being  possible  to  stop  her  leak,  and  although  her  rigging  was  much  damaged.  Yet 
when  the  enemy  saw  our  flagship  approaching,  he  left  the  ships  which  he  was  engaging, 
namely,  the  ships  of  Don  Alonso  de  Luzon,  of  Garibay,  of  Don  Francisco  de  Toledo,  of 
Don  Diego  Pimentel,  and  of  Don  Diego  Tellez  Enriquez.  The  last  three"  of  these  liad 
been  most  closely  and  warmly  occupied  with  tlie  enemy,  had  all  suft'ered  great  damage, 
and  were  unfit  for  service,  all  their  people  being  killed  or  wounded  ; '-  and  only  tlie  slii]. 


'  III  the  Sail  Lorenzo.  -  Son  of  the  Viceroy  of  Peru. 

■'  Son  of  the  Conimendator.  *  I.e.  on  the  Spanish  right  wing. 

''  In  the  San  Felipe.  "  In  the  Sun  Mafeo. 

'  In  tiie  Trinidad  Valencera.  "  In  the  list,  N.  S.  de  Ber/oua. 

^  Sliot  and  powder  for  their  heavy  guns  were  probably  exhausted.     Tliis  was 
I'.M.     Duvo,  ii.  docs.  261,  28-4,  390. 
'"  I.e.  the  Spanish  right  wing. 

"  San  Felipe,  San  Mateo,  and  San  Juan  de  Sicilia. 
'2  /.(■.  iirobably  nearly  all.     Duro,  doc.  168,  p.  202. 


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1588.]  Tilt:  FIGHT  OFF  GRAVELINES.  579 

of  Don  Diego  'IVlIe/,  Enrique/.,'  in  (ipitc  of  Ijcr  iiijiiiies,  niaiU-  sliil't  tu  follow  us.  'I'lie 
duke  collected  liis  licet,  ami  the  eiRMuy  ilid  the  Kinie. 

"  The  duke  ordered  boats  to  j;o  to  hrinf;  away  the  jieople  from  the  .S'a«  Felipe  an<l 
Sail  Mateo;  and  hy  this  means  all  the  iieople  were  taken  out  of  the  San  Mateo,  but 
Don  Dicfio  Pinientel  ilecliiied  to  leave  the  ship,  and  sentilXm  Uodrigo  de  Vivero  and 
Don  Luis  Vanegas  to  the  duke  to  licf;  him  to  send  some  one  tu  see  if  it  were  not  ]K)ssible 
to  save  her ;  whercuiwn  tlie  duke  sent  a  pilot  and  a  diver  from  this  itallcon,^  thousli  there 
was  much  risk  in  sparing  the  latter ;  yet  in  consequence  of  the  lateness  of  the  hour  and 
of  the  sea  being  very  heavy,  they  could  not  reach  the  San  Mateo,  and  only  saw  iier  at 
a  distance,  drifting  towards  Zeeland.^ 

"The  galleon  San  FeHpe  got  alongsiile  tlie  hulk  Bimnlln*  into  wliirh  all  her  jieoplc 
had  made  their  way,  when  Don  Francisco,  who  was  on  board  of  lier,  lieard  a  cry  that 
the  hulk  was  sinking.  l'iK>n  this,  (_'aptain  .1  nan  Poza  de  Santiso  leapt  back  into  the 
San  Felipe,  as  diii  also  Dun  Francisco  de  Toledo,''  which  was  a  great  mishap,  for  the 
hulk  was  not  indeed  shiking;  and  Don  Francisco  was  carried  in  the  San  Felipe 
towards  Zeeland,'^  while  the  duke  understood  that  he  andjall  his  jieoplc  were  safe  on 
board  the  hulk  Doncella.  'I'he  sea  was  so  high  that  nothing  more  could  be  done;  noi- 
could  the  damage  done  to  the  flagship  by  great  shot  be  repaired,  so  that  she  ran  risk  of 
being  lost." 

"That  day  the  duke  had  ilesircd  tu  turn  un  the  enemy  with  the  whole  of  the 
Armada,  rather  than  leave  the  Channel,  but  the  pilots  told  him  that  this  was  imiHissible, 
liecause  with  sea  and  wind  setting  upon  the  coast  direct  from  the  north-west,  it  was 
aVisolutely  necessary  eitlier  to  go  into  the  North  Sea  or  tu  let  the  entire  Armada  drive 
un  to  the  shoals.  Thus,  leaving  tlie  t'hannel  was  inevitable.  Moreover,  nearly  all  the 
best  ships  were  unfit,  and  imablc  to  resist  longer,  firstly  on  account  of  the  damage 
which  they  had  receiveil,"  and  secondly  because  they  had  no  shot  for  their  guns." 

The  battle  off  Gravelines  was  really  the  decisive  action  of  the 
campaign.  The  direction  of  the  wind,  which  put  the  Spaniards  on 
a  lee  shore,  was  most  favourable  for  the  tactics  which  Howard  had 
pursued  from  the  beginning.  His  policy  was  to  concentrate  ships 
upon  stragglers  lying  to  leeward  of  him,  and  to  cripple  or  cut  them 
off.      Howard,  however,   did   not  at  once  grasp  the  nature  of  his 

'  San  Juan  de  Sieilia.  ^  The  flagship  San  Martin. 

'  She  made  a  jioint  between  Sluis  and  Ostend,  and  on  July  31st  she  was  attackeil 
there  by  three  men-of-war,  and,  after  a  two  hours'  tight,  surrendered.  Holland,  hi. 
Borlas  to  Walsyngham.  She  .and  the  <S'a»  J^V^jpc  apjjear  to  have  been  taken  by  ships 
of  North  Holland,  under  (_'uunt  .Justinus  of  Nassau,  .assisted  by  a  few  English  small 
craft.     Kyllygrew  to  Walsyngham. 

*  "La  urea  Dnnrella." 

"  Preferring,  if  he  nuist  die,  tu  perish  with  liis  uwn  ship.     Duro,  doc.  1G8. 

*  The  San  Felipe  drove  ashore  on  .July  ;>lst,  Ix-tween  Ostend  and  Nieuiwrt,  whitlier 
the  officers  escajied.    Both  the  aSV//(  Felipe  and  the  San  Mateo  were  taken  into  Flushing. 

'  Vanegas  says  that  she  was  struck  one  hundred  times,  but  only  mentions  twelve 
soldiers  as  killed  and  twenty  as  wounded.     Duro,  doc.  185,  ]).  392. 

'  The  losses  in  men  are  put  by  A'anegas  at  six  hundred  killetl  and  eight  hundied 
wounded.  Duro,  doc.  168,  p.  263.  Kich.  Tomson,  writing  on  July  30th,  says:  "Of  flic 
one  hundretl  and  twenty-four  sail  that  they  were  in  Calais  Koad,  we  cannot  now  And 
by  any  account  above  eighty-six  ships  and  pinnaces."  S.  P.  Dom.  ccxiii.  67.  The 
English  losses  in  men,  apart  IVuiu  losses  by  sickness,  do  not  apjicar  to  have  exceeded 
sixty  in  the  whole  camjiaign.     Fenner  tu  Walsyngham,  S.  P.  Dum.  ccxiv.  27. 

2  p  2 


580  THE    CAMPAIGN   OF   THE   SPANISH  ARMADA.  [1588. 

success.  "  Their  force,"  he  wrote  to  Walsyngham,  "is  wonderfully 
great  and  strong ;  and  yet  we  pluck  their  feathers  by  little  and 
little."  ^  But  that  it  should  be  more  or  less  decisive  was  entirely  in 
accordance  with  Howard's  plans ;  for  he  had  deliberately  deter- 
mined, if  possible,  to  postpone  a  general  engagement  until  after  the 
junction  with  him  of  Seymour  and  Wynter.  Drake  was  a  little 
more  clear-sighted.  "  God,"  he  wrote  to  Walsyngham,  "  hath 
given  us  so  good  a  day  in  forcing  the  enemy  so  far  to  leeward, 
as  I  hope  in  God  the  Prince  of  Parma  and  the  Duke  of  Sidonia  shall 
not  shake  hands  this  few  days ;  and  whensoever  they  shall  meet, 
I  believe  neither  of  them  wull  greatly  rejoice  of  this  day's  service." - 
Neither  Drake  nor  Howard  can  have  known  that  many  ships  of  the 
Armada  had  no  cannon  shot  left;^  and  both,  no  doiibt,  overrated  the 
amount  of  fight  still  left  in  the  Spaniards.  That  Gravelines  had 
destroyed  the  moral  of  the  enemy  did  not  become  apparent  until 
several  days  afterwards,  when,  making  no  attempt  to  return  for 
Panua,  and  so  abandoning  its  main  object,  the  Armada  was  fairly 
on  its  hazardous  course  of  saiive  qui  pent  round  Scotland. 

On  Tuesday,  July  30th,  Howard  ordered  Lord  Henry  Seymour* 
and  Sir  William  AVynter  to  return  to  the  Narrow  Seas  to  guard 
the  coasts  there  against  any  raids  which  might  be  attempted  by 
Parma  or  others ;  and  with  the  main  body  of  the  fleet  he  followed 
the  Spaniards,  determining  to  pursue  them  "until  they  should 
come  so  far  northward  as  the  Frith  in  Scotland,  if  they  should  bend 
themselves  that  way."^  The  squadrons  parted  company  between 
seven  and  eight  o'clock  on  the  evening  of  Wednesday,*  being  then 
apparently  on  the  line  between  Lowestoft  and  the  Brielle  ;  but  the 
fonnal  resolution  to  chase  as  far  northward  as  the  latitude  of  the 
Frith  of  Forth  was  not  come  to  until  Thm-sday,  August  1st,'  when 
a  council  of  war  agreed  to  the  project.  Seymour's  squadron  thence- 
forward consisted  of  the  Vanguard,  Rainbow,  Antelope,  Bull,  Tiger, 
Tremontana,  Scout,  Achates,  Merlin,  Sun,  Cijgnet,  George,  and 
Captain  William  Borough's  galley,  besides  merchant  vessels.* 

The  decision  to  pursue  as  far  as  the  Frith  of  Forth  was  not 
carried  out,  it  becoming  clear  to  Howard  that  the  Spaniards  had 

'  S.  r.  Doni.  ccxiii.  64.     .July  •JOtli.  -  //).  eoxiii.  Co.     July  29th. 

'  Wynter,  however,  suspected  the  truth. 

*  To  the  great  disgust  of  Seymour,  as  expressed  in  his  letters. 

■■  Cott.  MS.  Julius,  F.  X.  Ili-IIT.  "  S.  P.  Dom.  ecxiv.  2,  7. 

'  B.  M.  Addit.  MS.  33,740,  f.  6.  «  S.  V.  Dom.  ccxiv.  6. 


1588.]  TIIK   a II A  UK   TO    THE  XOIiTIIWA£D.  58 1 

no  designs  on  Scotland,  and  were  only  endeavourincj  to  make  the 
best  of  their  way  home  round  Scotland  and  Ireland. 

"Wlien,"'  saya'A.  Kdiitiun  uf  I'lweeiliiigK,' '  "we  were  come  into  55  tlcgrces  ami 
13  minutes  to  tlie  uortliw.ard,  :!0  leagues  east  of  Newcastle,  the  lord  admiral  determined 
to  light  with  them  again  on  the  Friilay,  being  the  2nd  of  August ;  but  by  some  advice 
and  counsel  his  lordship  stayed  that  determination,  jiartly  because  we  saw  their  course 
lUid  meaning  was  only  to  get  aw.ay  that  way  to  the  northwanl  to  save  themselves, 
and  partly  also  for  that  many  of  our  fleet  were  unprovided  of  victuals;  for  our  supply, 
which  her  majesty  had  most  carefully  provided  and  caused  to  be  in  readiness,  knew 
not  where  to  seek  us.  Tt  was  therefore  conclu<led  tliat  we  should  leave  the  Spanish 
fleet,  and  direct  our  course  for  the  Fritli  in  Scotland,  as  well  for  the  refreshing  of  our 
victuals  as  also  for  the  j)crforming  of  some  other  business  which  the  lord  admiral 
thouglit  convenient  to  be  done;  but  the  wind  coming  contrary — viz.,  westerly — the 
next  day  the  lord  admiral  altered  his  course,  and  returned  back  again  for  Englaml 
with  his  whole  army,-  whereof  some  recovered  the  Downs,  some  Harwich,'  and  some 
Yarmoutli,  almut  the  7th  of  August,  1588."' 

The  Spanish  account  of  what  befell  the  Annada  after  Gravelines 
is  here  continued  from  the  relation  of  Medina  Sidonia  : — * 

"On  Tuesday,  July  30th,  the  eve  of  San  Lorenzo,  .at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
the  wind  freshened,  so  that  our  command,  though  it  had  remained  in  hoi>e  of  returning 
to  the  Channel,  was  driven  towards  the  coast  of  Zeeland,  in  spite  of  the  foct  that  it  kept 
as  close  a  hiff  as  possible.  At  break  of  day  the  N.W.  wind  was  not  so  strong.  The 
enemy's  fleet  of  one  hundred  and  nine  sail  was  visible  astern,  little  more  than  half  a 
league  distant.  Our  flagship  remained  in  the  rear  with  .Juan  Martinez  de  Kecalde  and 
Don  Alonso  de  Leyva,  and  the  galleasses,  and  the  galleons  ,Saii  Marcos  and  San  Juan, 
of  the  squadron  of  Diego  Floi-es,  the  rest  of  our  fleet  being  far  to  leeward.  The  enemy's 
ships  stood  towards  our  flagship,  winch  lay  to ;  tlie  galleasses  also  awaited  them,  as  did 
too  the  other  ships  in  the  rear;  whereuixm  the  enemy  brought  to.  The  duke  flred  two 
guns  to  collect  his  Armada,  and  sent  a  pinnace  with  a  pilot  to  order  his  ships  to  kecii  a 
close  luft',  seeing  that  they  were  very  near  the  banks  of  Zeelaud.  For  the  same  cause, 
the  enemy  remained  aloof,  understanding  that  the  Armada  must  be  lost ;  for  the  pilots 
on  board  the  flagship,  men  of  exiierience  on  that  coast,  told  the  duke  at  the  time  that 
it  would  not  be  possible  to  save  a  single  sldp  of  the  Armada,  ami  that  with  the  wind  at 
N.W.,  as  it  was,  every  one  must  needs  go  on  the  banks  of  Zeeland,  God  alone  being 
able  to  jirevent  it.  The  fleet  being  in  this  danger,  with  no  kind  of  way  of  escaiie,  and 
in  six  and  a-half  fathoms  of  water,  Go<l  w.as  jileascd  to  change  the  wind  to  W.S.W. ; 
and  with  it  the  fleet  stood  to  the  northward,  without  damage  to  any  vessel,  the  duke 
having  sent  orders  to  every  ship  to  follow  the  motions  of  the  flagship,  at  peril  of  driving 
un  the  banks  of  Zeeland. 

"That  evening  the  duke  summoned  on  board  the  generals  and  Don  Ahinso  de 
Leyva,  to  consider  what  was  best  to  be  done;  ami  having  explained  the  state  of  the 

•  Cott.  MS.  Juhus,  F.  X.  111-117. 

^  Except  "certain  pinnaces"  ordered  "to  dog  the  lleet  until  they  should  be  past  the 
isles  of  Scotland." 

"  The  following  reached  Harwich  on  August  8th:  II7((7»-  lUar,  Vidory,  Nonpareil, 
Hope,  Siri/tsun;  Furesiyht,  Mood,  ]nile  Lion,  and  Dimliiiit,  with  twenty-six  ships  of 
London.     S.  P.  Dom.  ccxiv.  4(>. 

■•  Duro,  .U)c.  105  (ii.  228). 


582  TEE   CAMPAIGN   OF   THE   SPANISH  ARMADA.  [1588. 

Armada  and  the  lack  of  shot— foi-  which  all  the  largest  sliips  had  made  demands — he 
ilesired  them  to  s.ay  whether  it  would  lie  best  to  turn  back  to  the  English  Channel,  or, 
seeing  that  the  Duke  of  Parma -had  not  sent  word  that  he  would  soon  be  able  to  come 
but,  to  return  to  Spain  by  the  Xorth  Sea.  The  council  was  unanimously  of  opinion 
that  the  Armada  should  return  to  the  Channel,  if  the  wind  permitted ;  but  that,  if  not, 
it  should,  under  the  stress  of  weather,  return  by  the  North  Sea  to  Spain,  there  being 
great  lack  of  provisions  in  the  fleet,  and  the  vessels  that  had  previously  withstood  the 
enemy  being  damaged  and  unfit  for  service.  The  wind,  coming  from  S.S.W.,  continued 
to  increase,  and  the  duke  stood  to  seaward,  the  enemy's  fleet  following  him.'' ' 

"As  to  the  fighting,  and  the  turning  to  relieve  and  assist  his  ships,  and  the  awaiting 
tlie  attack  of  the  enemy,  the  duke  took  counsel  with  the  camp-master,  Don  Francisco 
lie  Bobadilla,  whom,  on  account  of  his  many  years'  experience  of  war  by  land  and  sea, 
lie  had  ordered  at  Corunna  to  go  on  board  the  flagshij),  and  to  quit  the  San  Marcos  of 
the  same  squadron.  The  Marijuis  de  Pehafiel,  who  also  was  in  the  San  Marcos,  had 
remained  there,  not  desiring,  by  removing  to  the  flagship,  to, leave  the  gentlemen  who 
were  with  him.  On  the  question,  however,  of  the  conduct  of  the  fleet,  and  of  matters 
relating  to  the  sea,  the  duke  had  the  advice  of  the  general  Diego  Flores,  whom  also  he 
had  caused  to  remove  into  the  fiagshiji,  he  being  one  of  the  oldest  and  most  experienced 
ofticers  in  sea  affairs. 

"On  Wednesday,  -July  31st,' the  Armada  jiursued  its  course  with  a  strong  wind 
from  the  S.W.  and  a  high  sea,  the  enemy's  fleet  continuing  to  follow  it.  In  the  evening 
the  wind  decreased,  and  the  enemy,  under  all  sail,  closed  with  our  rear;  whereujion  the 
duke,  there  being  few  ships  in  the  rear  with  Juan  Martinez  de  Eecalde,  struck  his 
topsails  and  lay  to  to  wait  for  the  rear,  firing  three  guns  for  the  main  body  also  to  lie 
to  and  wait  for  the  rear  and  the  flagship.  Don  Baltasar  de  Zuiiiga  will  report  what  our 
Armada  did  in  consequence.  But  when  the  enemy  perceived  that  our  flagship  had 
brought  to,  and  that  the  galleasses  of  tlie  rear  and  as  many  as  twelve  of  our  best  ships 
had  done  likewise,  their  vessels  also  lirought  to  and  shortened  sail,  without  firing  at  us. 
'i'hat  night  Juan  Acles"  turned  back  with  his  squadron. 

"  On  Thursday,  August  1st,  we  pursued  our  voyage  with  the  same  strong  wind,  the 
enemy's  fleet  keeping  a  long  way  oft'.  In  the  evening,  under  all  sail,  it  approached  our 
Armada,  and  we  counted  the  ships  of  Juan  Acles'  to  be  missing.  Again  tlie  galleasses 
and  our  flagship  lay  to  and  waited  for  the  enemy ;  whereupon  he  also  brought  to,  and 
did  not  come  within  gunshot. 

"On  Friday,  August  2nd,  at  dawn,  the  enemy's  fleet  was  close  up  with  ours. 
Resing  that  we  were  in  good  order,  and  that  our  rear  had  been  strengthened,  it  desisted, 
and  turned  back  towards  England,  until  we  lost  sight  of  it.  After  that  time  we  had 
always  the  same  wind,  until  we  were  out  of  the  channel  of  the  Sea  of  Norway,  without 
having  found  it  possible  to  return  to  the  English  Channel;  although  we  desired  to 
return  until  to-day,  the  10th  of  August,  when,  having  ]iassed  the  isles  at  the  north  of 
Scotland,  we  are  sailing  for  Spain,  with  the  wind  at  north-east." 

The  Armada  passed  between  the  Orkney  Islands  and  the 
Shetlands,  and,  turning  gradually  southwards,  skirted  the  Outer 
Hebrides,  and   the  west  coast  of  Ireland.     The  story  of   its   mis- 

'  "The  30th,  one  of  the  enemy's  great  ships  was  espied  to  be  in  great  distress  by 
the  captain"  (Robert  Crosse)  "of  her  majesty's  ship  called  the  Hujie ;  who,  being  in 
si)eech  of  yielding  unto  the  said  cajitain,  before  they  could  agree  on  certain  conditions, 
sank  presently  before  their  eyes."     S.  P.  Dom.  ccxiv.  4li,  i. 

-  It  was  not  Hawkyns,  but  Seymour,  who  then  returned. 

'  The  ships,  really,  of  Seymour. 


i:)S8.]  THE  FLIGHT  HOUND   SCOTLAND.  083 

loitunes,  after  Howard  had  given  up  the  chase,  scarcely  belongs 
to  English  Naval  History,  and  may  be  very  briefly  sunnnarised. 

On  August  11th,  Medina  Sidonia  sent  to  Phili])  a  dispatch  '  in 
which  he  admitted '  that  the  undertaking  had  failed.  "God,"  he 
wrote,  "  has  seen  good  to  direct  matters  otherwise  than  we 
expected."  He  went  on  to  lay  down  the  reasons  which  had 
prompted  the  decision  to  give  up  the  expedition.  His  fleet  was 
almost  destroyed ;  the  best  vessels  had  no  ammunition  ;  the 
survivors  had  no  confidence  or  spirit  remaining.  The  (jueen's 
fleet,  owing  to  its  peculiar  methods  of  fighting,  had  proved  its 
superiority  to  his.  The  English  strength  lay  in  guimery  and  in 
seamanship.  The  Spanish  strength,  on  the  contx'ary,  lay,  un- 
fortunately, in  small-arms  and  in  fight  at  close  quarters ;  and  as 
the  Spaniards  had  been  unable  to  get  •  to  close  quarters,  this 
advantage  had  not  availed  them.  Looking  to  all  the  circumstances, 
^ledina  Sidonia  deemed  that  he  would  best  serve  Philip  by 
endeavouring  to  save  the  fleet  by  taking  the  admittedly  perilous 
course  home  round  Scotland.  Indeed,  the  wind,  which  had 
steadily  blown  from  the  southward,  left  him  no  option.  Besides 
liis  many  wounded,  he  had  three  thousand  sick  among  his  people. 

But  the  Annada  had  still  the  worst  of  its  mishaps  before  it.  In 
the  course  of  the  voyage  round  Scotland  and  Ireland,  it  lost  by 
storm  and  shipwreck  at  least  nineteen  vessels,"  and  probably  several 
more ;  for  the  exact  fate  of  no  fewer  than  thirty-five  missing 
vessels  of  the  great  Spanish  fleet  remains  to  this  day  unknown. 
In  addition  to  almost  continuous  bad  weather,  two  exceptionally 
heavy  storms  were  encountered.  The  galleass  Girona  went  to 
pieces  near  Giant's  Causeway,  on  a  rock  still  called  Spaniards'  Rock, 
and  carried  down  with  her  Don  Alonso  de  Leyva,  the  Count  of 
Paredes,  and  all  her  crew.  The  "  urea  "  or  hulk.  El  Gran  Grifon, 
which  belonged  to  Rostock,  was  lost  on  Fair  Island,  where  Juan 
Gomes  de  Medina,  admiral  of  the  hulks,  remained  with  his  men 
during  the  whole  winter.  The  Bata  Coronada,  or,  to  give  her  her 
full  name,  La  Rata  Santa  Maria  Encoronada,^  went  ashore  and 
became  a  wreck  on  the  coast  of  Erris.  Don  Alonso  de  Leyva,  who 
later  went  on  board  the  Girona,  narrowly  escaped  losing  his  life  in 
her.     The  Duquesa  Santa  Ana,  into  which  he  first  renaoved,  was 

'  Duro,  doc.  104. 

^  Duro's  estimate.     Irish  accounts  give  seventeen  as  lust  in  lulainl  alone. 

^  S.  V.  Ireland,  Kliz.  cxxxvii.  3. 


584  THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   THE  SPANISH  ABMADA.  [1588. 

lost  in  Glennagiveny  Bay,  near  Inishowen  Head/  and  again  De 
Leyva  barely  escaped  with  his  life,  only  to  lose  it  a  little  later  in  the 
Girona.  The  N.  S.  de  la  Bosa  went  to  pieces  among  the  Blaskets.'- 
The  San  Marcos,^  the  San  Juan*  of  the  squadron  of  Diego  Flores, 
the  Trinidad  Valeiicera,^  and  the  Falcon  Blanco  Mediano,^  also  left 
their  bones  in  Ireland.  And  the  San  Pedro  Mayor,'  after  having 
escaped  the  perils  of  Scotland  and  Ireland,  lost  her  way  in  the 
mouth  of  the  Channel,  and  met  her  end  in  Bighury  Bay,  Devon- 
shire. These  are  about  all  that  can  be  identified,  but  they  are  by  no 
means  all  that  perished.  Writing  on  October  1st,  to  Walsyngham, 
Sir  Eichard  Bingham,  Governor  of  Connaught,  said  : — ** 

"  After  tlie  SjiaiiLsh  fleet  liad  doubled  Scotland  and  wei'e  in  their  course  lioniewards, 
tliey  were  liy  contrary  weather  driven  upon  the  several  parts  of  this  province  and 
wreckeii,  as  it  were,  by  even  portions,  3  ships  in  ever}-  of  the  -t  several  counties 
bordering  upon  the  sea  coasts,  viz.,  in  Sligo,  Mayo,  Galvvay,  and  Thomond.  So  that 
ly  ships  perished,  that  all  we  know  of,  on  the  rocks  and  sands  by  the  shore  side, 
and  some  3  or  4  besides  to  seaboard  of  the  out  isles,  which  presently  sank,  both  men 
and  ships,  in  the  night  time.  And  so  can  I  say,  by  good  estimation,  that  6  or  7000 
men  have  been  cast  away  on  these  coasts,  save  some  1000  of  them  which  escaped  to 
land  in  several  places  where  their  ships  fell,  which  sithence  were  all  put  to  the 
sv/ord."  '■' 

The  cruelties  practised  on  the  shipwrecked  Spaniards,  whose 
m.iserable  situation  should  have  given  them  a  claim  to  protection, 
were  as  bad  as  any  practised  by  Alva  in  the  Low  Countries.  There 
were  other  wrecks,  both  in  Munster  and  in  Ulster.  The  ships 
must  have  been  in  terrible  straits  for  lack  of  provisions,  and 
especially  of  water.  The  San  Juan,  flagship  of  Juan  Martinez  de 
Recalde,  seems  to  have  landed  a  party  at-  Dingle  and  to  have 
obtained  water  by  force.'"  A  prisoner,  taken  in  a  skirmish  there, 
said,  when  examined,"  that  in  the  San  Juan  three  or  four  men 
a  day  had  died  of  hunger  or  thirst,  although  she  was  one  of  the 
best  furnished  ships  in  the  Armada ;  and  that  men  had  been 
dying  daily  of  sickness.  Another  prisoner  averred  that  two 
huitdred  persons  in  the  Sa)i  Juan  had  died. 

Of    the   one   hundred   and    twenty-eight   or    one   hundred   and 

(,  ■  J  S.  P.  Ireland,  Eliz.  cxxxvi.  36,  iii.       ^  11.  cxxxvi.  41,  v. 

■'  D.uro,  i.  125.  ^  With  Don  Diego  Enriqucz.     Duro,  ii.  342. 

'  8.  P.  Ireland,  Eliz.  cxxxvii.  15.  <"  Duro,  ii.  332. 

■■   '  '  Xrcli.  Kat.  de  la  France,'  K.  1592,  doss.  B.  81.    'I'his  wreck  was  on  October  28th, 
158H. 

*  S.  P.  Ireland,  Eliz.  cxxxvii.  3. 

'  A  few,  however,  escaped,  in  spite  of  Bingham  and  his  people. 
'"  Duro,  i.  210.  "  S.  P.  Dom.  ccxvi.  17. 


1588.]  THE  SPANISH  LOSSES.  585 

thirty  sail,  of  which  the  Armada  originally  consisted,  no  fewer 
than  sixty-three  are  believed  by  Duro  to  have  been  lost.  These 
he  thus  classifies :  abandoned  to  the  enemy,  two ;  '  lost  in 
France,  three  ;  -  lost  in  Holland,  two  ;  ^  sunk  in  the  action  (off 
Gravelines),  two ;  ■*  wrecked  off  Scotland  and  Ireland,  nineteen; 
fate  unknown,  thirty-five.  Of  the  lost  vessels,  twenty-six  were 
galleons  and  ships,  thirteen  were  "  ureas,"  or  hulks,  twenty  were 
patasses,  three  were  galleasses,  and  one  was  a  galley. 

'  N.  S.  tlfl  L'omrio  and  San  Salvadur 
-  Sail  la  Ana,  San  Lorenzo,  and  Diana. 
■'  San  Felipe  and  San  Mateo. 

■*  Pmliiilily  (/ran  (irin  and  San  Juan  de  Sieilia. 


A  IM'  E  N  D  I  X. 


SHIPS  ENGACJED  IN  THE  ARMADA  CAMPAIGN. 


[The  tVillowiiig  lists  are  substantially  those  given  in  Professor  J.  ^K. 
Laughton's  '  State  Papers  relating  to  the  defeat  of  the  Spanish  Armada ' 
(Navy  Records  Society),  Vol.  II.  pp.  323-341,  and  376-387.  The  in- 
formation there  collected  has,  however,  been  supplemented  from  other 
sources,  chiefly  from  certain  State  Papers,  copies  of  which  have  l)een 
kindly  furnished  by  Lieut.-Col.  L.  Edye,  R.N.,  and  from  family  record.'A. 
The  arithmetical  errors  have  also,  so  far  as  possible,  been  corrected.] 


588 


THE    CAMPAiaX   (IF    THE   SPANISH  AR.VADA. 


[1588. 


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1588.] 


THE  ENGLISH  FLEET. 


589 


1.   I..ir.l     Il.nvanl    . 
lli^li  Ailiiiii'iil. 
Sir  Eilwani  llnliy,  Socretary. 
'riumiiis  Irray,  !Master. 
AiiiViis  Preston,  Lieutenant. 

—  Morgan,  Captain  of  soldiers. 
Samuel  Clerke,  Master  Giuiner. 
John  Wright,  Boatswain. 
Itiehard  Leveson,  Volunteer. 
'I'lionias  Gerard,  ,, 
William  Harvey,  „ 

.Tolin  t.'liidley,  „ 

Thomas  Vavasour,        „ 
Francis  Buniell,  "Admiral's  man." 

—  Newton,  „  „ 

'Z.  Earl  of  Cumberland.' 
(ieorge  Kaymond,  Cai'tain. 
.Tames  Sewell,  Master, 
'i'ristram  Seiirelie,  Boatswain. 
Botert  Carey,  Volunteer. 

'A.  Lord  Henry  Seyuiour. 
liicliard  Laine,  Boatswain. 
Sir  Cliarles  Blount,  A'ohmteer. 
Francis  Carey,  „ 

Brute  Brown,  „ 

4.  Lord  'I'liomas  Howard. 

.">.  Lord  Sheffield. 

(?)  Richard  Poulter,  Master. 

H.  Sheffield,  Lieutenant. 

Bobert  Baxter,  Boatswain. 

fi.  Sir  William  Wynter. 
John  Wynter,  Lieutenant. 

7.  Sir  Francis  Drake,  Vice-Admiral. 
John  Gray,  Master. 

Jonas  Bodenham,  Lieutenant. 
(?)  Martin  Jeft'rey,  Purser. 

Bichard  Derrick,  Boatswain. 
Nicliolas  Oseley,  Volunteer. 

8.  Sir  Bobert  Southwell. 
(?)Jolin  Austyne,  Master. 

Jolm  Woodrofle,  Boatswain. 

!l.  Sir  John  Hawkyns,  Bear-Admiral. 
(?)  —  Barker,  ;Master. 

John  Edmonds,  Boatswain. 

10.  Sir  Henry  Palmer. 


CaPT.VIXS    .^ND   OfFI(F.I!S    of   the    .MlnVK 

f    Ertingham,    Lonl 


11.  Sir  Martin  Frobiser. 
(?) —  Eliot,  J.,ieutenant. 

Simon  Fernandez,  Boatsivain. 

12.  Sir  George  Bee.ston. 
(?) —  Harvey,  Boatswain. 

13.  Edward  Fen  ton. 
Lawrence  Cleer,  Boatswain. 
Henry  Wliyte,  Volunteer. 

14.  Thomas  Fenner. 

I —  C ,  Boatswain. 

15.  Robert  Crosse. 

(?)  John  Samjison,  Master. 
John  Vayle,  Boatswain. 

in.  William  Borough. 

17.  Edward  Fenner. 

William  !Mychell,  Boatswain. 

18.  Richard  Hawkyns.^ 
John  Borm.in,  Boatswain. 

19.  Christoi>her  Baker. 

James  Andrews,  Boatswain. 

20.  William  Fennei'. 

(?)  Richard  Blucke,  Piuser. 
John  Russell,  lioatswain. 

21.  Jeremy  Turner. 

Mj-hyll  Pyrkyne,  Boatswain. 

22.  John  Bostocke. 

23.  Luke  Wanl. 

John  Pratte,  Boatswain. 

24.  Henry  Ashley.  ■      •     • 

25.  Gregory  lliggs. 

20.  John  Rolierts. 

AVilliam  Monsou,  N'olunteer." 

27.  Alexander  I'lill'onl.* 

28.  John  Harris. 

Tristr.am  George,  Boatswain. 

29.  Walter  Gower. 

30.  Ambrose  Ward. 

31.  Richard  Bucldey,  blaster. 

32.  John  Sherifi;  Mustei-. 
George  Wilkynson,  Boatswain. 

33.  Thomas  Scott. 

34.  Richard  Hodges,  XLaster. 
He  rc»-eive:l  iiu  pay. 


*  Cuiuberland's  real  jiosition  seems  to  liave  been  only  Ibat  of  a  volunteer. 

■-'  Son  of  Sir.Icliu  Ilawkjnis:  died  1C22. 

3  Monson  ilescrlljes  himself  as  Laving  Iweu  lieutenant  of  ihc  i'liiiilcf,  but  >lic  ua.s  allowe  I  no  lieutenant. 

<  Kninlited  1590. 


590 


THE   CAMPAIGN  OF   THE   SPANISH  ARMADA. 


[1588. 


MKni'H.vsT  Ships  awoixted  to  serve  AVestwards  under 
Sir  Francis  Drake. 


'uus.  Men.  ■  Captains  and  Officers. 


■JO.  GiiUeoii  Leicester 


.30.  MercJiant  Poi/al 


37.  Edward     Jlima 


venture 


■°;} 


400 


400 


300 


llemarks 


38. 

39. 
40. 

41. 

42. 


Pioebiieh,  of  Dart-VgQQ 
mouth  .      .      .  / ' 

Golden  Nuhle     .    250 
Griffin    .      .      .200 

Minion    .      .      .    J2OO 

Dark  Talbot.      .    200 


43.   TliOmas  Drake   . 


44. 

45. 

4G. 


48. 


S2>ar7c     .     . 

Hopeivell 

Galleon  Dudley,) 
of  Barnstajile  . ) 

Virgin  God  Save 
Her,  of  Barn- 
staple  .      . 

Hope    Haivk;/ns,\ 
ofPlymoutii    ./ 


4(i.  Dark  Dond 


200 

200 
200 
250 

200 
200 

150 


160   George  Feniief. 
160i  Eoliert  Flkke. 

120'  James  Lancaster. 

i 
120|  Jacolj  Whiddon. 


1101  Adam  Sealer, 
100' 


Cavendish  made  liis 
last  vovage  in  her, 
1591. 

/Belonged  to  tlie  Levant 
1     Conipanv. 

1  Belonged  to  the  Le\'ant 
I  Com])any.  Made  the 
'-  first  English  success- 
ful vovage  to  India 
and  hack,  1591-93. 

/Belonged  to  Sir  Walter 
\     llafesh. 


/William  Hawkyns. 

\Saml.  Norfolk,  Master. 


so: 

90 
80 


fWilliain  Wynter. 

I  Nicholas  Maunder,  Master. 

/Henry  Whyte. 

IJohn  Hampton,  Master. 

/Henry  Spindelow. 
\John  Tranton,  Master. 


fWilliam  Sjiark. 
\Ricliard  Loarie,  Master. 


90 
100   John  Marchant 


/Burnt    as    a    fireship 
\     before  Calais. 

{Belonged  to  Sir  Francis 
Drake.  Bunit  as  a 
tireship  before  Calais. 


50.  Dark  Donner     .   |150 

51.  Dark  Haivki/ns  .    150 

52.  Unitn      .     .      .80 


96 


80 


70 


70 


James  Erisev. 


John  Grevnvile. 


/John  Bivers. 
\Roger  Haley,  Master. 


/William  I'oole. 
t,John  Bock,  Master. 


i Charles  Ca>sar. 
William  Loggin,  Master. 

_~^|/ Prideaux. 

'"[\William  Snell,  Master. 

,^'  (Humphrey  Sydenham. 
\Williani  Cornish,  Master. 


{Belonged  to  Si r  1!  icha id 
Greynvile. 

[Belonged  to  AVilliani 
]  Hart.  Burnt  as  a  fire- 
(    ship  before  Calais. 

i Belonged  to  Sir  John 
Hawkyns.  Burnt  as 
a  fireship  before 
Calais. 


1588.] 


THE  ENGLISH  FLEET. 


591 


Mi:i;i  iiANT  Sims  Ai'i'diNTKH  to  skrvk  AVkstwabds  usdei: 
Siic  l'']iAN(  IS  ])i!AKK. — rontlnmd. 


Captains  auil  Oftkers. 


53.  Elizahith  Drakr,\    p^       .,-,|ri"lionias  Cely. 

of  Lyme     .      ./  Vlliwnas  C'lerkp,  Mn 


ai-ter. 


54.  harh  Bvggiiis    .   I  80       50   .Tulm  Lans;fiin 

55.  Elizdbilh  Formes  '  80        50    ]!i)i;er  Ciiaiit. 


50.  Mark  St.  Lnjer  .    160 

57.  Bark  Maninfftou    160       80 

58.  Tlmrhmfr     .      .       V  •_>4 


80   Julin  St.  Leger. 

Ambrose  Manington. 

llamiilial  Slianiliaiii. 


511.   Gohliii  III  ml 


50        .".0    Tliniiias  Fleinvnj; 


60. 
01. 

62. 

0.3. 

04. 
05. 

66. 

67. 
08. 


Makishi/I     .  .      CO 

Diamoiii/,  of)    „„ 

Dartmoiitli  ./ 

Sjxedu'ell 

hear     Yomji;  <if| 


40|  I'ieis  Lemon. 
40;  EoLert  Holland, 


I/vme  . 
ClMiin  . 
Ikh';//,/    .      . 

NiijlitiiKjuh  . 

Small  Caravel 
Fly-boat  Yonge: 

M4  s1h|i.s 


00 
140 


14 


Hiisli  Hardinge,  Master. 


60 
.50 


70   Juliii  Yoiige, 

I 
40 


40 


40       SO 


30 
50 


20 
50 

I23!i4 


(■James  Foimes. 
IHiigh  Coruisli,  Master. 

Williaiii  Coxe. 

fjiilin  Cii 
\Habbak 


Jiilin  Cirisling. 

bbakuk  Percy,  Master. 


Nicbulas  Webb. 


'Brought    in    the   first 
I     news  of  the  Armada. 

Was     not     Drake's 

0 olden  Flind. 


Belougeil  to  John 
Yonge.  Iturnt  as  a 
Firesiiii)  before  Calais. 


ilSeUmged  to  SirWilliam 
AVynter. 


592 


THE    CAMPAIGN   OF   THE   SPANISH  APMADA. 


[158S. 


Ships  Fitted  Out  axu  Paid  r.Y  Tin;  ( 'itv  of  Tjiinhhn. 


Tons. 

Men. 

(i». 

Hercules  . 

300 

120 

70. 

Tohy.      .      .      . 

250 

100 

71. 

Mnyflown-     . 

200 

90 

72. 

Minion    . 

200 

90 

7a 

Boyal  Defence    . 

160 

80 

74. 

Ascension 

200 

100 

lO. 

Gift  of  God  .      . 

180 

80 

7(i. 

Primrose 

200 

90 

Captains  aiul  OflGcers. 


77.  Margaret 

John     . 


and\ 


200      90 


George  Baine. 
Robert  Barrett. 
Edward  Bancks. 
John  Dale. 
Jolm  Chester. 
John  Bacon. 
Thomas  Liiiitlowe. 
Robert  Briii^l ionic. 


r.Tohn  Fislier. 
I  John  Xasli,  Master. 
I  Richard  'romsoii,  Lieut. 
vJohn  Watts,  Vohmteer. 


78. 

Golden  Lion 

140 

70 

79. 

Diana     . 

80 

40 

80. 

Bark  Burr   . 

160 

70 

81. 

Tiger       .      . 

200 

90 

82. 

Brave 

160 

70 

88. 

Bed  Lion 

200 

90 

84. 

(Centurion 

250 

100 

85. 

Passport. 

80 

40 

m. 

Moonshine    . 

60 

80 

87. 

TJiomas      Bona 
venture 

1 

140 

70 

88. 

Belease    . 

60 

30 

89. 

George  Nohh- 

120 

80 

90. 

Anthony. 

100 

00 

91. 

Toby.     .      . 

120 

70 

92. 

Salamander,     u 
Leigh    . 

n 

f 

110 

60 

'.)?,. 

Bose      Lion,     o 
Leigh    . 

1 

100 

50 

94. 

Antehqie  . 

120 

60 

9."). 

Jewel,  of  Leijili 

110 

60 

90. 

Pansy     . 

100 

70 

97. 

Prudence,            . 
Leigh    .      . 

1 

120 

60 

98. 

7)o?pAu),of  Leig 

1 

110 

70 

Robert  Wilcox. 
Edward  Cock. 
John  Serocold. 
William  Caesar. 
William  Furtliow. 
Jervis  Wilde. 
Samuel  Foxcrat't. 
Christopher  (.'(jltliiu'st. 
Jolm  Brough. 

70,  William  Aldri<lge. 

.John  King. 
(Henry  Bellinghaiu. 
IRichard  Ilarjier,  Master, 
(■(ieorge  Haiper. 
\Richard  Dnve,  Master. 
j  Christopher  I'igot. 
IRobert  Cuttle,  Master. 
I —  Dam  ford. 

\WilIiam  Goodlad,  Master. 
(Bartholomew  Acton. 
\Robert  Duke,  ^Taster. 
( —  Denisoii. 

\Abraliam  Boimer,  Master. 
( —  Rowell. 
(.Henry  Rawlyn,  Master. 

■  William  Butler,  Master. 
Richard  Chester,  Master. 
William  Hare,  Master. 


Belonged  to  .John 
Watts.       In     1590, 

I     present   at  a  severe 

'  action  oil"  Cadiz 
between  English 
merchantmen  and 
Spanish         galleys. 

I  Watts  was  knighted, 
•   1603;  and  was^  Lord 

'     Mayor  in  1606. 


(Belonged  to  tlie  Levant 
\  •  Company 

(Carrieil  14calivers  and 

\     10  muskets. 

(Carried  12  calivers  and 

\     8  muskets. 

( Carried  14  calivers  and 

\     10  muskets. 

(Carried  14  calivers  and 

\     8  nuiskets. 

j  Carried  12  calivers  and 

),     8  muskets. 

jCarried  14  calivers  and 

I      10  muskets. 

( ( 'arrie<l  14  calivers  and 

I      8  muskets. 

j(Jarried  12  calivers  and 

l_     8  muskets. 

(Carried  14  calivers  and 

I      10  muskets. 

( Carried  14  calivers  and 

\     8  muskets. 


30  ships 


2180: 


(Die  all  JVC,  in  a'Mitiijii  V)  tbe  liglit  ai luaiiieuts  specially  uotc  I,  cai  ric  I  ^akeis^  iiiini'.ais,  fiilcnii!;,  ami  iuwlers.) 


1588.] 


THE  ENOLISU  FLEET. 


093 


Mkhchaxt  Siiu'S  SiCKVixcj  uxnKii  the  Loud  IIniH  Admiral,  ami  V\w 
ny  THE  Quekx. 

(T/i'\f'nlI,,>fiiif/  sofri'il  for  ahoiif  rhjhf  tricks.) 


Tons. 

Men. 

Captaius  anil  Officers. 

Remarks. 

!)!).  Susan  rariu-n  . 

220 

80 

Nicholas  Gorges. 

Belonfieilti)  the  Lv\ 
.     Company. 

ant 

100.    Violet    .      .      . 

220 

60 

Martin  Hawkes. 

101.  Solomon     . 

170 

SO 

Ediimml  Mus^rave. 

102.  Anne  Frances  . 

180 

To 

l'liarle.s  Lister. 

10.'!.  Geon/i'      BunuA 
venture     .      .  j 

200 

90 

Eleazar  Hickman. 

fBelonseil  totlie  Le\ 
\     Company. 

ant 

101.  Jane   BonavenA 
tiirc     .      .      ./ 

100 

50 

Tlioiiuis  Ilullwood. 

105.    Vine  yard    . 

160 

60 

Benjamin  Cooke. 

106.  Samuel.      .      . 

140 

50 

John  Vassall. 

8  ships 

530 

(Tlii'/iiUiiirinr/  nerved  the  ivlmle  ti.ne.') 


Tuns. 

Men. 

Captaius  ami  O.lii-ers. 

i;<^iii;irk.~. 

1(17.    ]Vhite  Lion 

140 

50 

Charles  Howard. 

f'TIio  Lord  Hi.sl,  Ad- 

108. Disdain      . 

■ 

80 

45 

.Tonas  Bradbury. 

miral's  pinnace," 
j  pussililv  licidnf^ed  to 
\     theJi.N.  Built  1585. 

1011.  Lark      .      . 

, 

50 

20 

'rhomas  Cliichester. 

lilt.   Ed  Irani, 

Jlal.luM   . 

on 

186 

30 

William  Pierce. 

/Belonged  to  Kdwaid 
I     Peek. 

111.    Marlijolil    . 

, 

30 

12 

William  Newton,  Master. 

11  J.    lUaek  ])mj  . 

20 

10 

Jdhu  Davis,  Master. 

II.!.   Katherine  . 

20 

10 

V 

114.   Fane,,   .      . 

. 

50 

20 

diilin  I'niil,  Master. 

11.",.  Pippin  .      . 

. 

20 

s 

•> 

llli.    Mijldiniiale 

. 

160 

k; 

John  Diiatc,  Master. 

10  ships 


VUL.    I. 


•^   Q 


594 


THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   THE   SPANISH  ABMADA. 


[1588. 


Vessei,s  which  TuAxsroRTED  Victuals  Westwards. 


Tons. 

Men. 

Captains  and  Officers. 

Uemavks. 

117.  Mary  Hose . 

? 

70 

fFrancis  BurnelL 
\WiUiam  Parker,  Master. 

118.  Elizah'th  BonaA 
venture   .      .) 

? 

60 

Richard  Start. 

119.  PeJican  .      .      . 

9 

50 

John  Clarke. 

120.  Hope      .      .      . 

? 

40 

John  Skinner. 

121.   Unity    .      .      . 

y 

40 

John  ^Foore. 

122.  Pearl    .      .      . 

•p 

50 

Lawrence  Moore. 

123.  EUzaheth,        oi\ 
Leigh     .      ./ 

? 

60 

William  Bower. 

121.  ./o/iH,  of  London 

y 

70 

Richard  Rose. 

125.  Bearsabe  (?)      . 

? 

60 

Edward  Bryan. 

12(J.  Marigold    .      . 

? 

50 

Roliert  Bowers. 

127.   Wiite  Hind     . 

? 

40 

Richard  Browne. 

128.   Gift  of  God     . 

9 

40 

Robert  Harrison. 

129.  Jonas    . 

? 

50 

Edward  Bell. 

130.  Solomon,         oU 
Aklljorougli  .  / 

■p 

60 

George  Street. 

131.  BichardDuffield 

9 

70 

William  Adams. 

/Belonged  to — Duffield. 
William  Adams,  ten 
years  later  went,  as 
chief  pilot  of  some 
Rotterdam  ships,  to 
the  Far  East,  and 
then  entered  the  ser- 
vice of  the  Shogim  of 
Jajmn.     He  died  in 

I     1020. 

15  ships 

810 

1588.] 


THE  ENGLISH  FLEET. 


595 


Coasters  uxder  the  Liniii  IIkiii  Aumiiiai.,  and  V.\u<  r.v    riii-;  Quekk. 


Tous. 

ywn. 

Captains  uii'i  OfTicers. 

I:<tiiark>. 

132.  Hark  Webb       . 

80 

50 

1 

133.  Jolin  TreJaiDury 

150 

30 

Thomas  Meek. 

l.".l.  Hart,  of   D!irt--l 
mouth    .      .  / 

.60 

70 

f  James      Houghton      (or 
\     Houston). 

(Thomas          Anthony, 
I    Master. 

13').  Barh  Potts.      . 

180 

80 

Anthony  I'otts. 

13G.  Little  John.      . 

40 

20 

Laurence  Clayton. 

137.  BarthoJomcw,  of\ 
Apsam   .      .  i 

130 

70 

^Nicholas  AVright. 

jA]isam    is    now   Top- 
1.     sham. 

138.  Bose,  of  Ajisaiu 

110 

50   Thomas  Saiitlye. 

139.  Gift,  of  Apsam 

25 

20 

? 

140.  J(tcob,  of  Lyme 

90 

50 

? 

141.  Seveiifje,          ofl 
Lyme     .      .  / 

60 

30 

liicharil  licilfonl. 

112.  Bark   of  Bridg-'l 
water      .      .  / 

70 

30 

John  Smyth. 

143.   C'mrenf,          of\ 
Dartmouth  .  / 

140 

75 

John  "Wilson. 

'Christoplicr          Wcy- 
.     moutii,  Master. 

144.  Galleon            o(\ 
WejTiiouth  .  / 

100 

50 

Kichard  Miller. 

145.  John,               of) 
Chichester    .  / 

70 

50 

.John  Youiii;. 

140.  Kafherine,       of\ 
"Weymouth  ./ 

66 

30 

? 

147.  Ihartij  Anne    . 

60 

30,  John  Wynnall. 

148.  Minion,           ofl 
Bristol    .      .  j 

230 

110    John  Sachlicld. 

140.    Unicorn,          of) 
Bristol    .      .  / 

130 

60    James  Lani;toii. 

Belonpied       to      John 
Sat-hlield,   or   Sack- 
vile. 

150.  Ilandmuid,     of\ 
Bristol    .      .  / 

80 

56    Christopher  I'itt. 

151.  vl(d,  of  Bristol. 

60 

20j  William  Megar. 

1 

20  ships 

993 

596 


THE   CAJUrAIGN  OF   TEE  SPANISH  ARMADA. 


[1588. 


Coasters  txder  Lord  Hexrt  Seymour,  some  Paid  by  the  Qveen,  but 

5rOST   BY   THE    PoET    ToWKS. 


152. 
153. 
154, 
155, 
15(3. 
157. 
158. 
159. 

IGO. 
161. 
102. 

1G3. 

1G4. 

165. 

li;6. 
167. 

168. 

109. 

17(1. 

171. 

172. 

173. 

174. 


Daniel  . 
Galleon  Hutchin 
Barh  Laml) 
Fancy   . 
Oriffin  . 
Little  Hare 
Handmaid 


ofl 


Marigold, 
Hull. 


Matthew 

Susaji    . 

William, 
Ipswich 

Katherine, 
Ipswich 

Primrose, 
Harwich 

Anne        Bona 
venture   .      ./ 

T^^7?^a?H,of  Rye 

Grace    of  God,\ 
of  Dover       .  J 


Tons. 


160 

150 

150 

60 

70 
50 

75 

150 


ol'l 


% 


Elizahetli,        of 
Dover 

Pohin,  of  Sand- 
wich . 


Hazard,  ofl 

Feversham  .  / 

Grace,   of   Yar-\ 
mouth     .      .  I 

Mayflower,      ofl 
King's  Lynn/ 

TFj7Zm»),of  Col-\ 
Chester    .      .  / 

John  Younij 
23  ships 


70 
60 
60 
30 
35 
25 
35 


Captaius  and  Officers. 


35 

16 

40 

20 

140 

50 

125 

50 

120 

40 

60 

50 

80     CO 
5ii      ;!0 


120 

70 

110 

65 

38 

34 

150 

70 

150 

70 

100 

50 

60 

30 

1090 

Robert  Johnson. 
Thomas  Tucker. 
Leonard  Harliell. 
Richard  Fearne. 
John  Dobson. 
Jlatthew  Railstone. 
John  Gattenbury. 

Francis  Johnson. 

Richard  ilitcht41. 
John  Musgrave. 

Bamaby  Lowe. 

Thomas  Grymble. 

John  Cardinal. 

Jolm  Conny. 
AA'illiam  Coxon. 
William  Fordred. 

John  Lidgen. 

William  Cri]ips. 

Nicholas  Turner. 

"William  Musgrave. 

Alexander  ^Musgrave. 

Thomas  Lambert. 
Reynold  Vesey. 


Remarks. 


[Carried  6  minions  and 
I     20  muskets. 


1588.] 


THE  EyOLISU  FLEET. 


597 


Voluntary  Ships  which  joixF.n  whes  the  Armada  was  os  the  Coast, 
AND  wici;k  Paid  rv  the  QrKKX  Dfitixc  Skkvice. 


I  TuU8. 


175.  Siiinpsoii 


Fowev 


300 


Men.  1  Captaius  and  Ofliccrs. 


Kemarks. 


108    John  \Viu;,'lii'Icl. 


I   140     60  John  Rashley. 


177. 

178. 

1711. 

180. 
181. 

182. 

183. 

184. 
185. 

180. 

187. 


188. 
189. 
190. 
191. 
192. 
193. 

194. 


195. 

190. 
197. 


\\  eyiiioutli  .  / 
(rohhii  JiidI,  oil 

Weymouth  .  / 
Sai/c  Sufloii,  olY 

Weymouth  ./ 
Carouse 
Samaritiii),     o{\ 

Dartmouth  .  J 
WilHani,  iif\ 

Plymouth     .j 
Gdlhyo,  of  Ply-\ 

mouth    .      .  / 
Bark  Ilahc 
Unicorn,  ofl 

Dartmouth  .) 
Grace,    of   Aji- 

sara  . 
Thomas    Bona- 

reiiture,       of 

Lyme 
Bat,' o{  Wight  . 
Margaret    . 
Elizabeth     . 
Jtapiiael 
Fly-boat      .      . 
Jvlin,  of  Barn- 
staple 


ifl,     ofl 
rough .  J 


Aldljor 


Elizaheth,  of^ 
Lowestoft     .  j 

Jonas,  of  AM-'l 
borough .      .  J 

i'^oc<»n<",  of  Al(l-V 
borough .      .  / 


60 

120 

70 

50 

250 

120 

30 
60 

7 

100 

oc 

80 
60 
40 
40 
60 


90 


0 

J 
Hugh  Pearson. 


30 

50 

40 

25 

100 

60 

20, 

40   Grenfield  Halse. 

30   Raliih  Hawes. 

50J  Walter  Edney. 


30 

60 
46 
30 
40 
40 

C5 


John  Pciitire. 

Gilbert  Lee. 

William  Hubbard, 
y 
y 
? 


40   Michael  Pullisun. 


30 


25 
25 


(Heldiigeil  to  the  Earl 
|\     of  Cumberland. 

^Ueloiigeil  to  John 
Jiashley.  His  pin- 
nace, the  Chris- 
topher, 15  tons,  seems 
to  liave  l)ecn  also 
in  the  tleet. 


(Belou^eil    to    Thomas 
1     Middleton. 


f  Belongeil  to  Sir  Ii  ichard 
\     Orcvuvile. 


Belonged  to  Thomas 
Mcldrum.  Burnt  as 
a  lircship  before 
Calais. 


23  ships 


il044 


50S 


THE   CAMPAIGN  OF  THE  SPANISH  ARMADA. 


[1588. 


THE   SPANISH   AEMADA. 


Armada  of  Portdgal,  uxder  the  Ddke  of  Medka  Sidon'ia. 


MEN. 

Soldiers. 

Jlariuers. 

Total. 

1.  San  Martin,  Capitana  General '    . 

1000 

48 

300 

177 

477 

2.  San  Juan,  Almiranta  General 

2 

1050 

50 

321 

179 

500 

3.  San  Marcos^      .... 

700 

33 

292 

117 

409 

800 
830 

40 
38 

415 
376 

117 
116 

532 

5.  San  Luis 

492 

750 
520 

34 
24 

277 
300 

120 
93 

397 

7.  SnntiaijO 

393 

8.  Florencia 

OGl 

52 

400 

86 

486 

9.  San  Cristobal    . 

352 

20 

3(X) 

78 

378 

10.  San  Bernardo    . 

352 

21 

250 

81 

331 

11.  Zabra  Aur/iist :  . 

16(i 

13 

55 

ot 

112 

12.  Zabra  Julia  .      . 

IGG 

14 

44 

72 

116 

12  ships 

4623 

^  Returned  to  Santander  with  180  dead,  and  nearly  all  the  rest  sick. 
^  Probably  J.  M.  de  Eecalde's  flagship  till  July  21st,  and  again  from  July  24th, 
Petunied  to  Corunna.     Burnt  there  1589. 

'  Lost  on  the  coast  of  Ireland.       '         ■*  Grounded  at  tlie  mouth  of  the  Scheldt. 


AioiADA  OF  Biscay,  rxDEU  JrAN  MAnxixEZ  de  Eecalde. 


13. 
14. 
15. 
16. 
17. 

18, 
19. 
20. 
21. 
22. 
23! 
24. 
25. 
26. 


(SV.'nte  J;ia,  Capiitana' . 
El  Gran  Grin,  Almiranta 

Santiago 

La  Concepcion  de  Zuhelzu  . 
La     Concepcion    dc    Juanes 
Cano  ....... 

La  Magdalcna 

San  Juan 

La  Maria  •luun      .      .      .      . 

La  Mnnuela 

Santa  Maria  ds  Monte-Mai/or 
Patax  La  Marvi  de  A'juirrc    . 
Patax  La  Isahela     .      .      .      . 
Patax  de  Miguel  Suso  . 
Patax  San.  Esteban .      .      .      . 


del) 


14  ships 


768 

1160 

666 

486 

418 


530 

350 

()65 

520 

707 

70 

71 

36 

96 


Guus. 


30 
28 
25 
16 

18 

18 

21 

24 

12 

18 

6 

10 

6 

6 


JliCN. 


256 

256 

214 

90 

164 

193 

114 

172 

125 

206 

20 

20 

20 

20 


Mariners. 


73 
73 

102 
70 

61 

67 
80 
100 
54 
45 
23 
22 
26 
26 


Total. 


329 
329 
316 
160 


260 

194 

272 

179 

251 

43 

42 

46 

46 

2692 


'  Prulxibly  J.  M.  de  Recalde's  flagship  from  July  21st  to  July  23rd.     Was  wi-ecked 
near  Le  Havre. 


1588.] 


TEE  SPANISH  FLEET. 


599 


Armada  of  tiii:  Oai.i.koxs  of  Castii.i.k,  v 

■iw.n  1) 

IK(l(l    Fl.DKF.s    liK    V 

\I.I>I•:^J. 

(jUilS. 

:mkn. 

Solilicra. 

Slarliiera.  1 

1 

Total. 

27.  San  C'ristubal 

700 

36 

205 

120 

325 

28.  San  Juan  Jtaiifi>t  i       .... 

750 

24 

207 

136 

343 

29.  SinPudm 

530 

24 

141 

131 

272 

30.  San  Juan  ' 

530 

24 

163 

113 

276 

31.   S  intia</o  el  Mai/a:- 

530 

24 

210 

132 

342 

32.   San  Felipe  y  San Ikt'/o. 

530 

24 

151 

116 

267 

33.  La  Asuncion 

530 

24 

199 

114 

313 

34.  Xiirstra  Senora  del  liarrio 

530 

24 

155 

108 

263 

35.  San  Medel  y  Ci'iilon    .... 

530 

24 

160 

101 

261 

3(>.  Santa  Ana 

250 

24 

91 

80 

171 

37.  Ntiesti-a  Senora  (I-  lle'/o'a  . 

750 

24 

174 

123 

297 

38.  La  Trinidad 

872 

24 

180 

122 

302 

39.  Sjnta  (.'ataltiia 

882 

24 

190 

159 

349 

40.  San  Juan  JJaidinla       .... 

650 

24 

192 

93 

285 

41.  Patax  JV'.  S.  del  Soeorro      .      .      . 

75 

24 

20 

25 

45 

■i'Z.  "Patax  S.  Antonio  de  Padua    , 

75 

12 

20 

46 

66 

16  sliips 

HTT 

'  The  ship  in  whirli  was  Diego  Euriii 

icz.     A 

ipparen 

tly  lost  on 

the  coast 

of  Ireland. 

AliMADA    OF   THE    S.liPS   OF    AsllAI.fSIA,    fXDKll    DoN    I'EDIti)    DF    VaMIF-S. 


Tons. 

Guns. 

JIE.N". 

Soldiers. 

Mariners. 

Total. 

43.  N.  S.  Del  Posario,  Capitana  ' 

44.  San  Francisco,  Ahniranta  . 

1150 
915 
810 
569 
862 
900 
730 
650 
730 
976 

46 
21 
31 
16 
20 
23 
23 
13 
20 
27 

304 
222 
245 
165 
185 
280 
231 
192 
228 
2-!0 
33 

118 
.56 
89 
.56 
71 
77 

74 
80 
72 
10 

422 
278 
334 

46.  San  Juan  de  (furgarin 

47.  La  Concejjcion    .... 

48.  Durjuesa  Santa  Ana  -   . 

49.  Santa  (!<itntina  .... 

50.  La  Trinidad      .... 

51.  Santa  Maria  del  Junnd 

52.  San  liartolonn-  .... 

53.  Patax  Espirilu  Santo   . 

221 
256 
357 
308 
266 
308 
312 
43 

11  ships 

3105 

'  Taken,  nnil  liroken  np  at  Cliatliam. 
paid  a  ransom  of  £3000. 

^  Lost  in  Gleunagiveny  ISay. 


Don  Pedro  de  'N'aldes,  after  aliout  tliree  years, 


GOO 


THE   CAMPAIGN  OF   THE  SPANISH  ARMADA. 


[1588. 


Armada  of  Guipuzcoa,  under  Miguel  de  Oquendo. 


54.  Santa  Alia,  Cnpitaiia^  . 

55.  N.  S.  De  la  liosa,  Almiranta  ^ 
5().  San  Salrador^  . 

57.  San  Estnbau 

58.  Santa  Marta 
50.  Santa  Bdrbaiu  . 
t)0.  San  Buenaveiitara.  . 
(il.  la  Maria  San  Juan 
(i'2.  Santa  Cruz  .... 
03.  Urea  Doncella    . 
C4.  Patax  I,a  Antiiicion 
(i5.  Patax  San.  Be.rnabe 


12  ships 


Tous. 

Guns. 

1200 

47 

945 

26 

958 

25 

73G 

26 

548 

20 

525 

12 

379 

21 

291 

12 

680 

16 

500 

16 

60 

9 

69 

9 

MEN. 


Soldiers. 


303 
233 
321 
196 
173 
154 
168 
110 
156 
156 
20 
20 


82 

385 

04 

297 

75 

396 

08 

204 

63 

236 

45 

199 

53 

221 

30 

140 

32 

188 

32 

188 

23 

43 

23 

43 

2600 


'  Returned  to  Spain,  liut  accidentally  blew  up. 
-  Lost  amon;j;  the  Blaskets. 

^  Seems  to  have  been  "  Ahniranta  "  when  partially  l.ilown  up  on  July  21st.     AVas 
taken  to  Weymouth,  and  lost  at  Studlaud. 


Armada  of  Levant  Ships,  under  Martin  de  Bertendona. 


Tons. 

Gtins. 

MEN. 

Soldiers. 

■Mariners. 

Total. 

()6.  La  Pet/azona,  Capitana '     .      .      . 

1249 

30 

344 

80 

424 

67.  La  Lavia,  Almiranta    . 

728 

25 

203 

71 

274 

08.  La  Hata  Coronada^ 

820 

35 

335 

84 

419 

09.  San  Juan  de  Sicilia  "   . 

800 

26 

279 

63 

342 

70.  La  Trinidad  Valencera* 

1100 

42 

281     <> 

79 

360 

71.  La  Anunciada  . 

703 

24 

196 

79 

275 

72.  San  Nicolas  Prodaiirti . 

834 

26 

374 

81 

455 

73.  La  Juliana  .... 

860 

32 

325 

70 

395 

74.  Santa  Maria  de  ]'isoii  . 

666 

18 

230 

71 

307 

75.  La  Trinidad  de  Scala  . 

900 

22 

307 

79 

386 

10  shi]is 

3i::'.7 

'  Flag  of  Bertendona,  who  is  said  by  Uuro  to  have  been  the  captor  ol'  the  Pei-eiii/e 
in  1591.     Burnt  at  Corunna,  1589. 

-  Wrecked  oft"  Erris. 

'  In  lier  was  Diego  Tellez  Euriquez.  Seems  to  have  foundered  while  negotiating 
surrender  to  Captain  Crosse. 

*  Lost  on  the  Irisli  Coast. 


1588.] 


THE  SPANISH  FLEET. 


GOl 


Armada  of  IIii.ks,  indki;  .Ii  ax  (muu.s  hi:  Mkdina. 


'  A  sliiii  III'  Itostock.     Lost  on  Fair  Island. 
-  A  llauiliurs  ship.     Oiliturcd  and  taken  to  I'lynioutli 
to  Hamburs,  Januaiy  22nd,  l,")8'.t. 

'  Wrecked  in  Bigbury  l!ay,  Devonshire.  * 


Tuus. 

Guns. 

MKX. 

Soldiers. 

Mariners. 

Total. 

76.  A'?  (rrnj!  (rn/oH,  Cajiitana'     .      . 

650 

38 

243 

43 

286 

77.  Sun  Salvador,  Alniiranta    . 

650 

24 

218 

43 

261 

78.  Perro  Marina 

200 

7 

70 

24 

94 

7tl.   Fill  run  Jllanro  Mtiijiir'' 

500 

16 

161 

36 

197 

80.   Cd.ttiUtj  Xci/ro 

7.-)0 

27 

2,39 

34 

'*T,'J 

81.  Jiiirnt  </('  Aiuhurij 

COO 

23 

2.39 

25 

264 

82.   Casa  dr  Paz  Onindr     .... 

650 

2i; 

198 

27 

225 

83.  San  Pedro  Mayor  ^       .      .      .      . 

581 

29 

213 

28 

241 

84.  El  Sanson    . 

500 

18 
18 

200 
157 

31 
23 

•>31 

85.  Sun  Piilri)  Menor 

500 

180 

80.  Barca  de  Anzique 

450 

26 

200 

25 

225 

87.  Falcon  Blanco  Mediano*    . 

300 

16 

76 

27 

103 

88.  Santo  Andres 

400 

14 

150 

28 

178 

89.  Casa  de  Paz  Ckica 

350 

15 

162 

24 

1S6 

90.  Ciervo  Volante 

400 

18 

200 

*>•> 

222 

91.  Pidoina  Blanrn 

250 

12 

56 

20 

76 

92.  La  Ventura 

160 

4 

.58 

U 

72 

93.  Santa  Bdrhira 

370 

10 

70 

»>>> 

92 

94.  Sitntiaf/o 

600 

19 

56 

30 

8(! 

95.  iJand 

450 

7 

50 

24 

74 

96.  El  Gato 

400 

9 

40 

22 

62 

97.  Esayas 

260 

4 

30 

16 

46 

98.  San  Gabriel 

280 

4 

35 

20 

55 

23  sill] IS 

;;;■_.., 

while  returning  from  Lisbon 
Lost  on  the  Irish  Coast. 


602 


THE   CAMPAIGN  OF   THE  SPANISH  ARMADA. 


[1588. 


Tataches  and  Zabras,  under  Don  Antonio  Hurtado  be  Mendoza. 


Toils. 

Gnus. 

51 KX. 

RolJiers. 

Mariners. 

Total. 

99.  N.    S.    del    Pilar    ds    Zaragijm,\ 
Capitana i 

300 

11 

109 

51 

160 

1(».  La  Caridad  (Inglosa)   .... 

180 

12 

70 

3G 

lOG 

101.  San  Andres  (Escoces)  .... 

150 

12 

40 

29 

G9 

102.  EJ  Cnicifjo 

150 

8 

40 

29 

6!) 

103.  N.  S.  deJ  Pui'vto 

55 

8 

30 

33 

G3 

10-!.  La  Concepcion  de  Carasa   . 

70 

5 

30 

42 

72 

105.  N.  S.  d:>  Ee(joua 

6-i 

.. 

20 

20 

4.i 

lOG.  La  Coiicqicion  d:-  Capet illo 

GO 

10 

20 

2G 

4G 

107.  San  Jcronimo 

50 

4 

20 

37 

57 

108.  y.  S.  de  Gracia 

57 

5 

20 

34 

54 

109.  Ln    Conceprioii    dr    Francisco   de) 
Latent / 

75 

6 

20 

29 

49 

110.  X  S.  d-  Gimd.diipe      .... 

70 

20 

42 

62 

111.  San  Francisco 

70 

20 

37 

57 

112.  Espirit-.i.  Santa 

75 

20 

47 

67 

113.   Trinidad 

•? 

2 

23 

23 

114.  N.  S.  de  Castro 

y 

2 

2G 

26 

115.  Santo  Andres 

y 

2 

15 

15 

IIG.  La  Concepciori  de  Vahnascda  . 

.  ? 

2 

27 

27 

117.  La  Concepcion  de  SomaniJa     . 

9 

31 

31 

118.  Santa  Catcdina 

y 

23 

23 

119.  San  Juan  de  Carasa     .... 

9 

23 

23 

120.  Asuncion 

"J 

* ' 

23 

23 

22  ships 

1168 

1588.] 


THE  SPANISH  FLEET. 


603 


Gallkasses  of  Naples,  csder  Don  Hugo  de  Moncada. 


SiKX. 

Soldiers. 

Marlnere. 

Total. 

121.  San  Lorenzo,  Capitixna '     .      .      . 

? 

50 

21)2 

124 

380 

122.  Patrona  ZiiTiiga 

? 

50 

178 

112 

290 

123.  Girom- 

? 

50 

169 

120 

289 

124.  NapotihoHi 

•> 

50 

204 

112 

370 

•    .l,i,v. 

KUl  -' 

'  Driven  .nshore  and  liecanic  a  wreck  at  Calais. 

-  Wrecked  near  the  Giant's  Causeway,  i)rot)alily  witli  Don  Alonso  do  lA-yva,  the 
Count  of  Paredes,  and  .all  hands. 
'  Witli  1200  rowers. 


CiM.I.i;YS   (1I--   PoUTfCAL,   rxniCK   DoX   DlKtiO   Mkhuaxo. 


T<iis. 

Guus. . 

MEN. 

Soldiers. 

Ifariuers.  i      Total. 

•i 

106              101) 

12(j.  rriiirisa 

127.  Diana ' 

V 
V 

5 

5 
5 

90              90 
94       i       94 

9 

72             72 

I  shi]is 

::i;l'- 

'  Wrecked  at  Bayouue. 


With  888  rowers. 


G04 


THE   CAMPAIGN   OF  THE  SPANISH  ARMADA. 


[1588. 


SUMMARIES  OF  THE  TWO  FLEETS. 


English. 


Her  Majesty's  sliips      .... 
Merchant  ships  imder  Sir  Francis  Drake 
Ships  paid  by  the  City  of  London  . 
Merchant  ships  imder  the  Lord  High  Admiral 

For  about  eight  weeks    . 

For  tlie  whole  campaign 
Victuallers  ..... 

Coasters  under  the  Lord  High  Admiral   . 
Coasters  under  Lord  Hemy  Seymour 
Voluntary  ships  ..... 


iital 


Ships. 


34 
34 
30 


197 


Iteu. 


G28;i 
2394 
2180 


8 

530 

10 

221 

15 

810 

20 

993 

23 

1090 

23 

1044 

15,551 


Spanish. 


Armada  of  Portugal 
Armada  of  Biscay 
Armada  of  the  Galleons  of  Castille 
Armada  of  Andalusia  . 
Armada  of  Guipiizcoa  . 
Armada  of  Levant  ships 
Armada  of  Hulks 
Pataches  and  Zabras     . 
Galleasses  of  Naples  (1200  rowers) 
Galleys  of  Portugal  (888  rowers) 

Total 


Ships. 


12 

4623 

14 

2692 

16 

4177 

11 

3105 

12 

2600 

10 

3637 

23 

3729 

22 

1168 

4 

2541 

4 

1250 

128 


29,522 


(     GC5     ) 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

voyages  and  discoveries,  1485-1603. 
Sir  Clements  Maekham,  K.C.B. 

English  discovery — lietrospect — Meagre  records — Clironiclers — Eden — ITakluyt — Early 
voyages — Nicholas  of  Lynn — William  Canyng — Tliylde — Jolm  Cabot — Followers 
of  Cabot — Early  voyages — Western  voyages — William  Hawkyns — fininea  voyages 
— Sebastian  Cabot — Voyages  to  N.E. — WiUoiighliv — Chancellor — Tlie  lioroiigbs — 
John  Hawkyns — Francis  Drake — John  Oxcnham — Martin  Frobisor — I'et  and 
Jackman — John  Davis — Drake's  circunmavigation — Fenton — Cavendish — Merick 
— Cavendish  and  Davis — John  Davis — Richard  Hawkyns — Kesults  of  discovery 
— New  companies — -Humphrey  Gilbert — Walter  Ralegh — Walter  Ralegh  (Virginia) 
— Walter  Ralegh  (Guiana) — Lawrence  Keymis — Robert  Dudley — Preston,  Shirley, 
Parker — Explorers  knighted  at  Cadiz — James  Lancaster — Voyages  to  the  East 
Indies — East  India  Company — Retrospect. 


T' 


IHE  work  at  sea,  which  is  now  done  by  three 
services,  the  mercantile  marine,  the  royal  navy, 
and  the  much-neglected  expeditions  of  discovery, 
was,  in  the  whole  earlier  period  of  our  maritime 
history,  combined ;  our  merchant  ships  going  forth  to  trade  peace- 
ably, if  this  way  was  permitted,  if  not  to  fight,  and  always  to 
explore  and  to  discover.  All  distant  lands,  if  unvisited  and  un- 
explored by  Englishmen,  were  practically  discoveries,  so  far  as 
England  was  concerned,  and  the  daring  seamen  who  reached  them 
were  explorers  and  discoverers  as  well  as  traders.  In  the  study  of 
our  maritime  history  we  are  checked  at  the  outset  by  the  want  of 
records.  It  is  certain  that  in  early  times  many  voyages  were  made 
to  distant  countries  of  which  no  accounts  are  preserved,  and  that 
there  was  a  spirit  of  enterprise  abroad  among  our  merchants, 
and  gi-eat  activity  in  om-  seaports.  The  foundations  of  our  naval 
supremacy  were  laid  in  silence,  so  far  as  posterity  is  concerned  ; 
and  it  seems  important  that  this  should  be  home  in  mind. 
Continuous  efforts  were  made,  and  splendid  work  was  done  at 
sea  of  which  we  know  little  or  nothing.  Through  casual  sentences 
in   some   of    the   old   chroniclers— of    Botoner,   of  Fabvan,   or  of 


606  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1185-1603.  [1450. 

Stow — we  get  a  few  glimpses  of  what  was  goizig  on.  Eicliard 
Eden  gives  us  a  little  light ;  but  even  Hakluyt,  with  all  his 
devoted  energy  and  perseverance,  was  able  to  preserve  only  portions 
of  the  early  part  of  the  glorious  history  of  our  maritime  enter- 
prises. He  could  not  find  a  single  scrap  of  the  writings  of  John 
Cabot.  Yet  dming  a  long  life  he  "  waded  on  still  further  and 
fui-ther  in  the  sweet  studie  of  the  historie  of  cosmographie,"  and 
strove  "  to  incorporate  into  one  bodie  the  torn  and  scattered  hmnes 
of  our  ancient  and  later  navigations  by  sea."  To  no  writer  does 
England  owe  so  deep  a  debt  of  gratitude  as  to  Eichard  Hakluyt. 

In  the  fifteenth  century  William  Botoner,  better  known  as 
AVilliam  of  AVorcester — the  accomplished  secretary  of  that  doughty 
old  warrior,  Sir  John  Fastolf,  of  Caistor — gives  us  some  insight  into 
the  activity  and  enterprise  of  one  of  our  great  seaports.  He  tells  us 
of  William  Canyng,  the  merchant  prince  of  Bristol,  who,  for  many 
years,  employed  eight  hundred  seamen  and  one  hundred  artificers, 
and  possessed  ten  ships  which,  as  mentioned  in  an  earlier  chapter, 
traded  to  the  Mediterranean,  to  the  Baltic,  and  even  to  Iceland, 
where  one  of  his  vessels  of  160  tons  was  lost.  We  hear  also  how 
Robert  Sturmy,  Mayor  of  Bristol,  sent  a  ship  to  the  Mediterranean 
in  14.57,  which  was  "spoilt  by  the  Genoese,"  for  which  wrong  the 
Genoese  in  London  were  arrested  and  imprisoned  until  they  made 
good  the  loss. 

A  book  of  saihng  directions  for  the  coasts  from  Scotland  to 
Gibraltar  was  written  in  the  fifteenth  century,  and  has  been 
preserved.  At  the  time  when  the  Portuguese  vessels,  under  the 
auspices  of  Prince  Henry,  were  slowly  and  cautiously  creeping  along 
the  coast  of  Africa,  dreading  to  be  out  of  sight  of  land,  English 
sailors  had  no  such  fears,  but  habitually  faced  the  storms  of  the 
North  Atlantic  and  made  voyages  to  Iceland.  They  may  have 
gone  farther.  A  map  of  the  coasts  from  the  British  Isles  nearly 
to  Cape  A'erde  in  Africa,  was  drawn  in  London  in  1448,  including 
the  Azores  and  other  islands  in  the  Atlantic.  It  has  recently  been 
brought  to  the  notice  of  geographers  by  Mr.  Yule  Oldham.  Its 
author  was  a  Venetian  galley  captain  named  Andrea  Biancho,  who 
is  also  well  known  as  an  accomplished  cosmographer.  In  the 
margin  of  his  map  the  outline  of  a  coast  is  added,  with  the  in- 
scription— "An  authentic  island  distant  to  the  west  1.500  miles" 
{" Ixola  otinticha  X  longa  a  ponente  1500  viia").  As  the  map  was 
drawn  in  London,  this  new  information  was  j)robably  received  there. 


1480.]  TEYLDE'S   VOYAGE    WESTWARD.  007 

The  distance  luiglit  mean  1500  miles  to  the  westward  of  the  Enghsh 
coast,  on  about  the  parallel  of  London,  where  Biancho  drew  the 
map.  The  information  would  come  from  some  expedition  in  the 
days  of  William  Canynf^/ 

About  twenty  years  later,  voyages  of  discovery  began  to  be 
dispatched  from  Bristol,  to  discover  or  re-discover  an  island  called 
Brazil,  reported  to  be  in  the  ocean  to  the  westward  of  Ireland. 
William  Botoner  knew  something  about  one  of  these  voyages, 
because  his  brother-in-law,  John  Jay,  took  part  in  it.  He  says 
that  the  commander's  name  was  Thylde,  and  that  he  was  the  most 
scientific  seaman  in  all  England.  Sailing  from  the  port  of  Bristol, 
on  the  15th  of  July,  1480,  he  preceded  Columbus  by  upwards  of 
twelve  years.  His  task,  however,  was  far  more  difficult  and  perilous 
than  that  of  the  Genoese.  Colunabus  merely  ran  down  the  trades 
in  lovely  weather.  But  Thylde  and  his  gallant  Englishmen,  in  a 
little  vessel  of  80  tons,  had  to  battle  against  the  gales  of  the  North 
Atlantic  in  the  roaring  forties.  They  failed  to  discover  land,  but 
they  deserved  success.  The  time  occupied  by  the  voyages  of 
Columbus  and  Thylde  respectively  was  about  the  same,  one  sixty- 
nine  and  the  other  sixty-four  days  ;  but  while  the  Spaniards  enjoyed 
the  pleasant  weather  of  the  trade  wind,  the  English  adventm-ers 
fought  a  brave  fight  against  the  mighty  seas  and  adverse  gales  of 
the  boisterous  North  Atlantic.  Thylde  returned  to  Bristol  on  the 
18th  of  September ;  and  we  owe  it  to  the  accident  that  one  of  his 
crew  was  related  to  one  out  of  the  very  few  chroniclers  of  that  time, 
that  any  record  was  preserved  of  the  existence  of  the  most  scientific 
seaman  in  all  England,  or  of  his  voyage  of  discovery.  Other  similar 
voyages  followed ;  but  the  English  sailors,  in  their  more  stonny 
latitudes,  had  no  trade  wind  to  carry  them  easily  across  the  ocean ; 
while  Thylde,  as  a  scientific  observer,  for  a  long  time  had  no 
English  successor.  The  unknown  facts  which  led  to  the  insertion 
of  the  coast-line  on  the  margin  of  Andrea  Biancho's  map,  possibly 
account  for  the  subsequent  eiibrts  of  Thylde  and  others  to  re- 
discover that  land  which  they  called  Brazil.  It  seems  certain,  from 
what  we  are  told  l)y  William  Botoner,  that  such  efforts  were 
actually  made. 

The  minds  of  English  mariners  were  thus  quite  prepared  for 
another  attempt,  when  the  news  of  the  discoveries  of  Columbus 

'  Mr.  Yule  Oltlhain,  Imwever,  suggests   a   Portuguese  source  I'or  the  infbrniatioa 

wliiuh  iiiJucetl  Bianclio  to  draw  the  outline  on  the  niargiu  of  his  map. 


G08  VOYAGES  AND  DISCOVERIES,   1485-1603.  [1498. 

reached  them.      To  those  among  them  who  were  accustomed   to 

sail  from  Bristol,  a  voyage  of  discovery  to  the  westward  was  no 

new  idea.      When,   therefore,    a   scientific   Genoese   seaman,  with 

Venetian    citizenship,    named    John    Cabot,    and    his    three    sons, 

obtained  letters  patent   for   this   discovery  to   the  westward   from 

Henry  VII.  in  1496,  the  voyage  was  made  in  a  Bristol  ship  called 

the  Matthew,  with  a  crew  of  eighteen  men,  chiefly  English  seamen. 

The  surgeon  was  a  Genoese,  and  one  of  the  men  was  a  Biu-gundian. 

It  is   possible  to  gather  a  few  particulars    respecting   this  voyage 

from  State  papers,  and  from  the  letters  of  two  Italian  news'  writers 

who  were  in  London  at  the  time.     The  Matthew  sailed  from  Bristol 

in  May,  1497,  first  steering  northwards,  after  passing  Ireland,  and 

then  westward  for  a   month,  dimng  which   time   the  vessel   must 

have  been  set  to  the  south.     For,  passing  Newfoundland  on  the 

starboard  hand,  the  first   sight  of   land  (the  "Prima  Vista")  was 

obtained  on  St.  John's  Day,  the  '24th  of  June,  1497.     The  "Prima 

Vista"   is  shown  on  a  map  drawn  in  1544  by  John  Cabot's   son 

Sebastian,  to  be  the  northern  end  of  Cape  Breton.     The  explorers 

can  only  have  remained  a  very  short  time  on  the  newly  discovered 

coast,  for  the  Matthew  had  returned  to  Bristol  by  the  end  of  July 

or  first  days  of  August.    On  the  10th  of  August,  Henry  VII.  granted 

Cabot  the  munificent  sum  of  i^lO.' 

The  aspirations  of  Thylde  and  the  other  English  explorers  of  the 

fifteenth  century  were  thus  at  length  realised.      There  was  every 

encouragement   to  repeat  the  voyage,  and  on  February  3rd,  1498, 

Henry   VII.    granted   his    second    letters    patent   to   John    Cabot. 

Nothing  whatsoever  is  known  of   the  important  second  voyage  of 

Cabot  from  any  English  source,  except  the  facts  that  the  expedition 

consisted  of  five  vessels,  and  that  it  sailed  from  Bristol  before  the 

'2.5th  of  July,  1498.     English  seamen  named  Lancelot  Thirkill  and 

Thomas  Bradley  each  received  a  loan  of  ;£30  from  the  king  towards 

fitting  out  two  of  the  ships.     There  was  also  a  gratuity  of  MiO  5s. 

to  John  Carter  "  going  to  the  newe  ile."     Nothing  more  is  recorded. 

AVe   know   nothing   more   of   John    Cabot,  nor  of   the  expedition, 

except   that    Captain    Thirkill    returned    home — for    he    is    again 

mentioned   in  a  document  dated   June  6th,  1501.      But  when  the 

Spanish  pilot,  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  produced  his  famous  map  in  1500, 

'  Mr.  Harrisse  disbelieves  in  the  legend  on  the  Sebastian  Cabot  map  of  1.544  (wliich 
is  the  autliority  for  tlie  "  Prima  Vista ")  both  as  regards  the  date  and  tlie  pUice.  Ho 
idaces  the  landfall  of  Cabot  on  the  coast  of  Labrador  in  51°  15'  N. 


1502.]  DISCOVERY   OF  NEWFOUNDLAND.  609 

he  painted  flags  with  the  Red  Cross  of  St.  George  to  show  the 
discoveries  made  by  the  Enghsh  along  the  coasts  of  the  New  World, 
which  extend  from  Cape  Breton  to  a  point  which  is  probably  Cape 
Hatteras.  He  calls  these  discoveries  "  Sea  discovered  by  the 
English  termiziating  to  the  north  with  the  Cape  of  England." 
This  grand  achievement  was  the  work  of  the  expedition  of  1498. 
The  results,  in  the  shape  of  a  map,  must  have  been  obtained  by  the 
Spanish  ambassador  in  London,  forwarded  to  his  government,  and 
handed  over  to  Juan  de  la  Cosa  as  material  for  his  great  map.  So 
it  came  to  pass  that  the  only  record  of  the  discoveries  of  the  English 
Expedition  of  1498  is  preserved  on  the  bullock's  hide  which  now 
hangs  in  the  navy  office  at  Madrid. 

This  is  a  very  striking  example  of  the  absence  of  materials  for 
the  history  of  English  maritime  adventure  during  its  earlier  develop- 
ment. The  Cabot  voyages  are  generally  considered  to  mark  an 
epoch ;  and  to  foi-m  the  commencement  of  British  maritime  dis- 
covery. They  did  nothing  of  the  kind.  It  has  been  seen  that 
voyages  of  discovery  preceded  them ;  and  they  also  followed  them 
in  quick  succession.  The  importance  of  the  Cabot  voyages  lies  in 
their  success,  not  in  their  forming  a  starting  point.  English 
maritime  enterprise  had  been  fully  aroused  half  a  centmy  before 
letters  patent  were  granted  to  Cabot,  and  its  development  steadily 
continued  without  any  break.  Three  years  after  John  Cabot 
disappeared  from  the  scene,  letters  patent  were  granted  for  the 
discovery  and  settlement  of  what  was  called  the  "New  Island" 
to  Eichard  Ward,  Thomas  Ashehiust,  and  John  Thomas  of  Bristol, 
in  conjunction  with  three  natives  of  the  Azores.  In  1502,  letters 
patent,  for  a  fourth  time,  were  granted  to  Hugh  Ehot  and  Thomas 
Ashehurst ;  and  Dr.  Thome  tells  us  that  his  father,  with  another 
merchant  of  Bristol  named  Hugh  Eliot,  were  the  discoverers  of 
Newfoundland.  Cabot,  according  to  the  legend  on  his  son's  map 
of  1544,  had  left  it  to  the  north,  and  discovered  Cape  Breton. 
The  State  Papers  furnish  incidental  evidence  that  these  and  other 
voyages  were  actually  made  across  the  Atlantic.  In  1503,  we 
read  of  "  one  who  brought  hawks  from  Newfoundland,"  and  in 
1504,  of  "  a  Preste  going  to  the  New  Islande."  Another  expedi- 
tion returned  in  Septemlier,  1505. 

Maritime  discovery  was  a  plant  of  slow  but  steady  growth  in 
England,  established  in  a  rich  and  fertile  soil  and  destined  to  spread 
over  the  whole  earth,  to  the  benefit  not  only  or  chiefly  of  England, 
VOL.  I.  2  b 


610  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1485-1603.  [1536. 

but  of  all  mankind.  Progress  was  continuous.  In  1505,  the  famous 
Company  of  Merchant  Adventurers  received  their  Charter  and 
enlarged  their  cormnercial  relations  with  the  Low  Countries  and 
Germany ;  while  the  number  of  English  ships  trading  to  ports  in 
the  MediteiTanean  increased  year  by  year.  The  voyage  to  the 
Levant  occupied  twelve  months,  and  was  beset  by  all  kinds  of 
perils,  which  were  faced  and  overcome  by  the  fighting  seamen 
of  London  and  Bristol. 

Voyages  to  the  westward  were  also  continuous  from  the  days 
of  Cauyng  and  Thylde ;  and  some  record  of  at  least  two — which  were 
made  during  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII. — has  been  preserved.    In  15'27 
the  king  sent  out  two  ships,  the  Sampson  and  Marij  of  Guildford, 
well   manned   and   victualled,    under   the   command   of   John    Kut 
of  Eatcliff,  yeoman  of  the  Crown,  and  having  on  board  a  canon  of 
St.    Paul's   and    "  divers    cunning   men   to   seek   strange   regions." 
They  sailed  on  the  10th  of  June ;  but  the  Sampson  was  cast  away 
on  the  coast  of   Labrador,  and  the  other  vessel   returned   in   the 
following   October.      The   letter  from  John  Eut  to  Henry  VIII., 
dated  at  St.  John's,  Newfoundland,  on  August  3rd,  1527,  is  given 
by  Purchas.     In  the   same   year,  Master  Grabe,  with  two   ships, 
reached   Cape   Eace.      Nine   years   after,   in   1536,    a   voyage   was 
undertaken  by  a  number  of   gentlemen  of   the  Inns  of  Coiu't,  led 
by  Master  Hore  of  London,  a  man  of  goodly  stature,  great  cour- 
age, and  learned  in  the  science  of  cosmogi'aphy.      The  expedition 
consisted  of   thirty   gentlemen   volmiteers,  including   a   son  of    Sir 
William  Butts  of  Norfolk,  and  a  hundi-ed  seamen,  in  two  vessels, 
the  Trinity,  of  140  tons,  and  the  Minion,  conmianded  by  Captain 
Wade.     Sailing  from  Gravesend  they  reached  Cape  Breton,  after 
a  voyage  of  two  months,  and  proceeded  thence  to  an  island  which, 
in  those  days,  was  frequented  by  thousands  of  great  auks.     The 
men  drove  numbers  of   these  helpless   birds  into  their   boats  and 
took   their   eggs,  finding   them  to  be  "very  good   and   nourishing 
meat."      Many   Basque,  Breton,  and  EngHsh  vessels  came  every 
season,  and  the  wholesale  destruction  of  the  birds  brought  about 
their  extinction  in  less  than  two  centuries.     The  exploring  vessels 
were   then   on   the   coast   of   Newfomidland,  and  "  great   want   of 
victuals  "  was  brought  about  by  inexperience  and  mismanagement. 
The   young    barristers    began   to   eat   each    other,    which    induced 
Captain    Wade   to   preach   a   sermon   on   the  impropriety  of   such 
conduct.     Eventually  a  French  vessel  came  in  sight  and  was  seized 


1530.]  VOYAGES    OF   WILLIAM   I/AWKYNS.  611 

by  the  adventurers,  who  appropriated  provisions  sufficient  to  enable 
them  to  return  to  England.  Hakluyt  rode  two  hundred  miles  to 
obtain  the  particulars  of  this  voyage  from  young  Mr.  Butts ;  and 
to  his  indefatigable  perseverance  we  owe  the  preservation  of  records 
of  this  and  other  voyages,  which  would  otherwise  have  been  lost. 
They  may  be  taken  as  enterprises  typical  of  many  long  since 
forgotten. 

The  maritime  enterprises  of  the  days  of  Henry  VIII.  were  not 
confined  to  these  northern  voyages.  Hakluyt  tells  ns  how  old 
Mr.  William  Hawkyns  of  Plymouth,  who  was  much  esteemed  for 
his  wisdom,  valour,  and  skill  in  sea  canoes,  would  not  be  contented 
with  short  voyages  along  the  known  coasts  of  Europe.  He  fitted 
out  a  tall  and  goodly  ship  of  250  tons,  called  the  Pole,  of  Plymouth, 
and  made  three  long  and  once  famous  voyages  to  Brazil,  which,  in 
those  days,  was  an  enterprise  of  very  rare  occurrence.  His  first 
voyage  was  in  1.530,  when  he  reached  the  Eio  Cestos  on  the  Grain 
Coast  of  Guinea,  and  took  in  elephants'  teeth  and  other  com- 
modities. Thence  he  continued  his  voyage  to  the  coast  of  Brazil, 
where  he  behaved  with  such  prudence  and  judgment  that  he  not 
only  formed  friendships  with  the  natives,  but  even  induced  one  of 
the  chiefs  to  come  to  England.  These  three  voyages  of  William 
Hawkyns  were  memorable,  and  others  followed  in  his  footsteps. 
Several  wealthy  merchants  of  Southampton  sent  ships  to  Brazil  in 
1540 ;  and  trade  was  carried  on  with  the  ports  of  Barbary  from 
London.  But  one  of  the  first  voyages  to  Guinea  was  disastrous, 
owing  to  the  inexperience,  and  perhaps  to  the  misconduct,  of  the 
commander.  The  Primrose  and  Lion  left  Portsmouth  in  August, 
1553,  and  returned  with  the  loss  of  the  captain  and  of  a  hundred 
men,  out  of  one  hundred  and  forty  men  forming  the  crews  of  the 
two  ships. 

These  Guinea  voyages  were  indeed  veiy  perilous  in  those  days. 
Their  commanders  needed  to  be  men  of  high  qualifications — to  be 
endowed  with  coiirage,  patience,  perseverance,  zeal,  and  sympathy  for 
their  men.  Long  voyages,  the  ravages  of  scurvy,  and  bad  provisions 
had  certainly  to  be  faced,  besides  the  usual  perils  of  the  sea,  and  a 
probable  encounter  with  a  superior  force  of  Portuguese.  This  was 
the  training  of  most  of  the  great  naval  officers  of  the  Elizabethan 
age ;  and  such  a  man  appears  to  have  been  Captain  John  Lock,  who 
commanded  a  fleet  of  three  ships  for  the  Guinea  voyage,  fitted  out  by 
merchants  of  London,  in  1554.     He  exchanged  his  outward  cargo 

•2  u  -2 


612  VOYAGES   AND   DISCOVERIES,    1485-1(303.  [1557. 

with  the  commodities  of  the  country  at  a  place  four  leagues  to  the 
east  of  Lamina.  His  journal  describes  the  people  and  the  climate, 
and  contains  notes  on  the  variation  of  the  compass  and  on  the 
native  products,  such  as  gold,  elephants'  teeth,  dragons'  blood,  and 
cinnabar.  He  suggested  instructions  for  those  who  would  make  a 
voyage  to  Guinea.  They  should  make  a  chart  with  the  correct  lati- 
tudes of  places  ;  learn  what  commodities  belong  to  each  port ;  what 
help  may  be  depended  upon  from  the  natives ;  ascertain  particulars 
respecting  water-supply ;  and  explore  the  country  both  along  the 
coast  and  inland.  The  voyage  of  John  Lock  was  followed,  from 
1555  to  1557,  by  three  voyages  sent  to  Guinea  by  a  merchant  of 
London,  named  WilUam  Towerson,  his  ships  fighting  the  Portuguese 
successfully,  and  bringing  back  gold  and  ivory. 

The  meagre  history  which  Hakluyt  has  thus  presei-\'ed,  proves 
that  there  was  an  increasing  spirit  of  enterprise  among  the  merchants 
and  seamen  of  our  principal  seaports  for  at  least  a  centixry  before 
the  formation  of  the  great  companies  gave  an  additional  and 
abiding  impulse  to  maritime  discovery.  Nor  was  this  spirit  of 
adventure  confined  to  those  whose  regular  business  it  was  to  make 
trading  ventm-es  and  to  navigate  distant  seas.  Young  gentlemen 
from  inland  counties,  barristers  from  the  Inns  of  Com-t,  and  even  a 
canon  of  St.  Paul's,  came  forward  as  volunteers ;  while  the  policy 
of  the  Government  was  generally  to  give  reasonable  encouragement 
to  these  undertakings,  by  sharing  in  the  ventures,  by  occasionally 
even  fitting  out  expeditions,  and  eventually  by  granting  charters. 

Young  Edward  VI.  appears  to  have  taken  a  personal  interest  in 
the  advancement  of  the  maritime  prosperity  of  his  country,  and 
in  the  science  which  is  a  necessary  part  of  a  seaman's  education. 
During  his  reign  Sebastian,  the  son  of  John  Cabot,  retm-ned  to 
England,  after  having  served  the  Spanish  Government  for  many 
years,  been  initiated  into  all  the  secrets  of  the  hydrographic  office  at 
Seville,  and  been  entrusted  with  the  high  position  of  Chief  Pilot.  He 
in  fact  deserted ;  and  application  was  made  for  his  surrender  by  the 
Emperor  Charles  V.,  which  was  refused  because  it  was  thought  that 
his  services  would  be  useful  to  England.  Sebastian  was  very  young 
at  the  time  of  the  voyages  of  John  Cabot,  and  it  is  doubtful 
whether  he  accompanied  his  father.  When  he  returned  from  Spain 
he  was  an  old  man,  and  he  was  welcomed  as  a  learned  cosmo- 
grapher,  possessed  of  the  secrets  of  the  Spanish  Government.  In 
reahty,  he  was  a  treacherous  intriguer,  disloyal  to  all  his  employers,' 


1553.]  Sin   IIUOII    WlLLUUUllUY.  613 

alike  to  England  as  to  Spain.  But  this  was  never  known  until 
the  Venetian  archives  revealed  it,  centuries  after  his  death.  King 
Edward's  government  received  him  as  a  valuable  acquisition,  and 
granted  him  a  pension. 

When  the  monopoly  of  the  foreign  merchants  of  the  Steelyard 
was  withdrawn,  the  Company  of  Merchant  Adventurers  resolved  to 
seek  for  new  outlets  for  English  manufactured  goods,  and,  after 
much  consideration,  it  was  resolved  that  the  vessels  should  be  fitted 
out,  to  undertake  a  voyage  to  Cathay  by  the  north-east.  One  of  the 
leading  promoters  was  Lord  Howard  of  Effingham,  father  of  the 
great  admiral ;  and  Sebastian  Cabot  was  chosen  as  the  first  governor 
of  the  company.  The  choice  of  the  commander  for  this  expedition 
fell  upon  Sir  Hugh  Willoiighby,  a  younger  son  of  an  ancient 
Nottinghamshire  family.  His  portraits  at  Wollaton  and  in  the 
painted  hall  at  Greenwich,  show  us  a  tall,  handsome  man,  with  a 
small  head  and  amiable  expression  of  countenance.  He  had  the 
title  of  captain-general,  with  his  flag  on  board  the  Boita  Hperanza, 
of  120  tons.  His  second  in  command,  on  board  the  Edward 
Bonaventure,  of  160  tons,  was  Kichard  Chancellor,  an  experienced 
seaman,  who  had  already  seen  service  in  the  Mediterranean. 
Stephen  Borough  was  with  Chancellor  as  master,  and  John 
Buckland  as  mate.  The  third  vessel  was  the  Bona  Conjidcntia,  of 
90  tons.  Kather  elaborate  ordinances  and  instructions  were  drawn 
up  for  Willoughby's  expedition,  boiTOwed  from  similar  documents 
in  the  office  of  the  Chief  Pilot  of  Spain.  One,  as  Mr.  Harrisse  has 
pointed  out,  is  copied  from  the  instructions  which  the  Coimcil  of 
the  Indies  prescribed,  in  15'23,  to  Cabot  himself,  for  the  expedition 
to  the  Eiver  Plate.  In  these  instructions  the  captains  were  enjoined 
to  enter  daily  in  their  journals  the  navigations  of  every  day  and 
night.  The  journals  of  the  different  ships  were  to  be  compared 
periodically,  and,  after  debate  and  consultation,  to  be  entered  in  a 
common  ledger. 

On  the  20th  of  May,  1558,  the  three  ships  fonning  Sir  Hugh 
Willoughby's  expedition  were  towed  down  the  Thames  by  boats, 
with  the  crews  dressed  in  sky-i)lue  clotii.  The  ships  saluted  as 
they  passed  the  royal  palace  of  Greenwich,  the  roofs  and  towers  of 
which  were  crowded  with  spectators.  But  the  poor  young  king  was 
too  ill  even  to  come  to  a  window.  The  evidence  points  to  his 
having  been  poisoned,  probably  not  through  criminal  intent,  but 
owing  to  ignorance  and  neglect.      Five  years    of   terror   and   mis- 


(514 


VOYAOES  AND   DISCOVEBIES,    1485-1603. 


[1554. 


government  were  to  follow  his  death,  during  which  period  the 
sister  he  had  loved  so  well  was  in  deadly  peril,  expecting  to  be 
offered  a  sacrifice  to  bigotry  and  jealousy,  "  tanqua?n  ovis,"  as  she 
plaintively  said.  But  then  all  the  clouds  cleared  away,  the  sun 
appeared  in  its  splendour,  and  the  spirit  of  maritime  entei-prise  was 
fostered  for  nearly  half  a  century  by  the  great  queen. 

As  Willoughby's  ships  were  towed  down  the  river,  great  crowds 


SIR   HUGH   WILLOUGHBT,    KT. 

CTnhii.  hii  kimi  jjirmission  of  Lord  Mhhlletuii,  from' the  tAiiiin,  hi/  an  iiiikiiuwii 
artist,  atWollaloii  Hall,  A'uMs.) 

[Owing  to  the  condition  of  this  ivery  interesting  portrait,  it  has  been  I'ound  impossible  to 
obtain  a  better  reproduction  of  it  than, the  onel above  given.  The  historical  value  of  the  print 
will  excuse  its  imperfections.] 

lined  the  banks,  salutes  were  fired,  and  cheers  resounded  from  the 
crews  of  all  vessels  at  anchor.  The  fate  of  Willoughby's  ship  is 
well  known.  Sir  Hugh  came  in  sight  of  what  is  now  called  the 
"Goose  Coast"  of  Novaya  Zemlya,  and  afterwards  took  refuge  in 
the  Bay  of  Arzin  ain  Lapland.     Here  he  and  all  his  crew  perished 


1555.]  VOYAGES    TO    THE    WHITE  SEA.  615 

during  the  following  spring,  after  making  some  efforts  to  find  habi- 
tations of  the  natives  and  to  seek  their  aid.  Chancellor  was  more 
fortunate.  He  succeeded  in  reaching  the  Russian  settlement  of 
IvJiolmogori  on  the  White  Sea,  proceeded  to  Moscow,  and  returned 
safely  to  England  in  the  autumn  of  1554.  Commercial  relations 
were  thus  commenced  with  this  distant  and  previously  unknown 
country,  which  were  kept  open  by  vessels  periodically  dispatched 
to  the  White  Sea  by  the  Muscovy  Company,  the  title  by  which  it 
was  henceforth  known.  For  in  February,  1555,  it  was  granted  a 
charter  of  incorporation  by  Philip  and  Mary,  for  the  discovery  of 
unknown  lands. 

In  June,  1555,  the  company  sent  out  two  ships,  the  Edward 
Bonaventure  and  Philip  and  Mary,  commanded  by  Richard  Chan- 
cellor and  John  Howlet,  with  George  Killingworth  on  board  as 
the  company's  agent.  The  former  ship  proceeded  to  the  WTiite 
Sea,  probably  hearing  of  the  sad  fate  of  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby  and 
his  people  at  Vardo.  On  her  return,  the  Edward  Bonaventure,  then 
in  command  of  John  Buckland,  visited  Arzina  and  took  on  board 
the  body  of  Willoughby,  and  the  papers  and  merchandise  remaining 
in  his  ships.  The  Edward  Bonaventure  and  Philip  and  Mary 
returned  to  the  Thames  in  November.  Mr.  Harrisse  has  pointed 
out  that  Milton  ('  Brief  History  of  Muscovia ')  was  mistaken 
in  supposing  that  the  vessel  with  Willoughby's  body  on  board 
was  lost  at  sea.  The  same  two  ships  were  sent  to  the  White 
Sea  again,  in  1556,  and  a  third  vessel  was  added,  the  Searchthrift, 
under  Stephen  Borough,  with  his  brother  William  and  a  crew  of 
eight  men. 

Stephen  Borough  appears  to  have  been  in  chief  command ;  and 
be  left  Gravesend  on  the  25th  of  April,  1556.  Parting  company 
with  the  two  other  ships  off  the  entrance  to  the  White  Sea,  the 
Searchthrift  continued  the  explorations  eastward,  and  Borough 
reached  the  mouth  of  the  Pechora.  On  August  1st,  1556,  he  landed 
on  the  south-west  coast  of  Novaya  Zcmlya,  and  explored  the 
strait  between  that  coast  and  Waigatsch  island.  He  then  proceeded 
to  the  White  Sea,  and  wintered  at  Kholmogori,  returning  home 
in  1557. 

Meanwhile,  Chancellor  had  again  been  to  Moscow,  and  returning 
with  a  Russian  ambassador,  embarked  at  Kholmogori  on  board  the 
Edward  Bonaventure  in  July,  1556.  It  was  not  until  November 
that  she  aiTived  off  Pitsligo,  near  Aberdeen,  where  she  was  driven 


61(J  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   li85-1603.  [1567. 

upon  the  rocks  during  a  heavy  gale.  Chancellor,  the  experienced 
pilot  and  gallant  seaman,  perished  in  an  attempt  to  reach  the  shore 
in  a  boat. 

Then,  from  1557  to  1572,  followed  the  voyages  of  Anthony 
Jenkinson,  an  able  negotiator  and  intrepid  traveller.  Jenkinson  was 
the  first  Englishman  to  navigate  the  Caspian  Sea.  He  penetrated 
as  far  as  Kazvin  and  Bokhara,  and  obtained  a  new  charter  from  the 
Tsar,  for  the  Russia  Company,  in  1567. 

There  are  reasons  for  paying  special  attention  to  the  careers  of 
Stephen  and  Wilham  Borough.  They  are  the  first  in  the  long  roll 
of  illustrious  seamen  who  commenced  life  in  the  merchant  service, 
became  distinguished  as  explorers,  and  ended  as  valuable  officers  of 
the  Eoyal  Navy.  They  began  the  establishment  of  the  proof, 
which  the  experience  of  three  centimes  since  their  day  has  now 
completely  demonstrated,  that  voyages  of  discovery  are  the  best 
training-groimds  for  naval  officers.  They  were  the  first  to  perceive 
that  the  only  point  in  which  English  seamen  were  then  inferior  to 
Spaniards  or  Portuguese  was  in  scientific  knowledge ;  and  the  elder 
Borough  was  the  first  to  seek  a  remedy. 

Stephen  and  Wilham  Borough  were  born  at  Borough  in  the 
parish  of  Northam,  near  Bideford.  After  Stephen  returned  from 
the  White  Sea  in  1557,  he  induced  Eichard  Eden  to  translate  the 
'  Arte  de  Navegar,'  of  Martin  Cortes,  the  navigation  text-book  of 
the  Spaniards,  into  English.  He  thus  secm-ed  the  means  whereby 
our  seamen  could  obtain  instruction.  In  1563  he  received  the 
appointment  of  Chief  Pilot  in  the  Medway,  and  assumed  the  duty  of 
instructing  and  examining  seamen  in  the  art  of  navigation.  This 
meritorious  officer  died  in  July,  1584,  in  his  sixtieth  year,  and  was 
bm-ied  at  Chatham.  His  brother  Wilham's  services  were  of  the 
same  character.  He  was  ten  years  younger  than  Stephen,  and  he 
continued  to  serve  the  Eussia  Company  in  voyages  to  the  White 
Sea.  In  1570  he  commanded  a  fleet  bound  for  Narva  in  the  Baltic. 
The  brothers  had  been  attentive  in  observing  the  variation  of  the 
compass  during  the  voyage  of  1556,  and  in  1581  WiUiam  Borough 
published  his  '  Discourse  of  Variation  of  the  Compass.'  In  1583 
he  became  Comptroller  of  the  Navy,  and  two  years  afterwards  he 
commanded  the  fleet  which  conveyed  the  Earl  of  Leicester  from 
Harwich  to  Flushing.  He  constructed  charts  and  prepared  saihng 
directions,  besides  serving  with  Drake  at  Cadiz,  and  under  Lord 
Howard  against   the   Spanish  Armada.     Such  were  the  services  of 


1562.]  Slli   JOHN  HAWKINS.  617 

these  two  brothers,  who  received  their  training  in  expeditions  of 
discovery. 

But  they  were  only  the  two  first  among  that  galaxy  of  explorers 
and  discoverers  who  created  the  Enghsh  navy  and  saved  England. 
They  were  the  first,  but  their  compeers  Drake  and  Hawkyns  were 
perhaps  the  greatest  as  commanders  in  war  and  as  administrators 
in  time  of  peace.  John,  the  son  of  that  famous  old  Wilham 
Hawkyns  of  the  Brazil  voyages,  was  born  in  1532,  and  in  his  youth 
made  divers  voyages  to  the  Canary  Islands,  where  he  obtained  much 
information  respecting  the  trade  of  the  West  Indies.  He  heard, 
among  other  things,  that  there  was  a  great  demand  for  negroes  at 
St.  Domingo  and  in  the  Spanish  Main,  and  that  they  could  easily 
be  obtained  in  Guinea.  His  plan  was  approved  by  several  London 
capitalists,  as  well  as  by  Mr.  Benjamin  Gonson,  the  Treasiu'er  of 
the  Navy,  who  became  the  father-in-law  of  the  young  adventurer, 
probably  before  he  sailed. 

John  Hawkyns  was  thirty  years  of  age  in  1562,  when  he  received 
command  of  three  ships,  the  Solomon,  of  120  tons,  the  Swallow,  of 
100  tons,  and  the  small  barque  Jonas.  The  orders  he  gave  to  his 
sailors  were: — "  Serve  God  daily;  love  one  another;  preserve  your 
victuals;  beware  of  fire;  and  keep  good  company."  Proceeding  to 
Sierra  Leone,  he  got  on  board,  partly  by  force  and  partly  by  other 
means,  as  many  as  three  hundred  negroes,  besides  other  merchandise. 
Crossing  the  Atlantic,  he  visited  the  ports  of  Isabela,  Puerto  de 
Plata,  and  Monte  Christi,  on  the  north  coast  of  the  island  of  Santo 
Domingo.  He  disposed  of  all  his  negroes,  and  received  in  exchange 
so  valuable  a  cargo  that  he  returned  home  in  September,  1563,  with 
much  profit,  both  to  himself  and  to  the  merchant  adventurers  who 
fitted  out  the  expedition.  But  Hakluyt  was  only  able  to  get  but  a 
brief  account  of  the  first  West  Indian  voyage  of  John  Hawkyns. 

The  story  of  the  second  voyage  of  John  Hawkyns  is  well  told  by 
John  Sparke  the  younger,  who  was  on  board  one  of  the  ships  as  a 
volunteer.  On  the  18th  of  October,  1564,  four  vessels,  named  the 
Jesus  of  Liibeck,  of  700  tons,  the  Solomon,  of  140  tons,  and  the 
Tiger  and  Swallow  of  50  and  30  tons  respectively,  sailed  from 
Plymouth  under  the  command  of  Hawkyns,  who  proceeded,  as  on 
the  previous  voyage,  to  the  Coast  of  Africa,  and  in  January,  1565, 
made  sail  from  Sierra  Leone  for  the  West  Indies  with  a  cargo  of 
slaves.  After  touching  at  Dominica  and  other  islands,  Hawkyns 
anchored  off  Burburata  on  the  coast  of  Venezuela.     Here  he  was 


618 


VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1485-1603. 


[1565. 


told  that  the  Spaniards  were  forbidden  to  trade  with  any  other 
nation ;  but  the  authorities  agi-eed  to  supply  him  with  provisions 
and  water ;  and  in  the  end  Hawkyns  also  received  payment  for 
a  number  of  his  negroes.  At  Eio  de  la  Hacha,  by  a  display  of 
force,  Hawkyns  again  obliged  the  Spaniards  to  trade  with  him,  and 
thus  disposed  of  more  negroes. 

On   the  31st  of   May,  1565,  the  EngHsh  adventurers  departed 
from  the  South  American  coast,  sighted  Jamaica  and  Cuba,  and 


SIR   JUHi.    HAWKYNS,    KT. 
(From  till'  '  Memjlogia.'') 

arrived  at  the  river  in  Florida  where  the  French,  under  Laudonier, 
had  built  a  fort.  Hawkyns  found  these  settlers  in  want  of  pro- 
visions, and  presented  them  with  supplies  of  meal  and  beans,  and 
also  with  one  of  his  barques,  to  help  them  on  their  return.  Taking 
leave  of  the  Frenchmen,  Hawkyns  began  his  homeward  voyage  on 
the  28th  of  July,  and  arrived  at  Padstow  on  the  '20th  of  September, 
1565.  This  second  voyage  of  Hawkyns  was  also  profitable,  and 
encouraged  the  adventurers  to  tempt  fortune  a  third  time. 


1567.]  VO¥AGi:S    TO    GUINEA    AND    SOUTH  AMERICA.  619 

Hawkyns  sailed  from  Pljmouth  on  the  "ind  of  October,  1567, 
with  a  fleet  consisting  of  the  Jesus  of  Lilheck,  lent  by  the  queen,  the 
Minion,  the  Judith,  of  50  tons,  and  two  small  barques;  and  in 
command  of  the  Judith  was  his  renowned  cousin,  Francis  Drake. 
The  needy  vicar  of  Upchurch  on  the  Medway,  driven  by  persecution 
from  his  native  Devonshire,  found  it  hard  to  bring  up  several  sons, 
and  Francis  was  apprenticed  to  the  master  of  a  small  vessel  which 
traded  along  the  coast,  and  across  the  Channel  to  Zeeland  and 
France.  As  a  boy  of  twelve  or  thirteen,  he  might  have  seen,  and 
probably  did  see,  the  fleet  of  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby  go  down  the 
river,  and  he  probably  joined  in  the  cheering.  He  was  such  a  good 
and  honest  lad  that  the  old  sailor  who  owned  the  coasting  vessel 
bequeathed  it  to  his  apprentice  on  his  death.  This  was  the  small 
beginning  of  Drake's  fortune.  He  continued  in  the  same  business 
for  several  years,  but  in  1565  he  made  a  voyage  with  Captain  John 
Lovell  to  the  West  Indies,  which  was  disastrous,  and  caused  ruinous 
loss  to  young  Drake.  He  was,  therefore,  glad  to  receive  command 
of  the  little  Judith  in  the  fleet  of  his  relative. 

Pursuing  his  former  course  of  procedure,  Hawkyns  went  fkst  to 
the  coast  of  Africa,  took  between  four  hundred  and  five  hundred 
negi'oes  on  board,  and  sailed  with  them  for  the  West  Indies,  arriving 
at  Dominica  on  the  27th  of  March,  1568.  He  seems  to  have  found 
no  difficulty  in  inducing  the  Spaniards  on  the  coast  of  Venezuela  to 
trade  with  him,  except  at  Eio  de  la  Hacha  and  Cartagena.  At  the 
former  place  Hawkyns  found  it  necessary  to  land  his  men  and  take 
the  town  by  storm  before  its  citizens  could  be  induced  to  enter  into 
commercial  relations,  but  after  that  decisive  step,  they  came  by 
night  and  purchased  two  hundred  negroes  from  the  English. 
Leaving  Cartagena  on  the  24th  of  July,  and  commencing  the 
homeward-bound  voyage,  the  adventurers  encountered  a  hurricane 
off  the  west  end  of  Cuba,  which  lasted  four  days,  and  the  Jesus 
sprung  a  leak.  This  was  followed  by  another  gale,  and  Hawkyns 
was  obliged  to  seek  a  refuge  for  his  battered  ships  in  the  bay  of  Vera 
Cruz  on  the  coast  of  Mexico,  on  the  16th  of  September. 

Hawkyns  made  a  request  to  the  Audience  of  Mexico,  which  was 
in  charge  of  the  government  until  the  new  viceroy  should  arrive, 
that,  having  been  driven  to  the  anchorage  of  San  Juan  de  Ulloa  by 
stress  of  weather,  he  might  be  supplied  with  provisions  and  allowed 
to  depart  peaceably.  Meanwhile,  the  Spanish  fleet  arrived,  having 
on  board  the  new  viceroy  of  Mexico,  Don  Martin  Henriquez.     The 


620  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,    1485-1603.  [1570. 

viceroy  made  an  agreement  with  the  English  commander  that  his 
ships  should  be  provisioned ;  the  fleets  saluted  each  other,  and  amity 
was  apparently  estabhshed.  But  the  Spaniards  intended  treachery, 
and  at  a  given  signal  a  general  attack  was  suddenly  made  on  the 
Enghsh  ships.  The  Minion  sUpped  her  cables,  hauled  awaj-  on 
a  stemfast,  and  thus  escaped  from  the  first  assaiilt.  The  Jesus  was 
next  attacked,  but  she  also  hauled  out,  and  both  the  English  ships 
got  to  a  distance  of  two  ships'  lengths  from  their  Spanish  assailants. 
Then  a  heavy  fire  was  opened  on  the  Jesus  fi'om  a  battery  on  shore, 
and  her  masts  and  yards  were  so  cut  about  that  aU  hope  was 
abandoned  of  getting  her  out  to  sea.  She  was  left  to  her  fate,  while 
the  Minion,  hastily  taking  Hawkyns  on  board,  made  sail,  followed 
by  some  of  the  sux-\'ivors  of  the  crew  of  the  Jesus  in  a  boat.  The  rest 
were  slaughtered.  The  Minion  and  Judith  put  to  sea,  but  parted 
company  next  day.  The  Minion  was  thus  crowded  with  men,  while 
the  provisions  had  run  short,  and  there  was  no  possibihty  of  feeding 
so  many.  After  sailing  about  for  several  days  in  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  she  was  anchored  off  the  coast,  near  Tampico.  The 
unfortunate  people,  pressed  by  hunger,  demanded  to  be  put  on 
shore.  There  was  no  alternative.  A  hundred  men  were  lauded, 
and  Hawkyns  commenced  the  voyage  home  with  about  a  hundred 
survivors,  who  died  in  great  nimibers  from  scurvy  and  famine. 
Some  relief  was  obtained  from  English  ships  in  Vigo  Bay,  and  on 
the  25th  of  January,  1-569,  the  battered  Minion,  with  her  suffering 
crew,  was  anchored  in  Mount's  Bay. 

The  men  who  were  put  on  shore  on  the  coast  of  Mexico  were, 
made  prisoners,  and  were  at  first  treated  with  humanity,  but  the 
Inquisition  was  established  at  Mexico  in  1570,  and  the  most 
horrible  atrocities  were  committed  on  the  English  captives.  Only 
two,  named  Da\'id  Ingram  and  Miles  Philips,  ever  retiu-ned  home, 
and  their  accounts  of  the  cruelties  of  the  Inquisition,  and  of  the 
terrible  sufferings  of  themselves  and  their  comrades,  sent  a  thrill 
of  horror  through  the  land.  Both  Hawkyns  and  Drake  vowed 
vengeance,  and  they  were  men  who  kept  their  word. 

John  Hawkyns  had  thus  received  his  training  in  the  conduct  of 
difiicult  and  perilous  adventures  by  sea.  The  rest  of  his  hfe  was 
devoted  to  the  naval  service  of  his  country.  This  gi'eat  sea  captain 
acquired  his  rare  qualifications  during  his  long  service  in  exploring 
voyages  to  the  Canaries,  to  the  coast  of  Africa,  and  to  the  West 
Indies. 


1572.]  SIR   FBANCIS  DRAKE.  621 

The  captain  of  the  Judith  was  ten  years  younger  than  his  cousin 
Hawkyns,  and  was  resolved  to  see  more  of  the  West  Indies.  The 
treatment  of  his  comrades  who  had  been  forced  to  land  at  Tampico 
made  Francis  Drake  an  implacable  enemy  of  the  Spaniards. 
Whether  there  was  peace  or  war  between  England  and  Spain, 
there  was  henceforth  to  be  unceasing  war  between  Drake  and 
the  countrjonen  of  the  Spanish  Inquisitors.  In  1570,  Drake  made 
a  voyage  to  the  West  Indies  with  two  small  vessels,  called  the 
Dragon  and  Swan,  and  in  1571  he  went  out  in  the  Swan  alone. 
He  was  collecting  information  and  maturing  his  plans  for  a  hostile 
expedition  ou  a  more  considerable  scale. 

When  he  returned  to  Plymouth,  he  began  to  make  a  very  careful 
selection  of  young  able-bodied  seamen  to  form  the  crews  of  two 
vessels,  forty-seven  men  and  boys  for  one,  and  twenty-six  for  the 
other.  A  year's  provisions  were  taken  on  board,  and  three  pinnaces 
were  specially  constructed,  to  be  taken  out  in  pieces.  The  Pasha, 
of  70  tons,  was  commanded  by  Drake  himself,  and  the  Swan,  of 
25  tons,  by  his  brother  John.  They  sailed  from  Plymouth  on  the 
24th  of  May,  1572,  and  Drake  shaped  a  course  for  the  Spanish 
Main,  until  he  sighted  the  high  land  about  Santa  Marta.  He  seems 
to  have  known  of  a  small  mifrequented  bay,  which  he  called  "  Port 
Pheasant,"  and  here  his  ships  were  anchored,  and  the  pinnaces  were 
put  together.  He  was  joined  by  a  barque  belonging  to  Cowes,  with 
a  crew  of  thirty  men,  under  the  command  of  a  seaman  named 
James  Reuse. 

Drake's  scheme  was  desperate;  but  it  was  very  carefully  planned. 
He  intended  to  attack  Nombre  de  Dios  in  the  pinnaces,  the  point  on 
the  isthmus  to  which  all  the  w'ealth  of  Pern  converged  for  shipment 
to  Europe.  The  three  pinnaces  came  silently  before  the  town  in 
the  dead  of  night.  At  three  in,  the  morning  of  the  22nd  of  July,  the 
EngUsh,  landing,  captured  a  battery  of  six  brass  guns,  and  spiked 
them.  Unluckity  a  gunner  escaped  and  alanned  the  town.  ^^Tien 
Drake  entered  the  market-place  at  the  head  of  his  men,  the 
Spaniards  opened  fire,  but  were  put  to  flight.  John  Oxenham, 
Drake's  trusty  lieutenant,  found  an  immense  heap  of  silver  bars  in 
the  treasure-house.  The  gallant  commander  of  the  expedition  had, 
however,  been  severely  wounded.  He  fainted  from  loss  of  blood, 
was  carried  down  to  his  pinnace,  and  taken  to  an  island  where  he 
might  be  cured  of  his  wound.  Here  the  ships  joined  them,  and 
Eeuse  parted  company  to  retm-n  home  with  his  share  of  the  spoils. 


622  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,    1485-1603.  [1573. 

Drake  continued  to  harass  the  Spaniards.  His  brother  John  was 
killed  in  boarding  an  enemy's  ship,  and  another  brother  Joseph 
died  of  fever  with  twenty-eight  of  the  men,  biit  several  prizes  were 
captm-ed  in  the  autumn  of  1572. 

During  these  closing  months  of  the  year,  the  active  brain  of 
the  illustrious  leader  was  elaborating  a  plan  for  crossing  the 
isthmus  of  Darien,  and  intercepting  the  train  of  treasure  mules. 
He  made  his  preparations  with  great  care.  He  had  succeeded  in 
opening  friendly  relations  with  a  chief  of  the  Cimarrones  or 
runaway  slaves  named  Pedro,  and  he  selected  the  best  of  his  own 
men.  His  expedition  finally  consisted  of  eighteen  picked  English 
seamen  and  thirty  Cimarrones,  and  he  started  for  the  journey  across 
the  isthmus  on  the  Brd  of  February,  1573.  The  way  led  through 
dense  tropical  forests,  up  steep  declivities,  and  along  rocky  water- 
courses. On  the  11th,  they  reached  the  top  of  a  hill  on  which,  the 
narrative  tells  us,  there  was  "  a  goodlie  and  great  high  tree." 
Francis  Drake  climbed  into  the  branches  by  means  of  notches  cut 
in  the  trunk,  and,  for  the  first  time,  beheld  the  South  Sea  stretching 
away  to  the  western' horizon.  His  mind  was  fiUed  with  enthusiasm, 
and  when  he  reached  the  ground  he  knelt  down  and  besought  God 
"to  give  him  life  and  leave  once  to  sail  an  Enghsh  ship  on 
that  sea." 

The  little  party  had  reached  the  water-parting  of  the  isthmus. 
They  now  began  to  force  their  way  through  the  almost  impervious 
tangle  of  forest  vegetation  until  at  length  they  came  in  sight  of  the 
city  of  Panama.  Drake  had  inteUigence  that  eight  mules  laden 
with  gold  were  about  to  make  their  way  from  Panama  to  Nombre 
de  Dios.  He  secreted  his  men  near  the  roadside,  and  after  about  an 
hoiu'  the  tinkling  of  the  leading  mule's  bell  was  heard.  One  of  the 
seamen,  unable  longer  to  restrain  his  excitement,  dashed  forward. 
This  prevented  the  plan  of  a  sui-prise,  but  Drake  was  not  to  be 
beaten.  He  got  his  little  force  in  order,  and  boldly  attacked  the 
escort.  The  Spaniards  were  seized  with  panic  and  fled,  leaving 
their  precious  charge  in  the  hands  of  the  victors.  Drake  then 
re-crossed  the  isthmus  and,  near  Nombre  de  Dios,  captured  another 
train  of  109  mules,  each  carrying  300  pounds  of  silver.  The 
quantity  was  so  great  that  only  a  portion  could  be  taken  away. 

When  Drake  came  down  to  the  appointed  place  of  embarkation 
he  found  that,,  instead  of  his  pinnaces,  there  were  seven  armed 
Spanish  boats  at  anchor  in  the  bay.     It  is  on  such  occasions  that 


?:mw&i^^«4»  jSc«^ 


'a^ttf/^it   ,-*tyn^   iji^'^'i^it^ 


"y- 


-'¥SSn^» 


1575.]  JOnU   ox  EN  HAM.  623 

the  value  of  a  tniiiiin';  iu  exploring  expeditions  is  brou<^ht  out. 
Men  have  to  decide  on  the  instant,  when  one  false  step  would  be 
fatal.  The  habit  of  alertness  and  presence  of  mind  is  acquired ;  and 
the  necessary  training  cannot  be  secured  by  study  and  exercise,  but 
only  by  long  service  in  the  midst  of  perils  and  difficulties  and  oi 
sudden  emergencies.  Taking  every  precaution  that  his  people  should 
be  neither  seen  nor  heard,  Drake  led  them  quietly  down  to  a  part  of 
the  bay  which  was  concealed  from  the  Spaniards  by  a  jutting  point. 
Here  they  built  a  raft  and  embarked  to  search  for  their  comrades 
with  a  bread-bag  for  a  sail,  and  the  branch  of  a  yomig  tree  for  a 
rudder.  They  were  up  to  their  middles  iu  water,  but  the  ships  were 
found,  and  Drake  prepared  for  the  homeward  voyage  after  dis- 
missing the  faithful  Cimarrones  loaded  with  presents. 

Drake  returned  to  Plymouth  on  the  9th  of  August,  1593,  and 
found  himself  a  rich  mau.  He  served  for  some  years  in  Ireland, 
and  on  his  return  he  was,  through  the  good  offices  of  Sir  Christopher 
Hatton,  presented  to  the  great  queen. 

John  Oxeuham  was  not  so  patient.  He  was  devoted  to  the 
service  of  Drake,  whom  he  had  accompanied  through  all  the  stirring 
incidents  of  his  marvellous  voyage  to  the  isthmus,  but,  while  waiting 
for  his  old  master,  he  must  needs  scrape  together  money  from  among 
his  Devonshire  friends,  fit  out  a  small  vessel  of  140  tons  at  Plj-- 
mouth,  and  start  on  an  expedition  of  his  own  in  1575.  Proceeding 
to  the  same  place  on  the  isthmus  he  heard  from  the  Cimarrones 
that,  since  Drake's  incursion,  the  mule  trains  were  guarded  by  much 
larger  escorts.  So  he  conceived  the  project  of  emljarking  on  the 
South  Sea  and  intercepting  the  treasm-e  ships  before  they  reached 
Panama.  Oxenham  concealed  his  ship  in  a  creek  and  buried  his 
guns.  He  then  made  his  way  across  the  isthmus  with  all  his  crew 
and  a  large  body  of  Cimarrones.  On  reaching  a  river  flowing  into 
the  Pacific,  trees  were  felled,  timbers  were  shaped,  and  a  pinnace 
was  built,  with  forty-five  feet  length  of  keel.  On  board  this  fittle 
craft  Oxenham  and  his  intrepid  followers  sailed  down  the  river  and 
across  the  bay  to  one  of  the  Pearl  Islands,  thus  being  the  first 
Englishmen  to  navigate  the  Pacific  Ocean.  They  captmed  two 
vessels  from  Callao  and  Guayaquil  laden  with  treasure,  but  Oxen- 
ham committed  the  fatal  mistake  of  allowing  the  crews  to  depart 
and  give  the  alarm.  The  EngHsh  retm-ued  to  the  isthmus  and  went 
up  the  river  where  the  pinnace  had  been  built,  on  their  way  to  their 
own  ship  on  the  other  side.     Meanwhile,  an  expedition  in  pursuit. 


624  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,    1485-1603.  [1576. 

consisting  of  a  hundred  soldiers  under  Don  Juan  de  Ortega,  was 
sent  from  Panama  to  surprise  them.  Ortega  reached  the  delta  of 
the  river,  but  he  was  at  a  loss  which  mouth  to  enter,  for  it  dis- 
charged its  waters  into  the  sea  by  three  channels.  Presently  a 
quantity  of  feathers  of  plucked  fowls  came  iioating  down  one  of 
them.  Ortega  at  once  went  up  that  channel,  and  on  the  fourth  day 
came  to  the  pinnace  with  only  six  men  in  her.  Soon  the  Spaniards 
discovered  where  the  booty  was  concealed,  and  were  returning  to 
their  boats,  when  they  were  overtaken  by  Oxenham  and  the  main 
body.  The  fearless  Englishman  led  on  a  desperate  attack,  and  his 
men  fought  with  impetuous  valour.  But  they  were  overpowered  by 
numbers.  Eleven  were  killed,  and  twelve,  including  the  gallant 
leader,  were  captm-ed  and  sent  to  Lima.  All  were  put  to  death 
except  two  boys.  It  was  a  sad  ending  for  an  exploit  almost  without 
an  equal  in  the  annals  of  maritime  daring.  Its  reckless  audacity  has 
been  condemned,  though  it  is  a  quality  which  should  be  fostered 
and  encouraged,  for  it  has  made  England  the  mistress  of  the  sea. 
It  must  be  remembered  too  that  Oxenham  and  his  men  showed  that, 
although  they  knew  no  fear  and  counted  no  odds,  they,  and  espe- 
cially their  leader,  had  the  minds  to  plan  out  an  undertaking  of 
extreme  difficulty,  and  to  execute  it  with  skill  and  foresight.  Above 
all  we  should  be  proud  that  the  cause  of  their  disaster  was  their 
generovis  humanity.  If  they  had  done  to  their  prisoners  what  the 
Spaniards  did  to  theirs,  they  would  have  returned  home  safely  with 
their  little  ship  laden  with  treasure.  The  training  of  an  explorer 
alone  could  have  enabled  Oxenham  to  achieve  what  he  did.  The 
noble  attribute  of  mercy  to  the  vanquished  caused  his  failure  and 
death. 

While  Drake,  fired  by  the  sight  of  the  South  Sea  from  the  tall 
tree  on  Darien,  was  dreaming  of  a  great  voyage  round  the  world, 
the  attention  of  some  of  his  brother  adventurers  was  turned  to  the 
discovery  of  a  way  to  the  Indies  by  the  north-west.  Michael  Lok 
was  a  leading  spirit  in  advocating  an  attempt ;  and  the  bold 
Yorkshireman  who  commanded  the  expedition  was  fortunate  in 
having  a  man  on  board  who  was  so  weU  able  to  give  an  interesting 
account  of  his  voyages.  Mr.  George  Best  knew  what  he  was 
writing  about,  for  he  had  "  apphed  himseK  wholly  to  the  study  of 
cosmographie  and  the  secrets  of  navigation."  He  tells  us  that 
Captain  Martin  Frobiser  fitted  out  two  very  small  vessels — the 
Gabriel  of  2.5,  and  the  Michael  of  20,  tons — and  sailed  on  the  1st 


1577.]  SIJi   MARTIN  FBOBISER.  625 

of  July,  1576,  to  attempt  a  passage  which  has  baffled  all  the 
skill,  energy,  and  devotion  of  later  times.  After  a  stormy  voyage 
Frobiser  sighted  high  and  rugged  land,  with  great  store  of  ice 
along  the  coast,  which  he  judged  to  be  the  Friesland  described  by 
the  Venetian  brothers  Zeni  at  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  centuiy. 
In  reality  it  was  the  east  coast  of  Greenland,  near  Cape  Farewell. 
Here  the  pinnace  was  lost  with  four  men.  The  Michael  deserted 
her  consort  and  went  home ;  but  Frobiser,  in  the  little  Gabriel, 
continued  his  westward  course.  He  crossed  what  was  afterwards 
called  Davis'  Strait,  and  sighted  "  Queen  EHzabeth's  Forlande  "  on 
the  20th  of  July.  On  this  voyage  Frobiser  discovered  the  deep 
bay,  long  called  a  strait,  which  bears  his  name.  He  returned  in 
August,  1596,  bringing  home  a  shining  piece  of  stone,  from  which 
the  gold-finders  "  promised  great  matters."  This  was  fortunate,  for 
it  led  to  the  dispatch  of  two  more  expeditions  under  Frobiser.  It 
often  happens  that  such  searches  for  "  El  Dorado,"  Prester  John,  or 
even  for  ores  existing  only  in  the  imaginations  of  assayers,  lead  to 
important  geographical  discoveries,  or,  at  all  events,  to  voyages 
being  undertaken  which  form  an  admirable  nursery  for  seamen ; 
"which  things,"  says  Mr.  George  Best  most  truly,  "are  of  so  great 
importance  as,  being  well  wayed,  may  seem  to  comitervail  the 
adventurers'  charges." 

Frobiser's  second  expedition  consisted  of  three  vessels — the 
Aid  of  200  tons,  with  the  commander  of  the  expedition  himself 
on  board ;  lieutenant,  George  Best ;  master,  Christopher  Hall ;  and 
mate,  Charles  Jackman.  The  Gabriel  was  commanded  by  Captain 
Edward  Fenton,  and  the  Michael  by  Gilbert  Yorke.  Saihng  on  the 
26th  of  May,  1577,  they  anchored  in  Kirkwall  Bay  to  send  home 
letters,  and  sighted  the  coast  supposed  to  be  Friesland  on  the  -Ith  of 
July.  Proceeding  onward  to  the  land  discovered  in  the  previous 
year,  a  more  careful  survey  was  made  of  Frobiser's  (Strait)  Bay : 
the  names  of  Yorke  and  Jackman  were  given  to  soiinds,  and  that  of 
the  master,  Christopher  Hall,  to  an  island.  During  this  second 
voyage  only  one  man  was  lost. 

On  Frobiser's  return  it  was  found  that  the  assayers  and  gold- 
smiths had  become  more  excited  than  ever  over  the  worthless, 
though  glittering,  bits  of  mica,  and  adventm-ers  were  ready  to  equip 
a  large  fleet  to  seek  for  more.  The  queen  named  the  country 
discovered  by  Frobiser  "  Meta  Incognita,"  and,  in  the  spring  of 
1578,  that  valorous  commander  found  himself  at  the  head  of  an 
VOL.  I.  2  s 


626  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1485-1603.  [1580. 

expedition  consisting  of  no  less  than  fifteen  vessels.  As  his  com- 
panions we  again  find  Fenton,  Yorke,  and  Best,  besides  others 
not  unknown  to  naval  fame,  Carew,  Courtenay,  Newton,  Kendal, 
Kinnersley.  Edward  Sellman  was  the  historian  of  the  third 
voyage. 

Much  experience  in  ice  navigation  was  acquired  during  this  third 
voyage.  Frobiser  himself  landed  on  the  coast  of  Greenland,  which 
he  still  called  Friesland,  and  obtained  some  dogs  from  the  natives — 
the  first  communication  with  Greenland  Eskimos  since  the  days  of 
the  Norsemen.  He  called  some  high  land  near  Cape  Farewell 
"  Charing  Cross."  Jackman,  who  was  chief  pilot  of  the  fleet, 
succeeded  in  guiding  the  ships  through  all  the  perils  of  floes  and 
icebergs  in  the  strait,  though  Captain  Fenton  was  beset  for  twenty 
days  and  in  great  danger.  The  "  Meta  Incognita "  was  further 
explored  in  several  directions ;  and  a  small  house  was  built  on  an 
island  named  after  the  Countess  of  AVarwick.  The  American 
explorer  Hall  discovered  its  remains  in  July,  1861.  The  ships 
retm-ned  home,  and  by  that  time  it  had  been  ascertained  that  the 
glittering  stones  were  iiibbish.  The  most  distinguished  of  the  ice 
navigators,  Frobiser  and  Fenton,  did  good  service  ten  years  after- 
wards at  the  repulse  of  the  Spanish  Armada. 

Charles  Jackman,  who  had  served  as  a  pilot  in  two  of  Frobiser's 
voyages,  continued  his  Arctic  work.  It  was  resolved  once  more  to 
attempt  the  north-east  passage,  and  two  little  vessels  set  out  in  the 
spring  of  1580,  named  the  George  and  the  William,  under  the 
command  of  Arthur  Pet  and  Charles  Jackman.  Mr.  Hugh  Smith 
wrote  the  account  of  their  gallant  but  ill-fated  enterprise.  Doubling 
the  North  Cape  on  the  '2'2nd  of  June,  they  parted  company  off  Kegor 
to  rendezvous  at  Waigatsch.  They  attempted  to  enter  the  Kara  Sea, 
but  were  stopped  by  the  ice,  and  in  returning  westward  they  again 
parted  company.  The  George  returned  to  the  Thames  in  November. 
The  William  wintered  on  the  coast  of  Norway  and,  sailing  for 
England  in  February,  1.581,  was  never  again  heard  of. 

This  was  nearly  the  last  attempt  by  the  north-east,  but  an 
interest  was  maintained  in  the  north-west  passage  by  such  elo- 
quent appeals  as  the  '  Discourse '  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  and 
the  '  Hydrographical  Description  '  of  John  Davis. 

Uniting  the  qualities  of  a  daring  seaman  and  a  skilful  pilot  to 
those  of  a  scientific  scholar,  Davis  was,  in  some  respects,  one  of 
the  most  notable  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  marine  worthies.     He  was  a 


1585.]  JOHN  DAVIS.  627 

native  of  Dartmouth,  and  the  neighbour  and  friend  of  the  Gilberts 
and  of  Kalegh,  so  that  an  ardent  zeal  for  northern  discovery 
was  early  implanted  in  his  breast.  Throuj^h  the  munificence  of 
Mr.  William  Sanderson,  a  wealthy  London  merchant  of  the  Fish- 
mongers' Company,  Davis  was  enableid  to  equip  two  vessels  for  a 
northern  expedition  of  discovery — the  Sunshine  of  50,  and  the 
Moonahine  of  35  tons.  Sailing  from  Dartmouth  in  June,  1585, 
Davis  touched  on  the  coast  of  Greenland  and  acquired  experience 
in  ice  navigation.  Eetm-ning  in  September,  he  started  on  a  second 
voyage  in  May,  158G,  returning  in  August.  Undaunted  by  failure 
he  induced  his  employers  to  fit  out  a  third  expedition,  this  time 
consisting  of  three  vessels — the  Elizabeth,  Sunshine,  and  a  small 
pinnace  of  20  tons  called  the  Ellen. 

The  third  was  the  most  important  of  the  three  Arctic  voyages 
of  John  Davis.  Being  very  anxious  to  make  it  remunerative  to 
his  generous  and  entei-prising  employers,  he  sent  the  two  larger 
vessels  to  fish,  while  he  prosecuted  his  discoveries  along  the  coast 
of  Greenland  on  board  the  little  twenty-ton  pinnace.  He  sailed 
northwards,  in  an  open  sea,  until  he  reached  72^  12"  N.,  where  he 
named  a  lofty,  and  now  well-known,  headland,  "  Sanderson,  his 
hope  of  a  north-west  passage."  He  reached  this  point  on  the 
30th  June,  1587,  hoping  to  proceed  on  a  prosperous  voyage.  But 
soon  afterwards  he  was  beset  in  the  ice  for  several  days,  which 
diverted  him  from  his  course,  and  he  sailed  across  the  strait  that 
bears  his  name,  returning  safely  to  Dartmoiith  in  September,  1587. 
Davis  did  a  great  work  in  the  course  of  these  three  voyages.  He 
discovei'ed  Davis'  Strait ;  he  lighted  the  way  to  others  who  were 
destined  to  penetrate  farther  north  and  farther  west ;  he  set  a 
bright  example  of  scientific  skill,  consummate  seamanship  and 
dauntless  gallantry  which  was  followed  by  numerous  successors ;  and 
he  firmly  believed  in  the  possibility  of  making  the  voyage  under  more 
favom'able  circiunstances,  as  he  stated  in  an  interesting  letter,  which 
has  been  preserved,  to  his  old  friend  Francis  Drake. 

Ten  years  before  Davis  commenced  his  Arctic  voyages,  Francis 
Drake  had  returned  from  his  Irish  service  resolved  to  put  his 
plans  into  execution.  For  his  dreams  of  navigating  English  ships 
in  the  South  Sea  had  become  solid  and  cai'efully  thought  out  plans. 
His  age  in  1577  was  thirty-seven.  He  had  been  at  sea  nearly  all 
his  life.  He  had  received  the  training  of  an  explorer,  and  was  a 
thorough  seaman  and  a  scientific  pilot.     He  was  a  wise  and  prudent 

2  s  2 


628  VOYAGES   AND   DISCOVERIES,   1485-1603.  [1577. 

commander.  He  carefully  collected  all  available  information,  and 
weighed  every  argument  before  deciding  upon  a  line  of  action.  He 
carried  his  designs  into  execution  with  dauntless  courage,  but  he 
always  remained  cool,  and  his  presence  of  mind  never  deserted  him. 
He  respected  the  personal  property  of  an  enemy.  His  men  felt 
absolute  confidence  in  his  judgment  and  sense  of  justice.  They 
knew  that  he  sympathised  with  them  and  understood  their  feelings. 
They  loved  him,  and  would  follow  him  anywhere.  Technically  the 
Spaniards  were  entitled  to  apply  the  term  "  Corsario "  to  the 
renowned  "  Francisco  Drague,"  whom  they  feared  and  hated  :  at 
least  until  1585.  But  to  call  him  a  pirate  in  the  ordinary  accepta- 
tion of  the  term  conveys  an  entirely  false  impression. 

The  proposal  of  Francis  Drake  to  navigate  the  South  Sea,  in 
spite  of  the  Spaniards,  received  the  support  of  several  great  men  at 
court,  especially  of  Sir  Christopher  Hatton,  who  was  the  renowned 
sailor's  most  active  friend.  Funds  were  therefore  raised  for  the 
equipment  of  live  vessels.  Drake  himself  sailed  in  the  Pelican,  of 
100  tons,  as  general.  He  was  surrounded  with  some  state,  keeping 
a  good  table,  with  music  playing  during  dinner,  and  having  several 
gentlemen  volunteers  as  his  messmates.  Among  them  was  his 
youngest  brother  and  heir,  Thomas  Drake.  He  had  already  lost 
two  other  brothers,  John  and  Joseph,  in  the  West  Indies.  The 
second  ship  of  80  tons  was  the  Elizabeth,  commanded  bj'  John 
Wynter,  with  William  Markham,  a  younger  son  of  Markham  of 
Sedgebrook  in  Lincolnshire,  and  surnamed  the  "  Otter  Hunter," 
as  master.  The  Marygold,  commanded  by  John  Thomas,  was  a 
vessel  of  30  tons ;  the  Swan,  under  John  Chester,  was  a  fly-boat  of 
50  tons ;  and  there  was  a  little  pinnace  of  15  tons  called  the 
Christopher.  Drake's  famous  expedition  sailed  from  Plymouth  on 
the  13th  of  December,  1577. 

The  fleet  shaped  a  course  for  the  Cape  Verde  Islands,  and,  after 
leaving  them,  Drake  steered  southward  into  a  region  quite  unknown 
to  Englishmen.  For  fifty-five  days  they  were  out  of  sight  of  land, 
and  during  three  weeks  in  the  equatorial  calms  there  was  great 
heat,  the  Hue  being  crossed  on  the  7th  of  February,  1578.  Drake 
attended  personally  to  the  health  of  the  men,  making  regular  in- 
spections and  seeing  that  they  were  suitably  clothed  and  fed.  He 
also  took  the  precaution  of  bleeding  them  before  encountering  the 
great  heat  of  the  equator.  In  all  these  respects  he  showed  the 
qualities   of   a   great  commander,  and   in   some  points   he  was   in 


1578.]  DRAKE' H    CIUCUMNAVIOATIOX  629 

advance  of  bis  age.  The  fearful  ravages  of  scurvy  in  those  days 
were  of  course  mainly  due  to  ignorance,  partly  also  to  overcrowding ; 
and  this  seems  to  have  been  suspected ;  for  commanders  some- 
times thought  that  they  would  escape  sickness  by  having  their  vessels 
under-manned.  Still,  much  saving  of  life  might  doubtless  have 
been  effected  by  close  personal  attention  on  the  part  of  the  com- 
mander to  the  comforts  of  the  men  ;  and  in  this  respect  Drake  was 
distinguished  above  all  the  seamen  of  his  time. 

At  length  the  terraced  shores  of  Patagonia  came  in  sight,  and 
the  little  fleet  anchored  in  Port  St.  Julian.  Fifty-seven  years 
before,  Magellan  had  suppressed  a  mutiny  at  this  very  place  with 
\iolence,  treachery,  and  bloodshed.  Knowing  that  the  captain  of 
one  of  his  ships  was  disaffected,  he  sent  an  officer  to  him  with  a 
letter  and  with  orders  to  stab  him  while  he  was  reading  it.  This 
was  done ;  and  he  ordered  another  captain  to  be  strangled.  The 
two  bodies  were  quartered,  while  a  third  captain  and  a  priest  were 
turned  adrift  on  the  shore  to  die  of  starvation.  Francis  Drake, 
unfortunately,  had  to  deal  with  a  similar  matter,  but  he  did  so 
in  a  different  spirit.  One  of  the  gentlemen  volunteers,  named 
Thomas  Doughty,  was  accused  of  insubordination  and  mutiny.  He 
was  an  accomplished  gentleman  and  a  scholar,  but  he  was  also  a 
"  sea  lawyer,"  striving  to  stir  up  discontent ;  and  the  success  of  his 
machinations  would,  at  the  very  least,  have  led  to  the  failure 
of  the  enterprise.  He  received  a  fair  trial,  and  was  found  guilty 
of  mutiny  by  a  jury.  He  was  executed  with  all  proper  formality, 
after  receiving  the  sacrament  with  Drake  from  Mr.  Fletcher,  the 
chaplain.  Drake's  own  feeling  towards  Doughty  was  friendly,  but, 
in  the  isolated  and  somewhat  hazardous  position  of  the  fleet,  he 
came  to  the  conclusion,  undoubtedly  with  reluctance,  that  the 
execution  of  a  just  sentence  was  necessary  for  the  safety  of 
the  people  entrusted  to  his  charge,  and  for  the  success  of  the 
enterprise.  He  aftei-wards  spoke  kindly,  and  even  in  praise,  of  the 
deceased.  Doughty's  young  brother,  who  was  in  the  general's  own 
ship,  continued  to  mess  at  Drake's  table  and  to  be  treated  in  all 
respects  as  the  other  gentlemen  volunteers.  It  was  a  melancholy 
business,  but  the  emergency  was  met  by  Drake  with  coolness, 
firmness,  and  moderation.  It  was  unfortunate,  also,  that  a  skirmish 
with  the  natives  resulted  in  the  death  of  liobert  Wynter,  a  brother 
of  the  captain  of  the  Elizabeth,  and  of  the  master  gunner. 

The   fleet   left   Port  St.  Julian    and,    steering   south  along   the 


6130  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1485-1603.  [157». 

Patagonian  coast,  came  in  sight  of  the  land  at  the  northern  side 
of  Magellan's  Strait,  which  that  commander  had  named  the  Cape 
of  the  Eleven  Thousand  Virgins,  having  come  in  sight  of  it  on  the 
21st  of  October,  1520,  St.  Ursula's  day.  On  entering  the  strait, 
being  the  third  navigator  to  do  so  since  Magellan,  on  the  20th  of 
August,  1578,  Drake  changed  the  name  of  his  ship  from  the 
Pelican  to  the  Golden  Hind,  in  honour  of  his  j)atron  Sir  Christopher 
Hatton,  whose  crest  was  a  hind  statant  Or. 

Drake  took  his  fleet  through  the  strait  in  sixteen  days,  Magellan 
having  taken  thirty-one  days  in  the  same  navigation.  The  English 
sailors  obtained  plenty  of  fresh  provisions.  In  one  day  three 
thousand  penguins  were  killed  on  an  island  which  Drake  named 
after  the  queen.  There  was  also  some  friendly  intercourse  with 
the  natives.  Emerging  into  the  South  Sea  on  the  6th  of  September, 
the  fleet  encountered  a  terrific  storm.  The  little  Marygold  was 
never  heard  of  again.  The  Golden  Hind  was  driven  far.,  to  the 
south,  and  when  the  gale  moderated,  Drake  landed  on  an  islaixd  at 
the  extreme  south  of  Tierra  del  Fuego.  Although  the  Dutch  .were 
the  first  to  sail  round  Cape  Horn  in  1615,  Francis  Drake,  un- 
doubtedly discovered  that  famous  island.  He  named  it,  and  the 
adjacent  islets,  the  Elizabethides. 

The  Elizabeth  ran  back  into  the  strait  and,  after  some  hesitajkion, 
Captain  W3'nter  resolved  to  return  home,  despairing  of  heing  able  to 
join  his  consorts  again.  This  decision  was  made  .we  are  .told  "'.full 
sore  again  the  mariners'  minds."  Wynter  remained  three  weeks  in 
the  strait  to  recruit  the  strength  of  his  men,  and  dming  his  sojourn 
he  collected  some  aromatic  bark  from  an  evergreen  tree  since  named 
by  Foster  Drimys  Winteri.  He  used  it  on  the  voyage  home  as  .a 
remedy  for  scurvy,  and  the  remedy,  still  known  as  a  useful  tonic, 
has  ever  since  been  called  "Winter's  bark."  The  Elizabeth  arrived 
safely  at  Ilfracombe. 

The  small  pinnace  Christopher,  with  a  crew  of  only  eight  men,  was 
also  driven  out  of  sight  of  the  other  ships  by  the  force  of  the  storm. 
The  crew  got  back  into  the  strait,  killed  and  salted  many  penguins, 
and  eventually  brought  the  little  Christopher  into  the  Eiver  Plate. 
Here  she  was  dashed  to  pieces  on  some  rocks.  Six  of  the  crew  were 
killed  by  the  natives.  The  two  survivors,  named  Peter  Curden  and 
William  Pitcher,  lived  on  crabs  and  wild  berries  for  two  months, 
at  the  end  of  which  time  Pitcher  died,  and  his  comrade  buried  him 
in  the  sand.     After  nine  months,  Peter  Curden  almost  miraculously 


1578.]  DON  I'EDRO   SARMIENTO.  G31 

found  his  way  back  to  his  native  land,  and  related  his  man'ellous 
adventures. 

The  Golden  Hind  was  now  left  alone  to  complete  the  wonderful 
voyage  of  circumnavigation.  Drake  proceeded  along  the  west  coast 
of  America,  with  the  intention  of  waging  a  war  of  retribution  on 
the  Spanish  settlements  and  shipping.  This  resolution  would  have 
been  still  more  lirmly  fixed  in  his  mind  if  he  had  known  of  the 
cruel  fate  of  his  gallant  lieutenant  John  Oxenham  and  his  men. 
But  the  news  had  not  yet  arrived  when  Drake  sailed  from  Plymouth. 

Having  obtained  supplies  at  the  island  of  Mocha,  off  the  coast 
of  Chile,  and  at  Valparaiso,  the  Golden  Hind  appeared  off  Callao, 
the  seaport  of  Lima,  the  capital  of  Peru,  and  residence  of  the 
viceroy.  Drake  there  found  seventeen  loaded  Spanish  vessels,  and, 
having  obtained  tidings  of  the  recent  departure  for  Panama  of  a, 
richly  freighted  ship  called  the  Gacafucgo,  he  proceeded  in  chase. 

His  unexpected  appearance  at  Callao  caused  the  utmost  con- 
sternation. The  viceroy,  Don  Franciso  de  Toledo,  a  younger 
son  of  the  Count  of  Oropesa,  was  astonished.  No  one  had  ever 
passed  througli  the  strait  since  the  days  of  Magellan  and  Loaysa,' 
and  that  English  ships  should  have  the  audacity  to  make  such 
a  voyage  had  never  been  conceived  possible.  All  the  fancied 
security  of  the  west  coast  of  America  was  gone,  and  a  new  and 
quite  unexpected  state  of  affairs  had  to  be  faced.  The  viceroy 
Toledo  was  a  cruel  and  heartless  politician.  He  was  red-handed 
with  the  blood  of  young  Tupac  Amaru,  the  last  of  the  Incas,  and 
with  the  blood  of  John  Oxenham  and  his  gallant  comrades.  At  the 
same  time  he  was  a  statesman  of  considerable  ability.  His  fii'st  step 
was  to  fit  out  two  armed  vessels,  and  to  send  them  to  Panama  in 
pursuit  of  the  Golden  Hind.  But  it  was  too  late.  He  then  i-esolved 
to  have  Magellan's  Strait  properly  surveyed,  with  a  view  to  its 
fortification,  and  to  preventing  the  passage  of  any  more  English 
ships  into  the  South  Sea. 

For  this  service  he  selected  the  ablest  ol'ticer  in  Peru.  Don 
Pedro  Sarmiento  had  served  under  Mendana  in  the  discovery  of  the 
Solomon  Islands.  He  had  accompanied  the  viceroy  in  his  great 
tour  of  inspection  through  all  the  provinces  of  his  government,  had 
constructed  maps  of  Peru,  and  had  written  a  history  of  the  Incas. 

'  Garcia  de  Loaysa  and  Sebastian  del  Cano  passed  through  the  strait  in  1526. 
Simon  de  Alcazava  entered  it  in  1535,  but  he  was  murdered  by  his  men,  and  his  ships 
never  got  through. 


632  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1485-1603.  [1579. 

Toledo  prepared  elaborate,  but  judicious,  instructions,  and  entrusted 
Sarmiento  with  the  command  of  the  expedition.  No  better  man 
could  have  been  formd.  He  was  a  scientific  seaman,  devoted  to  his 
duties,  and  true  as  steel.  He  made  a  careful  sui'vej-  of  the  channels 
leading  from  the  Gulf  of  Trinidad,  and  of  the  Strait  of  Magellan ; 
and  he  then  proceeded  to  Spain  and  strongly  recommended  that  the 
narrow  channel  near  the  eastern  entrance  should  be  fortified,  and 
that  a  colony  should  be  established  to  raise  provisions,  in  connection 
with  the  garrisons.  His  plan  was  approved  by  King  Philip  11. ,  a 
large  fleet  was  fitted  out,  and  colonists  were  put  on  board.  But  the 
business  was  shamefully  mismanaged,  owing  to  the  command  being 
given  to  an  incapable  and  jealous  officer,  while  Sarmiento  was  to  be 
kept  without  power  until  he  actually  landed  on  the  shore  of  the 
strait.  At  length,  however,  Sarmiento  was  put  on  shore,  with  the 
survivors  of  the  colonists  and  with  a  small  remnant  of  the  supplies 
intended  for  them.  Two  towns  were  founded  ;  but  food  ran  short, 
and  Sarmiento  returned  to  Brazil  for  help.  His  subsequent  efforts 
were  all  thwarted,  until  at  length  he  was  taken  prisoner  by  a  ship 
belonging  to  Sir  Walter  Ealegh,  and  brought  to  England.  No 
succour  was  sent  to  the  colonists,  who  perished  of  starvation  and 
misery.  These  events  were  the  direct  consequences  of  Drake's 
appearance  in  the  South  Sea. 

While  the  viceroy  Toledo  was  elaborating  these  defensive 
schemes,  which  were  destined  to  terminate  so  tragically,  Drake 
was  pursuing  his  successful  career.  He  crossed  the  line  on  the 
28th  of  February,  1.579,  sighted  the  chase  off  Cape  San  Francisco, 
on  the  coast  of  the  province  of  Quito,  and  soon  came  to  close 
quarters.  A  defence  was  attempted  by  the  Cacafuego ;  but  one  of 
her  masts  was  shot  away,  and  she  was  captured  by  boarding.  The 
prize  yielded  eighty  pounds'  weight  of  gold,  thirteen  chests  of  coined 
silver,  and  a  quantity  of  bar  silver  and  precious  stones,  the  whole 
value  being  i'90,000.  A  few  days  afterwards  another  Spanish  ship 
laden  with  linen,  silks,  and  china  dishes,  was  overhauled.  Drake 
made  prize  of  the  cargo,  but  not  of  the  private  property  of  the 
owner,  Don  Francisco  de  Zarate,  who  was  himself  on  board.  He 
did  not,  as  is  asserted  in  Barrow's  '  Life  of  Drake,'  rob  from  the 
owner's  person  a  golden  ornament  in  the  shape  of  a  falcon,  with  a 
large  emerald  set  in  its  breast.  A  most  interesting  letter  has  quite 
recently  been  found  at  Seville,  from  this  very  Don  Francisco  de 
Zarate  to  the  A''iceroy  of  Mexico,  giving  an  account  of  the  capture 


1579.]  A    PORTRAIT   OF   DltAKE.  633 

of  the  sliip.  Here  we  leam  the  truth,  wliicli  was,  that  Drake  did 
nothing  of  the  kind  alleged.  Zarate  wrote  that  Drake  exchanged  a 
sword  with  a  costly  hilt,  and  a  silver  chafing-dish,  for  certain  toys  of 
his,  and  he  added  :  "  I  promise  you  I  did  not  lose  by  the  bargain." 

The  whole  passage,  in  Zarate's  letter,  relating  to  Drake  and  his 
ship  is  extremely  interesting.     He  wrote  : 

"  'I'lie  English  general  is  about  tliirty-five  years  of  age,  Short  of  stature,  with  a  ral 
beard,  and  one  of  the  best  sailors  tliat  sail  the  seas,  lx)th  in  res|ie<t  to  boldness  and  to 
capacity  lor  tomniand.  His  sliip  is  of  near  -100  tons  Inirden,  with  a  liundrcd  men  on 
board,  all  young  and  of  an  age  for  battle,  an<l  all  drilled  as  well  as  the  oldest  veterans 
of  our  army  of  Italy.  Eacli  one  is  lK)und  to  keep  his  arcjuebus  clean.  Drake  treats 
them  all  with  affection,  and  they  him  with  respect.  He  also  has  with  him  nine  or  ten 
gentlemen,  the  younger  sous  of  great  jxiople  in  England.  Some  of  tliem  are  in  his 
counsels,  but  he  has  no  favourite.  These  sit  .at  his  table,  and  he  is  served  in  silver 
plate  with  a  coat  of  arms  engraved  on  the  dishes ;  and  music  is  played  at  his  diiuier 
and  suii|)er.  The  ship  carries  about  thirty  pieces  of  artillery,  and  plenty  of  amnmnitiun 
and  warlike  stores." 

This  is  the  testimony  of  a  stranger  and  an  enemy,  and  is 
particularly  valuable  because  it  gives  us  a  glimpse  of  the  internal 
economy  of  the  Golden  Hind.  We  get  some  idea  of  the  general's 
personal  appearance,  of  the  sort  of  state  that  was  observed  at  his 
meals,  of  the  discipline  he  maintained,  of  his  relations  with  his 
men,  and  of  the  ship's  armament.  The  Golden  Hind  was  evidently 
kept  hke  a  man-of-war,  with  all  the  order  and  discipline  of  a  queen's 
ship,  and  as  efficient  as  she  could  be  made  by  an  able  commander, 
working  with  a  zealous  and  willing  crew. 

After  the  capture  of  the  two  valuable  prizes,  Drake  shaped  a 
course  for  the  west  coast  of  Mexico,  and  anchored  in  the  port  of 
Guatulco,  where  he  took  in  water  and  fresh  provisions.  He  then 
steered  northwards,  intending  to  try  whether  it  were  possible  to  find 
a  passage  home  along  the  northern  shores  of  America.  He  had 
punished  the  Spaniards  for  their  treachery  at  Vera  Cruz,  and  for  their 
cruelty  to  the  shipwrecked  English  sailors  who  fell  into  their  hands. 
He  had  enriched  himself  and  his  friends.  His  voyage  now  became 
one  of  geogi'aphical  discovery  northwards,  beyond  the  farthest  limit 
known  to  the  Spaniards.  In  l.)4'2,  Juan  Rodriguez  Cabrillo  had 
been  as  far  as  Cape  Mendocino,  in  40°  N.  on  the  Californian  coast. 
Drake,  sailing  onward,  succeeded  in  reaching  the  48th  parallel, 
having  thus  discovered  480  miles  of  a  new  region,  to  which  he  gave 
the  name  of  New  Albion.  Want  of  provisions  obhged  him  to  give 
up  the  project  of  exploring  farther  in  that  direction,  and  to  shape  a 
cour.se  for  the  Ladrone  Islands.     He  therefore  resolved  to  circum- 


634  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1485-1603.  [1580. 

navigate  the  globe.  During  a  voyage  of  sixty-eight  days,  without 
seeing  land,  Drake  crossed  the  Pacific.  At  length  he  reached  one 
of  the  Pelew  Islands,  and  on  the  4th  of  November,  1579,  he  arrived 
at  Ternate.  He  refitted  at  an  island  near  Celebes,  and  in  the  course 
of  some  intricate  navigation  the  ship  grounded  on  a  shoal,  but  was 
got  off  after  an  anxious  day.  On  January  9th,  1580,  the  Golden 
Hind  passed  the  Cape,  was  at  Sierra  Leone  on  the  '2'2nd  of  Julj', 
and  arrived  in  Plymouth  Sound  on  the  26th  of  September. 

She  was  taken  round  to  Deptford,  and,  on  the  4th  of  April,  1581, 
the  queen  dined  on  board,  conferring  the  honoiu'  of  knighthood 
on  the  great  cu-cumnavigator.  The  Golden  Hind  was  placed  in 
dock,  with  orders  that  she  should  be  preserved  as  long  as  she  would 
hold  together,  and  the  cabin  was  converted  into  a  banqueting-room. 
In  1587,  Sir  Francis  Drake  purchased  Buckland  Abbey,  near  his  old 
home  in  Devonshire.  This  was  inherited  by  his  younger  brother 
Thomas,,  whose  descendants  continue  to  possess  it. 

Drake  was  the  first  commander  of  an  expedition  who  circum- 
navigated the  globe.  Magellan  was  slain  in  a  brawl  with  the 
natives  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  and  one  of  his  ships  was  brought 
home  by  a  junior  pilot.  The  English  explorer,  on  the  other  hand, 
completed  the  voyage  himself,  maintaining  discipline  and  order, 
giving  constant  attention  to  the  health  and  comfort  of  his  men, 
and  avoiding  disputes  with  the  natives  as  far  as  possible.  But  he 
did  much  more ;  he  discovered  Cape  Horn,  and  he  discovered 
480  miles  of  new  coast  to  the  northward  of  California.  His  voyage 
was  the  greatest  maritime  achievement  of  that  centurj'.  The  rest 
of  the  life  of  Sir  Francis  Drake  was  devoted  to  the  naval  service  of 
his  country.  Like  nearly  all  the  other  great  naval  commanders 
of  that  age,  he  owed  his  training  to  voyages  of  exploration  and 
discovery.  The  habits  thus  acquired — of  coohiess  and  presence  of 
mind,  of  forming  a  decision  at  the  moment,  of  bringing  the 
resources  of  a  mind  stored  with  knowledge  and  experience  to  bear 
quickly  and  effectively,  and  his  magnetic  influence  over  men — were 
all  now  devoted  to  the  service  of  his  queen  and  country  in  their 
great  need.  First  among  explorers  and  discoverers,  Sir  Francis 
Drake  was,  for  that  very  reason,  one  of  the  greatest  naval  com- 
manders of  his  age.  For  it  cannot  be  too  often  repeated  that 
voyages  of  discovery  form  the  best  nursery  for  a  navy. 

The  next  expedition  which  shaped  a  course  in  the  direction  of 
Magellan's  Strait  was  not  a  success,  as  it  never  got  beyond  the 


1582.]  CAPTAIN  EDWARD   FENTON.  6a5 

coast  of  Brazil.  It  was  equipped  under  the  auspices  of  the  Earl  of 
Leicester,  and  the  queen  contrilnitcd  two  of  her  ships.  But  the 
instmctions  were  ambiguous.  The  North-West  Passage  was  to  be 
discovered  if  it  was  to  be  found  south  of  40^  N.,  but  the  ships  were 
not  to  be  taken  north  of  that  parallel ;  they  were  not  to  pass 
through  Magellan's  Strait ;  yet  they  were  to  visit  the  INIoluccas. 
The  command  was  given  to  Captain  P^dwai-d  Fenton,  the  com- 
panion of  Frobiser  in  his  Arctic  voyages.  He  was  on  board  the 
galleon  Leicester,  of  400  tons,  with  young  William  Hawkyns,  a 
nephew  of  Sir  John,  and  Mr.  Maddox,  the  chaplain  and  historian 
of  the  voyage.  The  other  vessels  were  the  Bonaventiire,  of  300  tons, 
commanded  by  Luke  Ward,  and  the  Fmnci.i,  of  40  tons,  iznder 
Captain  John  Drake,  with  William  Markham,  who  had  been  in  the 
Elizabeth  with  Captain  Wynter,  as  master.  There  was  also  a 
pinnace.  The  expedition  sailed  in  May,  lo82,  and  vent  to  the 
coast  of  Guinea,  anchoi-ing  at  Sierra  Leone  on  the  10th  of  August. 
It  would  appear,  from  the  journal  of  young  Hawkyns,  that  Fenton 
wanted  from  a  very  early  period  to  give  up  the  voyage,  a^d  that  he 
was  only  induced  to  proceed  owing  to  the  protests  of  his  ofi&cers. 
On  the  1st  of  November  the  ships  crossed  the  line  ;  and  Fenton 
seems  to  have  gone  as  far  as  83'  S.  But  he  then  tui'ued  back, 
and  anchored  in  the  Bay  of  St.  Vincent,  on  the  coast  of  Brazil. 

At  this  time  Don  Pedro  Sarmiento,  with  indomitable  patience  and 
perseverance,  was  striving  to  induce  the  incompetent  commander 
of  the  Spanish  Heet  to  proceed  to  Magellan's  Strait,  and  land  his 
colonists.  Once  this  incapable  officer,  whose  name  was  Valdez, 
sailed  to  the  entrance  of  the  strait ;  but,  on  the  excuse  of  bad 
weather,  he  returned  with  the  ships  to  ports  on  the  coast  of  Brazil. 
Fenton  was  in  the  Bay  of  St.  Vincent  when,  on  the  '23rd  of 
December,  1582,  three  of  these  Spanish  ships  arrived  and  opened 
fire  at  about  ten  o'clock  at  night.  The  action  continued  until  noon 
next  day.  The  English  succeeded  in  sinking  one  of  the  Spanish 
ships,  and  then  put  to  sea,  with  a  loss  of  six  killed  and  twenty 
woimded.  After  being  nearly  a  month  off  the  coast,  Fenton 
anchored  in  the  mouth  of  the  Biver  Espiritu  Santo,  and  obtained 
a  small  cargo  of  sugar,  with  which  he  sailed  home,  arriving  at 
Kinsale  on  the  14th  of  June,  1583.  This  was  a  mismanaged 
business,  although  Fenton  afterwards  did  good  service  in  the  defeat 
of  the  Spanish  Armada.     He  died  at  Deptford  in  1G03. 

The  Francis  parted  company  in  a  gale  before  Fenton  put  into 


636 


VOYAGES   AND   DISCOVERIES,   1485-1603. 


[1586. 


the  Bay  of  St.  Vincent ;  and  reached  the  River  Plate.  Here  she 
was  wrecked,  but  officers  and  crew  succeeded  in  reaching  the  shore. 
They  were  kept  among  the  Indians  for  fifteen  months,  when  the 
officers  appear  to  have  been  given  up  to  the  Spaniards.  Drake  and 
Markham  were  sent  to  Lima,  but  their  fate  is  unknown. 

War  was  declared  between  Queen  Elizabeth  and  Philip  II.  in 
1585,   and   from   that  time   there   could   be   no  further  talk  about 


TIKIMAS    CAVK.MIlSll. 

(From  the  '  Henohr/ia.'') 


piracy.  A  gentleman  named  Thomas  Cavendish,  of  Trimley  in 
Suffolk,  had  been  for  some  time  desirous  of  emulating  the  deeds  of 
Sir  Francis  Drake,  and  in  1586  he  equipped  an  expedition  consisting 
of  three  vessels,  the  Desire  of  120  tons,  the  Content  of  60  tons,  and 
the  Hugh  Gallant  of  40  tons.  Mr.  Francis  Pretty,  another  Suffolk 
man,  accompanied  Cavendish  and  was  the  historian  of  the  voyage. 
The  fleet  touched  at  Sierra  Leone,  at  San  Sebastian  in  Brazil,  and 
at  Port  Desire  on  the  coast  of  Patagonia.     Cavendish  then  entered 


1586.]  THOMAS    CAVENDISH.  637 

Magellan's  Strait,  aiul,  after  passing  the  two  narrows,  he  anchored 
the  ships  and  proceeded  to  explore  in  his  boat  along  the  shore. 
Presently  he  saw  two  men  wavin^,'  to  him  from  a  rock.  He  pulled 
in  and  took  one  of  them  into  his  boat.  Tlie  man  turned  out  to 
be  one  of  the  survivors  of  Sarmiento's  colony,  and  he  told  a 
harrowing  tale.  Nearly  all  had  died  of  starvation.  For  months 
they  had  lived  on  shell-fisli  picked  off  the  rocks.  Fifteen  were 
still  alive  a])out  a  mile  distant,  including  two  women.  The  man's 
name  was  Tomas  Hernandez.  Cavendish  promised  to  take  them 
all  on  board,  but  a  fair  wind  springing  up  he  made  sail  and  left 
them  to  their  fate.  Hernandez  was  the  only  one  who  escaped  to 
tell  the  tale.  Cavendish  visited  the  deserted  town  called  Felipe 
whicli  the  colonists  had  built.  They  had  abandoned  it  when 
their  provisions  came  to  an  end,  and  had  hoped  to  maintain  life 
by  scattering  themselves  along  the  shore  and  living  on  shell-fish 
until  the  long-deferred  si;ccour  arrived ;  and  so  they  perished 
slowly,  the  weakest  first.  The  English  commander  called  the  place 
Port  Famine. 

Hernandez  was  frequently  consulted  by  Cavendish,  especially 
on  the  occasion  of  an  encounter  with  the  natives  near  Cape 
Froward,  the  most  southern  point  of  America — so  named  on  this- 
occasion.  After  entering  the  South  Sea,  Cavendish  sailed  north- 
wards along  the  west  coast  of  South  America,  and  anchored  at 
Quintcro,  a  little  bay  near  Valparaiso,  foi:  wood  and  water. 
Hernandez  landed  with  the  watering  party,  as  a  guide,  several 
horsemen  having  been  seen  on  the  hills.  Tlu'ough  his  treachery 
the  party  was  suqirised,  and  a  dozen  English  sailors  were  taken 
prisoners  and  hanged  at  Santiago,  Hernandez  escaping  behind  one 
of  the  horsemen.  Sir  Eichard  Hawkyns  tells  us  that  retribution 
overtook  the  treachery  of  Hernandez.  In  the  fight  with  the  Dainty, 
he  served  on  board  one  of  the  Spanish  ships  and  was  severely 
wounded.  Three  years  afterwards  Sir  Eichard  saw  him  begging  on 
crutches,  and  in  such  a  miserable  state  that  he  had  been  better  dead 
than  alive.  He  lived  afterwards  at  Lima,  and,  in  the  days  of  the 
A^iceroy  Prince  of  Esquilache  (IG'iO),  he  made  a  deposition  giving 
a  full  account  of  the  sufferings  of  the  colonists  in  the  Strait  of 
Magellan,  of  his  rescue  by  Cavendish,  and  of  his  treachery  at 
Quintero. 

Touching  at  Arica,  Cavendish,  with  his  little  squadron  of  three 
vessels,   made   his    way    to   the   island  of  Puna   in   the    Gulf   of 


638  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1485-1003.  [1588. 

Guayaquil.  Here  he  sank  a  Spanish  ship  of  250  tons,  and  landed 
a  party  which  was  repulsed  by  the  Spaniards  with  a  loss  of  twenty 
men.  Cavendish  then  went  on  shore  at  the  head  of  a  stronger 
force,  routed  the  victors,  and  burnt  their  town.  On  leaving  Puna 
the  Hugh  Gallant  was  sunk,  as  it  had  been  found  that  she  impeded 
the  progress  of  the  other  two  ships,  A  course  was  next  shaped 
across  the  line  to  the  west  coast  of  Mexico,  and  on  the  27th  of  July 
Cavendish  arrived  in  the  Bay  of  Guatulco  and  burnt  the  town. 
He  then  proceeded  to  a  port,  which  appears  to  have  been  San 
Bias,  in  order  to  refit  and  take  in  water  and  provisions.  The 
ships  were  there  several  months.  Hitherto  Cavendish  had  done 
some  injury  to  the  Spaniards  by  burning  towns  and  sinking  ships, 
but  he  had  not  secured  any  rich  prizes. 

Sailing  from  San  Bias  the  Desire  and  Content  cruised  off  Cape 
San  Lucas,  the  southern  point  of  California,  a  lofty  and  barren 
headland,  with  outlying  rocks  which  reminded  the  English  explorers 
of  the  Needles  off  the  Isle  of  Wight.  On  the  4th  of  November  a 
tall  ship  hove  in  sight,  and  was  captured  after  a  brief  resistance. 
Cavendish  had  at  last  secured  a  rich  prize.  The  Santa  And,  a 
ship  of  700  tons,  had  on  board  122,000  ^)eso.s  de  oro.  The  Spanish 
crew  was  landed  at  Aguada  Segura,  a  little  port,  with  supplies 
of  fresh  water,  almost  under  the  shadow  of  Cape  San  Lucas. 
The  two  English  ships  then  steered  for  the  Eastern  Archipelago, 
but  a  few  days  afterwards  the  Content  parted  company  and  was 
never  heard  of  more.  The  Desire  touched  at  the  Ladrones  and 
Philippines,  and  passed  along  the  south  coast  of  Java  on  her  way 
round  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  She  reached  home  in  the  autumn 
to  1588. 

Thus  was  the  world  circumnavigated  for  a  second  time  by 
English  sailors.  Cavendish,  though  fortunate  on  this  occasion, 
was  more  remarkable  for  energy  and  violence  of  methods  than 
for  seamanlike  skill,  fitness  for  command,  and  humanity.  The 
desertion  of  starving  men  and  women,  the  burning  of  towns,  and 
hanging  of  a  Spanish  pilot  without  sufficient  cause,  make  us  feel 
that  we  have  not  here  a  true  disciple  of  Drake  and  Kalegh. 

The  enthusiasm  for  these  voyages  continued  to  prevail,  and 
the  year  after  the  return  of  Cavendish,  in  1589,  a  country  gentle- 
man of  Devonshire,  named  Chudleigh,  fitted  out  a  vessel,  called  the 
Wild  Man,  for  the  South  Sea.  She  was  joined  by  the  Delight 
of   Bristol,  under    the    command   of    Captain    Merick.      We   have 


15'J2.]  UAVI.S   JN  MAGELLAN 'IS   ^THAIT.  (J39 

no  details  of  Chudleigh's  voyage.  The  young  leader  appears  to 
have  visited  Trinidad.  He  died  in  the  Strait  of  Magellan,  and 
his  ship  returned.  But  the  Deliijht  had  on  board  Mr.  Magroth, 
who  wrote  the  story  of  her  passage  out  and  home.  She  reached 
the  Strait  of  Magellan,  where  sickness,  want  of  resources,  and  other 
misfortunes  led  to  a  resolution  to  return  without  succeeding  in  the 
objects  of  the  voyage.  The  sole  survivor  of  the  miserable  colonists 
who  had  been  abandoned  to  their  fate  by  Cavendish  was  found  at 
Port  Famine  and  taken  on  board  the  Delight,  but  he  died  on  the 
passage  to  Europe.  The  ship  was  w'recked  on  the  coast  of  France, 
and  only  a  few  survivors  found  their  way  home  again,  including 
Mr.  Magroth,  the  historian  of  the  voyage. 

Cavendish  also  fitted  out  a  second  expedition,  which  he  mis- 
managed and  which  was  a  total  failure.  He  himself  reached  the 
Strait  of  Magellan,  shaped  a  course  homeward,  and  died  on  the 
passage.     Another  ship  deserted  and  returned. 

The  interest  of  this  expedition  lies  in  the  fact  that  John  Davis, 
the  great  Arctic  navigator,  commanded  one  of  the  ships,  with  the 
idea  of  attempting  to  make  the  voyage  intended  by  Drake,  from  the 
coast  of  New  Albion,  round  North  America,  to  the  Atlantic.  Davis, 
on  board  the  Desire,  sailed  from  England  in  August,  1.591.  The 
ship  was  ill-found,  both  as  regards  stores  and  provisions,  and  when 
Davis  reached  Port  Desire,  on  the  coast  of  Patagonia,  he  strove  to 
make  good  some  of  the  defects.  His  crew  fished  for  smelts  with 
crooked  pins,  and  caught  many  seals,  which  enabled  him  to  salt  down 
twenty  hogsheads  of  seal  flesh.  He  again  put  to  sea  with  the  inten- 
tion of  passing  through  Magellan's  Strait,  and  on  the  14th  of  August, 
1592,  he  discovered  the  group  now  called  the  Falkland  Islands. 
He  then  passed  through  the  Strait,  but  on  entering  the  South  Sea 
he  was  driven  back  by  gale  after  gale  of  wind.  In  one  furious  squall 
the  cable  of  the  Desire  parted  and  an  anchor  was  lost.  Davis  now- 
only  had  one  anchor  with  one  of  the  flukes  gone,  and  a  cable 
spliced  in  two  places.  Still  the  dauntless  seaman  resolved  to  make 
another  attempt.  But  again  he  was  met,  on  passing  Cape  Pilar, 
by  a  furious  storm,  with  hail  and  snow,  and  with  such  a  sea  running 
that  the  people  expected  every  moment  to  be  their  last. 

At  length,  worn  out  with  fatigue  and  the  desperate  struggle 
against  the  elements,  even  Davis  began  to  despond.  The  sails  were 
nearly  worn  out.  The  foot-rope  of  the  foresail  had  parted,  so  that 
nothing  held  it  but  the  cringles  or  eyelet-holes  in  the  clews.     The 


640  VOYAaES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1485-1603.  [1593. 

seas  constantly  broke  over  the  poop  and  dashed  with  great  force 
against  the  lower  sails. 

After  nine  days  of  an  unequal  contest  the  gallant  commander  of 
a  resolute  crew  reluctantly  bore  up  for  the  Strait.  The  provisions 
were  spent  and  the  Desire  was  quite  unfit  to  continue  the  voyage. 
It  would  be  necessary  to  lay  in  provisions  for  the  return  voyage 
while  anchored  in  the  Strait,  of  which  Davis  had  already  made 
a  careful  survey.  He  made  salt  by  evaporation  from  the  sea  water, 
and  stored  in  the  hold  fourteen  thousand  salted  penguins.  The 
allowance  on  the  passage  home  was  five  ounces  of  meal  per  week 
for  each  man,  three  spoonfuls  of  oil  a  day,  five  penguins  between 
four  men,  and  six  quarts  of  water  for  four  men.  In  the  hot 
weather  the  penguins,  having  been  insufficiently  salted,  went  bad. 
Scurvy  broke  out  and  all  the  crew  died  but  sixteen,  of  whom  only 
five  were  able  to  move.  The  whole  work  of  the  ship  was  done  by 
Davis  himself,  the  master,  two  men  and  a  boy.  The  captain  and 
.master  at  first  went  aloft  to  the  topsails,  but  latterly  they  were  too 
weak,  and  finally  topsails  and  spritsail  w^ere  blown  away.  Davis 
sailed  homewards  under  courses,  he  and  the  master  taking  turns  at 
the  hehn.  Thus  did  the  great  navigator,  in  spite  of  almost  in- 
superable difficulties,  bring  his  ship  into  Berehaven,  on  the  Irish 
coast,  on  the  11th  of  June,  1593. 

Such  was  the  type  of  seamen  created  by  a  training  in  the  Arctic 
regions.  Davis  was  not  found  wanting  when  the  trial  came.  He 
had  learnt  courage  of  the  highest  order,  perseverance,  readiness  of 
resource,  patience,  and  sympathy  for  his  men,  in  the  best  school. 
No  man,  without  these  qualities,  would  have  struggled  against 
adverse  circumstances  as  he  did,  nor  would  any  less  gifted  seaman 
have  ever  brought  the  Desire  home.  The  life  of  Davis  was  still 
preserved  for  useful  service  to  his  country  as  a  scholar  and  as  a  pilot. 

The  last  Elizabethan  voyage  to  the  South  Sea,  with  its  memor- 
able fight  against  hopeless  odds,  belongs  rather  to  the  militant  than 
to  the  exploring  department  of  our  naval  service.  Yet  its  leader 
inherited  the  traditions  of  an  explorer,  and  was  himself  a  born 
lover  of  everything  that  appertained  to  the  work  of  maritime 
discovery. 

Eichard  Hawkyns  was  the  only  son  of  Sir  John  Hawkyns,  and  was 
brought  up  to  a  sea  hfe  from  a  boy.  Born  about  15(32,  and  losing 
his  mother  at  an  early  age,  he  became  his  father's  constant  com- 
panion, and  his  boyhood  was  passed    in  dockyards  and   on    board 


1593.]  SIR   RICHARD   HAWKYNS.  (j41 

ships.  At  the  age  of  twenty  he  made  his  first  long  voyage  to  the 
West  Indies,  with  his  uncle  William,  and  displayed  hoth  boldness 
and  sagacity.  One  of  the  ships  had  been  reported  to  be  unsea- 
worthy,  and  it  had  been  arranged  that  the  stores  should  be  taken 
out  of  her  and  that  she  should  be  sunk.  But  young  Kichard 
volunteered,  with  as  many  men  as  would  stand  by  him,  to  take  her 
home.  From  his  return  in  l.'j.s:5  to  ir)8«  he  was  constantly  em- 
ployed, and  he  commanded  the  Swallow  in  the  fleet  which  defeated 
the  Spanish  Armada. 

At  the  end  of  the  same  year,  with  the  consent  and  help  of  his 
father,  he  prepared  for  a  voyage  to  India  by  way  of  the  Strait  of 
Magellan  and  the  South  Sea,  with  the  intention  of  discovering  and 
exploring  unknown  lands,  and  reporting  upon  their  inhabitants, 
governments,  and  the  commodities  they  yielded.  With  this  o])ject 
he  caused  a  ship  to  be  built  in  the  Thames,  "pleasing  to  the  eye, 
profitable  for  stowage,  good  for  sayle,  and  well-conditioned."  His 
step-mother  asked  to  be  allowed  to  christen  the  ship,  and  named 
her  the  Bepottance,  saying  it  was  the  safest  ship  we  could  sail  in  to 
purchase  the  haven  of  heaven.  But  when  Queen  Elizabeth  passed 
on  her  way  to  Greenwich  Palace  she  ordered  her  bargemen  to  row 
round  her,  and  said  that  she  misliked  nothing  but  the  name.  Her 
majesty  christened  her  anew,  and  ordered  that  henceforth  she 
should  be  called  the  Dainty.  She  was  a  ship  of  about  350  tons. 
Other  duties  delayed  the  voyage,  and  meanwhile  the  Dainty  was 
employed  in  the  queen's  service ;  but  in  April,  1593,  Kichard 
Hawkins  sailed  on  his  daring  enterprise.  He  was  then  in  his 
thirtieth  year,  with  several  years'  experience  as  a  sea-captain, 
observant  and  eager  to  adopt  every  improvement,  and  paying  close 
attention  to  each  detail  of  his  work.  The  most  important  event  in 
his  voyage  across  the  Atlantic  was  the  sighting  of  land  on  the 
'2nd  of  February,  1594,  in  50°  S.,  and  about  fifty  leagues  from  the 
Strait  of  Magellan.  He  called  it  "  Hawkyns's  Maiden  Land,"  not 
being  aware  that  it  had  already  been  discovered  by  John  Davis 
in  1592. 

On  the  10th  of  February,  Richard  Hawkyns  entered  the  Sti-ait  of 
Magellan.  He  described  the  appearance  of  the  land,  the  different 
birds  met  with,  and  those  available  for  fresh  food,  and  prepared 
useful  sailing  directions  throughout.  His  was  the  mind  of  an 
observant  explorer.  He  also  enriched  his  narrative  with  valuable 
suggestions   respecting   the   sheathing   of    ships'    bottoms   and    the 

VOL.   I.  2  T 


642  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1485-1603.  [1594. 

repairing  of  anchors.  He  took  the  opportunity  offered  by  his 
detention  in  the  Strait  to  caulk  the  ship  throughout,  and  employed 
the  men  in  collecting  Winter's  bark,  and  in  various  sports,  to  keep 
them  cheerful  and  healthy. 

Having  made  a  prosperous  voyage  through  the  Strait  into  the 
South  Sea,  the  Daiutij  anchored  off  the  island  of  Mocha,  on  the 
coast  of  Chile,  which  was  occupied  by  independent  Indians,  of  whom 
he  wrote  an  interesting  account.  They  supplied  him  plentifully 
with  fresh  provisions,  and  he  then  steered  northwards  with  the 
intention  of  passing  Callao  out  of  sight  of  land,  so  that  his  presence 
on  the  coast  might  not  be  known  to  the  Spaniards.  But  his  plan 
was  overruled  by  the  officers  and  crew,  who  urged  him  to  attack 
some  of  the  ships  in  tne  enemy's  ports.  He  very  reluctantly 
consented,  and  bore  up  for  Valparaiso,  where  he  ransacked  four 
ships  and  the  warehouses  on  shore,  but  found  nothing  worth  taking 
away,  except  fresh  provisions.  When  leaving  the  port,  however,  a 
ship  was  taken  with  some  gold  on  board,  and  with  important 
passengers  who  paid  ransoms.  Hawkyns  touched  at  Coquimbo  and 
Arica,  and  off  Quilca  he  caused  the  empty  prize  to  be  burnt.  But 
meanwhile  news  of  the  arrival  of  an  English  ship  on  the  coast  had 
been  sent  to  Lima.  The  Marquis  of  Caiiete,  a  most  distinguished 
soldier  both  in  the  wars  in  Europe,  and  in  those  against  the 
Araucanian  Indians  when  he  was  Captain-General  of  Chile,  was  the 
Viceroy  of  Peru.  With  all  possible  diligence  he  sent  six  ships  in 
search  of  the  Dainty  under  the  command  of  his  brother-in-law,  Don 
Beltran  de  Castro  y  de  la  Cueva.  She  Avas  sighted  off  Caiiete,  and 
the  Spanish  ships,  being  much  more  windwardly,  rapidly  came  up 
with  their  chase.  Then  a  fresh  breeze  began  to  blow,  the  Spanish 
admiral  sprung  his  mainmast,  the  vice-admiral  split  his  mainsail, 
and  for  that  time  the  Daintji  escaped.  The  Spanish  ships  returned 
to  Callao,  while  Hawkyns  steered  for  the  Bay  of  Atacames,  in  the 
province  of  Quito,  intending  to  take  in  wood  and  water,  and  then 
leave  the  coast. 

The  Daiufy  anchored  in  Atacames  Bay  on  the  10th  of  June, 
1594.  In  five  days  all  the  empty  water-casks  were  filled,  wood  was 
cut  and  taken  on  board,  and  the  pinnace  was  put  to  rights.  On  the 
15th,  sail  was  made  to  the  Bay  of  San  Mateo,  and  a  few  days  after- 
wards Hawkyns  weighed  with  the  intention  of  finally  leaving  the 
coast  of  South  America.  But  it  was  not  to  be.  The  Spanish 
squadron  hove  in  sight,  and  the  admiral  bore  down  on  the  little 


1594.]  THE  SURRENDER    OF   THE  ''DAINTY."  M?, 

Daiiitij.  Richard  Hawkyns  and  his  splendid  crew,  hopelessly  out- 
numbered, prepared  to  make  a  desperate  fight  for  the  honour  of 
their  country.  First  with  noise  of  trumpets  and  then  with  artillery 
did  the  Dainties  defy  their  enemies,  but  the  Spaniards  answered  two 
to  one ;  for  they  had  twice  the  number  of  guns,  and  ten  times  the 
complement  of  men.  Hawkyns  had  but  75  men  and  boys,  while  the 
Spaniards  numbered  1300.  All  day  the  action  contiimed,  and  in  the 
evening  the  Spanish  vice-admiral  came  alongside  the  Dainty  with 
the  intention  of  boarding.  But  he  met  with  such  a  reception  from 
the  English  sailors  that  his  decks  were  completely  cleared.  He 
forged  ahead  \\\i\i  a  loss  of  thirty  men.  The  English  also  suffered 
severely,  Hawkyns  himself  having  received  six  wounds.  The  Spanish 
ships  then  remained  at  a  more  respectful  distance,  keeping  up, 
however,  a  continual  fire,  and  at  intervals  calling  upon  the  Dainttj  to 
surrender  "  (/  hitcna  (jiicrra."  Hawkyns  had  been  carried  below,  and 
at  last  his  captain,  named  Ellis,  came  down  to  his  wounded  chief 
and  suggested  the  impossibility  of  further  resistance.  But  Kichard 
Hawkyns  declared  that  he  had  not  come  into  the  South  Sea  to  hang 
out  flags  of  truce.  Like  Eichard  Greynvile  he  cried,  "  Fight  on  ! 
fight  on !  "  His  captain  and  men  took  fresh  heart,  fought  on  all 
that  night,  and  sustained  the  unequal  struggle  for  the  next  day  and 
night,  and  the  third  day  after,  being  battered  constantly  with  great 
and  small  shot  by  six  ships.  On  the  second  day  a  master's  mate 
named  William  Blanch,  by  a  capital  shot,  carried  away  the  main- 
mast of  the  Spanish  vice-admiral  close  to  the  deck.  But  the  Dainttj 
could  not  free  herself  from  the  other  ships,  and,  when  nearly  all 
were  dead  or  wounded,  Captain  Ellis  surrendered  "  a  hmna  f/iwrra  " 
on  a  solemn  promise  from  Don  Beltran  de  Castro  that  all  should 
have  their  lives  and  liberties  with  a  passage  to  their  own  country. 

Eichard  Hawkyns  was  received  by  the  noble  Spaniard  with  great 
courtesy,  and  accommodated  in  his  own  cabin.  The  Daiiitij  was 
taken  to  Panama  and  re-christened  the  Visitacioii.  Hawkyns  and 
his  fellow-prisoners  were  brought  to  Lima,  and  the  Marquis  of 
Caiiete  treated  them  with  kindness  and  consideration.  But  before 
long,  Hawkyns  was  claimed  by  the  Inquisition.  The  honour  of  the 
viceroy's  brother-in-law  was,  however,  at  stake.  The  Marquis  of 
Cafiete  defied  the  Inquisitors,  and  sent  his  prisoners  to  Spain  after 
a  detention  of  three  years  at  Lima.  On  reaching  Spain,  Hawkyns 
was  thrown  into  prison  at  Seville,  in  defiance  of  the  terms  of 
surrender.     Don  Beltran  de  Castro  was  indignant  at  this  breach  of 

2  T  '2 


644  VOYAGES   AND   DISCOVERIES,   1485-1603.  [1578. 

faith,  which  compromised  his  honour,  but  many  years  passed  away. 
At  length  a  more  powerful  man,  the  Count  of  Miranda,  took  up  the 
case.  He  declared  that  all  future  agreement  would  be  impossible 
if  faith  in  Spanish  honour  were  destroyed.  After  eight  long  years 
of  imprisonment  Eichard  Hawkyns  was  released.  He  was  knighted 
by  James  I.  and  made  Vice-Admiral  of  Devon ;  and  he  died  in  1622, 
when  about  to  sail  as  vice-admiral  of  a  fleet  for  the  punishment  of 
Algerine  pirates. 

The  '  Observations  of  Sir  Richard  Hawkyns  '  were  published  in 
1622,  and  reprinted  by  the  Hakluyt  Society  in  1847  and  1878. 
They  are  a  perfect  storehouse  of  valuable  naval  information  of 
all  kinds,  every  incident  of  the  voyage  leading  the  writer  into 
reminiscences  of  former  experiences,  or  into  dissertations  on  sub- 
jects having  reference  to  navigation,  seamanship,  gunnery,  or  naval 
discipline.  Kichard  Hawkyns  was  the  ideal  of  an  ardent  explorer 
and  of  a  brave  and  thoroughly  efficient  naval  officer.  If  fortune  had 
favoured,  he  would  have  made  a  great  name.  He  has  only  left  us  a 
most  charming  book  ;  and  Englishmen  read  it  with  feelings  of  pride 
that  the  author  was  their  countrynaan,  and  with  warm  regret  and 
sympathy  for  his  misfortunes. 

The  three  Elizabethan  voyages  into  the  South  Sea  did  not  lead 
directly  to  commercial  intercourse,  because  the  Spanish  monopoly 
was  uncompromising,  and  the  undertaking  was  too  difficult  and 
perilous.  But  in  other  directions  the  first  voyages  of  discovery 
were  the  forerunners  of  an  active  and  prosperous  trade  to  the 
Mediterranean,  to  the  coast  of  Guinea,  to  Russia,  and  to  Newfound- 
land, while  the  fearless  English  seamen  continued  to  freqiient  the 
West  Indies.  In  1581  a  charter  was  granted  to  the  Turkey  Com- 
pany, and  consuls  were  appointed  in  the  Levant ;  and  in  1588  the 
first  Guinea  Company  received  its  charter,  with  the  privilege  of 
exclusive  trade  to  the  Senegal  and  the  Gambia. 

But  the  oldest  and  most  continuous  traffic  was  that  connected 
with  the  fishery  on  the  banks  of  Newfoundland.  According  to 
Mr.  Anthony  Parkhurst,  who  reported  on  "  the  true  state  and 
commodities  of  Newfoundland  "  in  1578,  there  were  from  thirty  to 
fifty  sail  frequenting  the  banks  from  the  west  of  England,  one 
hundred  from  Spain  for  cod,  and  thirty  Basque  vessels  for  whales, 
fifty  Portuguese,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  Breton  vessels  of 
about  40  tons. 

On   the   11th    of   June,  1578,   Sir   Humphrey   Gilbert   received 


ir.78.]  .s//,'    IHMl'IinFA-   GILBERT.  645 

letters  patent  to  fomur  a  colony  in  Newfoundliuul,  and  for  the 
discovery  of  Norunibctja.  His  training  had  l)c'cn  rather  in  the 
war  against  Spaniards  in  the  Low  Countries  tlian  at  sea;  l)iit  lir 
was  a  man  of  far-seeing  views,  a  patriotic  and  high-minded  gentle- 
man. He  made  one  disastrous  voyage  with  his  half-brother,  Walter 
Italegh,  in  1579,  and  in  1583  he  equipped  a  more  important 
expedition. 

Five  vessels  left  Cawsand  Bay  on  the  11th  of  June;  but  the 
largest,  named  the  lialeijJi,  put  back  owing  to  the  outbreak  of  a 
mortal  sickness.  The  others  were  the  Delight,  of  120  tons,  the 
Siralloir  and  (hildni  H'niil.  each  of  40  tons,  and  the  little  SiiiiinrI, 
of  10  tons.  On  the  80th  of  July  they  had  crossed  the  Atlantic  and 
sighted  land,  visiting  the  island  where  the  Bretons  were  accustomed 
to  salt  down  quantities  of  great  auks  in  casks.  At  St.  John's, 
Newfoundland,  Sir  Iluiuphrey  Gilbert  found  thirty-six  sail  of 
vessels  of  all  nations,  and,  in  accordance  with  his  orders,  he  took 
possession  in  the  name  of  the  queen.  On  the  4th  of  August  he 
landed,  and  was  entertained  by  the  English  merchants.  Leaving 
St.  John's  on  the  20th  of  August,  the  ships  were  steered  in  the 
direction  of  the  Isle  of  Sables,  and  on  tiic  'iOth  the  Dclifjiif  ran  on 
shore  and  became  a  total  wreck.  Among  those  who  perished  were 
Stephanus  Parmenius  of  Buda,  who  was  to  have  been  the  historian 
of  the  expedition,  tlie  captain,  and  many  otlicrs.  The  master, 
Kichard  Clarke,  got  away  in  a  small  boat,  wiiich  was  dangerously 
overcrowded.  One  of  the  party,  named  Hedley,  proposed  that  they 
should  draw  lots  for  four  to  be  thrown  overboard.  But  Clarke  said, 
"No!  We  will  live  or  die  together!"  After  having  been  Inur 
days  without  food  they  succeeded  in  landing,  and  relieved  tiunr 
hunger  by  eating  berries.  Finally,  they  were  taken  on  board  a 
vessel  belonging  to  St.  Jean  de  Luz,  and  were  landed  at  Pasajes  in 
Spain,  whence  they  found  their  way  home. 

These  disasters  induced  Sir  Humphrey  Gili)ert  to  resolve  upon 
returning  to  P^ngland,  with  the  intention  of  continuing  the  enter- 
prise in  the  ensuing  spring.  He  was  urged  to  go  on  board  the 
Hind:  but  as  the  S(iiiirnl,  (nving  to  her  small  size,  would  be 
exposed  to  the  greatest  danger  in  crossing  the  Atlantic,  he  chose  to 
go  in  her,  and  his  resolution  could  not  be  shaken.  On  the  evening 
of  the  9th  of  September  he  was  seen  sitting  with  a  book  in  his 
hand,  and  he  cried  out  to  those  on  board  the  Hind,  when  within 
haihng  distance,  "We  are  as  near  to  heaven  by  sea  as  by  land." 


646  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,    1485-1603.  [1584. 

On  the  same  night,  being  ahead  of  the  Hind,  the  SquinrVs  hghts 
were  noticed  to  have  disappeared.  The  vessel  had  gone  down 
with  all  hands.  The  Hind  arrived  at  Falmouth  on  the  '22nd  of 
September. 

Hakluyt  has  preserved  the  journals  of  four  Bristol  ships  which 
made  successful  sealing  voyages  to  Newfoundland  and  Cape  Breton 
in  1593  and  1594. 

The  mantle  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  fell  upon  his  half-brother, 
Walter  Ealegh.  This  illustrious  Englishman  was  the  embodiment 
of  all  that  was  best  in  the  chivalry,  the  culture,  and  the  entei-prise 
of  the  Elizabethan  age.  Born  at  Hayes,  near  Sidmouth,  in  1552, 
Ealegh  was  educated  at  Oxford,  and  passed  six  years  of  his  life  in 
Huguenot  camps  in  France,  probably  serving  in  the  battles  of 
Jarnac  and  Moncontour.  He  then  saw  service  in  Ireland  ;  and  in 
1582,  at  the  age  of  thirty,  he  was  received  into  high  favour  by 
the  queen.  His  greatness  then  began,  and  in  1584  he  leased 
Durham  House  in  the  Strand.  He  was  knighted  in  1585,  and 
became  Captain  of  the  Queen's  Guard  and  Lord  Warden  of  the 
Stannaries  in  the  following  year. 

On  the  25th  of  March,  1584,  Sir  Walter  Ealegh  received  letters 
patent  for  the  discovery  and  settlement  of  the  region  then  vaguely 
known  as  Norumbega,  the  coasts  of  which  had  been  discovered  by  the 
English  in  1498,  as  shown  by  the  map  of  Juan  de  la  Cosa.  Ealegh 
first  sent  two  vessels,  under  Philip  Amadas  and  Arthur  Baiiowe, 
to  proceed  to  their  destination  by  way  of  the  West  Indies,  and  thus 
avoid  the  storms  of  the  North  Atlantic.  They  sailed  on  the  27th  of 
April,  1584,  touched  at  the  Canaries  and  at  one  of  the  West  India 
islands,  and,  on  the  18th  of  July,  landed  on  a  low  and  sandy 
beach,  and  took  possession.  The  country  received  the  name  of 
Virginia,  in  honour  of  the  great  queen,  but  the  spot  where  they 
landed  is  in  North  Carolina.  They  found  a  broad,  wooded  island, 
with  great  abiindance  of  wild  grapes.  Seven  leagues  farther  on  was 
the  village  of  Eoanoak,  consisting  of  a  hundred  houses  of  cedar. 
A  banquet  was  given  them  by  the  king,  and  they  returned  to 
England  with  two  natives. 

Ealegh's  second  expedition  was  on  a  larger  scale.  It  was  com- 
manded by  the  renowned  Sir  Eichard  Greynvile,  and  consisted  of  five 
vessels — the  Tiger,  of  140  tons,  the  Lion,  of  100  tons,  the  Elizabeth, 
of  50  tons,  the  Dorothy,  a  small  barque,  and  the  fly-boat  Roebuck. 
Among  the  volunteers  were   Ealph  Lane,  the  Governor  of  Keny, 


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Zi'*^ 


1585.]  THE    COLONISING    OF    VIRGINIA.  647 

Cavendish,  the  future  circumnavigator,  Arundel,  Eaymond,  Stukeley, 
and  Vincent.  Sailing  on  the  5th  of  April,  1585,  Greynvile  touched 
at  Puerto  Eico  and  at  Isahela,  on  the  north  coast  of  St.  Domingo. 
Passing  along  the  mainland  of  Florida,  he  anchored  at  Wocoken 
(now  called  Ocracoke  Inlet)  on  the  'iGth  of  June ;  hut  one  of  his 
ships  went  on  shore  a  id  was  lost.  In  exploring  the  country, 
Greynvile  crossed  the  south  part  of  Pamlico  Sound,  and  visited 
three  towns  called  Pomeick,  Aguascogoc,  and  Lecoto,  where  he 
was  well  received  The  plan  was,  that  a  small  colony  should 
remain  under  the  command  of  Ealph  Lane,  and  that  Sir  Eichard 
Greynvile  should  return  home  with  the  ships.  He  reached  Plymouth 
on  the  18th  of  October,  having  during  the  voyage  captured  a  richly 
laden  Spanish  ship  of  300  tons.  He  boarded  her  in  a  boat  made  of 
the  boards  of  chests,  and  the  fragile  craft  went  to  pieces  as  he  and  his 
men  sprang  up  the  ship's  side. 

The  colony  under  Ealph  Lane  was  to  remain  and  explore  the 
mainland.  There  were  with  him  Captain  Philip  Amadas,  the 
learned  Thomas  Heriot,  Courtenay,  Stafford,  Acton,  Marmaduke 
Constable — all  historic  names — and  a  hundred  men.  They  made 
the  best  use  of  their  time,  and  Heriot  studied  the  resources  of  the 
country,  especially  the  vegetable  products,  and  wrote  an  important 
work  on  the  subject,  which  was  of  great  use  to  future  colonists. 
In  June,  1586,  Sir  Francis  Drake  arrived  with  a  fleet,  and  offered  to 
supply  the  settlers  with  provisions ;  but  they  decided  to  return 
home.  Meanwhile,  Ealegh  had  sent  out  supplies  to  the  colony 
in  a  vessel  of  100  tons.  Not  finding  the  settlers,  she  returned  to 
England.  Sir  Eichard  Greynvile  also  came  cmt  with  three  well- 
appointed  vessels,  and,  failing  to  find  the  settlers,  he  also  returned. 
He,  however,  left  fifteen  men  at  Eoanoak,  with  provisions  for 
two  years. 

In  1587,  Ealegh  obtained  a  charter  for  the  "Governor  and 
Assistants  of  the  city  of  Ealegh  in  A'irginia."  He  fitted  out  a  ship 
of  120  tons,  a  fly-boat,  and  a  pinnace,  and  sent  out  a  colony  of 
one  hundred  and  fifty  souls,  under  the  leadership  of  John  White, 
with  Simon  Fernando  as  pilot.  They  reached  Hatorush  on  the 
'2'2nd  of  July,  but  found  no  signs  of  the  fourteen  men  left  by  Sir 
Eichard  Greynvile.  A  colony  was  landed,  consisting  of  ninety-one 
men,  seventeen  women,  and  nine  boys  ;  and  John  White  went  back 
to  England  for  supplies.  But  it  was  not  until  the  '20th  of  INIarch, 
15U0,  that  he  was  able  to  return  with  three  vessels.     He  landed  at 


64S  VOYAGES  ASD   DISCOVEEIES,   1485-1603.  [1594. 

Hatorash  on  the  15th  of  August,  and  went  to  the  place  where  the 
colony  had  been  left  in  1587.  All  was  desolation.  At  length  he 
found  the  word  "  Cruatoan  "  carved  on  a  post.  It  was  the  name  of 
the  place  whither  the  settlers  had  gone  or  had  been  taken.  No 
effort  was  made  to  communicate  with  them,  and  the  ships  returned 
to  England.  Ealegh  had  now  spent  £40,000  on  the  work  of 
colonising  Virginia.  In  1602  he  again  sent  a  vessel  to  succour  the 
lost  colony,  mider  Captain  Wilham  Mace,  but  she  retiu'ned  without 
reaching  Eoanoak.  The  colonists  intermixed  with  the  natives,  and 
were  finally  massacred  by  order  of  King  Powhatan,  instigated  by 
his  priests.  Four  men,  two  boys,  and  one  young  maid  were  spared, 
and  from  them  the  Hatteras  Indians  were  descended. 

Although  the  first  colony  was  unfortunate,  the  patriotic  efforts 
of  Ealegh  were,  without  doubt,  the  incentives  to  future  colonisation. 
He  aroused  the  spirit  of  colonial  enterprise,  and  thus  planted  a 
sturdy  tree,  which  bore  fruit  even  in  his  own  lifetime.  The  people 
of  the  United  States  must  look  to  Sir  Walter  Ealegh  as  the 
original  founder  of  their  nation,  and  they  could  not  have  a  nobler 
nor  a  purer  origin.  For  Sir  Walter's  connection  with  Virginia  is 
a  monument  of  patriotic  self-sacrifice ;  and  that  his  great  merits  are 
not  forgotten  was  shown  when  a  window  to  his  memorj'  was  placed 
by  Americans  in  St.  Margaret's  Church,  Westminster. 

Sir  Walter  Ealegh  turned  his  attention  to  the  discovery  of 
Guiana  in  1594.  In  that  year  he  sent  Captain  Jacob  Whiddon  on  a 
prehminary  voyage  of  discovery,  but  Whiddon  was  thwarted  by  the 
Spanish  Governor  of  Trinidad,  and  returned.  Meanwhile,  Ealegh 
himself  made  an  exhaustive  study  of  the  subject.  He  derived  his 
knowledge  of  Peru  and  the  Incas  from  Gomara ;  he  had  studied 
Andrew  Thevet  and  Diego  de  Ordas,  and  he  knew  the  particulars 
of  the  voyages  down  the  Amazon  by  Orellana  and  Aguirre.  He 
had  heard  of  the  discovery  of  gold  in  the  Orinoco  basin,  of  El 
Dorado,  and  of  the  fabulous  city  of  Manoa.  He  obtained  the  services 
of  such  experienced  seamen  as  Captains  Whiddon,  Keymis,  Canfield, 
Gifford,  and  Dowglas  ;  and  he  was  accompanied  by  a  number  of 
gallant  young  gentlemen  volunteers,  some  of  them  being  his  own 
relations.  John  Gilbert  was  his  nephew,  Grej'nvile  and  Gorges 
were  cousins.  Leaving  England  on  the  9th  of  Februarv,  1595, 
with  five  ships,  with  the  object  of  exploring  the  Orinoco,  the 
expedition  arrived  at  the  island  of  Trinidad  on  the  '2'2nd  of  March, 
anchoring  at  Parico  within  the  Gulf  of  Paria. 


15'J4.]      .  THE   GUIANA   KXtEDlTIUN.  649 

The  Spaniards  had  a  settlement  called  San  Jose  on  the  island  of 
Trinidad,  and  at  that  time  the  governor  was  an  officer  of  some 
distinction.  Don  Antonio  Berreo  had  nian-ied  a  daughter  of 
Gonzalo  Jinienes  de  Quesada,  the  famous  conqueror  of  Nueva 
Granada.  Berreo  had  made  a  very  remarkable  journej'  from 
Bogota,  by  descending  the  rivers  Meta  and  Orinoco ;  and  he  was 
only  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  his  son  from  Bogota  to  undertake 
the  establishment  of  a  settlement  on  the  Orinoco  liiver. 

Ralegh's  first  step  was  the  capture  of  the  Spanish  town  of 
San  Jose.  This  was  done  by  break  of  day,  and  Berreo  was  taken 
prisoner.  His  captor  treated  the  governor  with  all  possible  respect 
as  an  honoured  guest,  and  received  from  him  as  much  information 
respecting  Guiana  as  he  possessed  ;  l)ut  Berreo  vainly  attempted 
to  dissuade  Kalegh  from  attempting  to  ascend  the  Orinoco. 

The  ships  were  to  be  left  at  Trinidad,  and  the  ascent  of  the 
river  was  to  be  undertaken  by  a  hundred  men  with  provisions  for  a 
month.  The  little  flotilla  consisted  of  an  old  galley,  a  barge,  two 
wherries,  and  the  long-boat  of  the  Lion's  Whelp.  Ealegh  himself, 
with  most  of  the  volunteers  and  fifty  men,  were  in  the  galley  ; 
Captain  Gifford  and  ten  more,  in  one  wherry;  Captain  Canfield, 
with  young  Gorges  and  eight  men,  in  the  other ;  and  the  rest,  in  the 
two  ships'  boats. 

Reaching  the  Orinoco  delta.  Captains  Whiddon  and  Dowglas 
sounded  the  Capari  mouth,  while  Captain  Canfield  examined  that 
of  Manamo.  The  boats  then  entered  the  Orinoco,  good  supplies 
of  cassava  bread  being  obtained  from  the  natives,  with  whom 
Ralegh  kept  on  very  friendly  terms.  He  was  thus  able  to 
collect  a  large  amount  of  valuable  information  respecting  the 
tribes  and  the  resoui'ces  of  the  country.  The  stories  he  was  told 
respecting  the  yield  of  gold  were  chiefly  from  Spanish  sources,  and 
were  gi-osslj-  exaggerated ;  but  Ralegh  was  quite  correct  in  his 
opinion  that  Gviiana  was  a  gold-yielding  country'. 

The  expedition  was  on  the  whole  successful.  The  explorers 
suffered  considerably  from  hardships  and  privations  in  the  ascent 
of  the  river,  i-owing  against  the  stream,  but  they  got  as  far  as  the 
mouth  of  the  Karoni,  and  forty  miles  up  that  river.  The  Orinoco 
was  rising  rapidlj%  which  obliged  them  to  return.  Ralegh's  principal 
native  friend  was  an  old  chief  named  Tapiawari,  with  wliom  he  held 
long  conversations.'  It  was  arranged  that  two  volunteers,  a  man 
named  Francis  Sparrow  and  a  boy  named  Hugh  Godwin,  should 


650  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1485-1603.  [159G. 

remain  to  learn  the  language,  and  that  they  should  take  merchan- 
dise into  the  interior,  so  as  to  explore  and  collect  information.  A 
son  of  Tapiawari  returned  with  Ealegh.  The  boats  reached  the  sea 
by  the  Capari  mouth,  and  the  explorers  found  the  ships  as  they 
had  left  them,  at  Curiapan  in  Trinidad,  and  returned  safely  home. 

In  this  ably  conducted  expedition.  Sir  Walter  Ealegh  showed 
himself  to  possess  all  the  qualifications  of  an  explorer.  He  took 
great  pains,  before  starting,  to  inform  himself,  from  every  available 
source,  of  all  that  was  known  respecting  the  region  he  was  about 
to  explore.  He  equipped  his  expedition  and  selected  his  companions 
with  great  care,  and  with  reference  to  the  work  that  had  to  be  done. 
He  took  every  precaution  in  sounding  the  different  mouths  of  the 
Orinoco,  in  navigating  the  river,  and  in  his  intercourse  with  the 
natives,  that  could  suggest  itself  to  a  thoughtful  leader.  He  was 
indefatigable  in  the  collection  of  all  useful  information.  The  result 
was  the  publication  of  an  interesting  narrative  which  is  read  with 
pleasure  and  instruction  down  to  the  present  day.  The  map  was 
not  finished  when  the  book  was  published  in  1596,  but  it  is  in  the 
British  Museum,  and  has  recently  been  reproduced. 

The  Guiana  voyage  of  Sir  Walter  Balegh  led  to  many  others  in 
the  direction  both  of  the  Orinoco  and  of  the  West  Indian  Islands. 
In  Januarj',  1596,  Captain  Laurence  Keymis  left  Portland  in  the 
Darling,  of  London,  and  again  visited  the  Orinoco.  He  found  that 
Sparrow  had  been  captured  by  the  Spaniards  and  taken  to  Cumana. 
In  the  same  year  Thomas  Masham,  in  the  pinnace  Watte,  went  up 
the  Essequibo. 

The  most  romantic  biography  of  all  the  Ehzabethan  worthies 
is  that  of  Sir  Eobert  Dudley,  the  repudiated  heir  of  the  Earl  of 
Leicester.  A  gallant  soldier,  a  scientific  seaman,  a  gunner,  an 
engineer,  he  was  above  all  an  enthusiastic  explorer.  He  tells  us 
that,  "  Having,  ever  since  I  could  conceive  of  anything,  been 
delighted  with  the  discoveries  of  navigation,  I  fostered  in  myself 
that  disposition  till  I  was  of  more  years  and  better  ability  to  under- 
take such  a  matter."  Yet  he  was  only  twenty-one  when  he  sailed 
for  the  West  Indies  in  command  of  an  expedition  consisting  of  the 
Bear,  of  200  tons,  the  Bears  Whelp,  and  two  pinnaces,  called  the 
Frisking  and  the  Earwig.  He  ordered  his  master,  Abraham  Kendall, 
to  steer  for  Trinidad,  and,  anchoring  at  Curiapan,  he  landed  with 
an  armed  pai'ty,  and  marched  through  the  woods.  He  was  joined 
by  a  pinnace  from  Plymouth,  coimnanded  by  Captain  Popham,  and 


IDyu.]  FlilVATEEIilNO   IN    THE    WEUT  INDIEii.  (>5i 

the  leaders  intended  to  have  extended  their  explorations  to  Guiana. 
But  the  crews  refused,  and  young  Dudley  was  obliged  to  retiurn. 
Leaving  Trinidad  in  March,  1595,  he  touched  at  Puerto  Eico  and 
the  Azores,  encountering  very  severe  weather.  In  ^lay  he  arrived 
at  St.  Ives  in  Cornwall,  having  sunk  and  burnt  nine  Spanish  ships 
and  expended  all  his  powder.  Owing  to  unjust  treatment  after  the 
great  queen's  death.  Sir  Eobert  Dudley  abandoned  his  native 
country  and  lived  at  Florence,  where  he  wrote  that  superb  work, 
'  Del  Arcano  del  Mare,'  and  where  he  died  in  1(530. 

In  1595  also  Amyas  Preston  harassed  the  Spaniards  in  the  West 
Indies,  with  two  ships,  the  Ascension  and  the  Gift.  He  sacked 
the  towns  of  Coro  and  Santiago  de  Leon,  and  obliged  Cumana  to 
pay  a  ransom.  In  159G  Sir  Anthony  Shirley  followed  in  Preston's 
track  with  nine  vessels.  He  took  Santa  Marta  and  Jamaica,  visited 
Puerto  Cabcllo  and  Truxillo,  and  returned  home  by  way  of  New- 
foundland ;  and  in  the  same  year  William  Parker,  in  the  Prudence, 
made  good  prizes  in  the  Bay  of  Campeachy.  These  audacious 
voyagers  were  supplied  with  a  good  "Kuttier,"  or  book  of  sailing 
directions  for  the  West  Indies,  translated  from  the  Spanish. 

The  value  of  an  explorer's  training  was  shown  at  the  taking  of 
Cadiz.  Sir  Walter  Ealegh  commanded  a  division  of  the  fleet,  and 
among  those  who  had  been  engaged  in  exploring  adventures  with 
him,  or  at  the  same  time,  in  the  Orinoco  and  the  West  Indies,  no 
fewer  than  four  received  the  honour  of  knighthood  from  the  Earl  of 
Essex  at  Cadiz  for  their  gallantry.  These  were  Sir  Eobert  Dudley, 
Sir  George  Gifford,  Sir  Francis  Popham,  and  Sir  Amyas  Preston. 

In  the  closing  years  of  the  brilliant  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth, 
the  first  chapter  in  the  history  of  British  India  was  commenced. 
The  establishment  of  factories  by  the  Turkey  Company  in  the 
Levant  led  the  way.  In  1583  Fitch,  Leedes,  and  Newbeny  found 
their  way  to  India  overland,  and  their  story  drew  attention  in 
England  to  the  wonders  of  the  East.  But  no  English  ship  had 
yet  made  the  voyage  to  India,  although  Drake  and  Cavendish  had 
rounded  the  Cape,  coming  from  the  East.  The  first  English 
voyage  to  India  W'as  undertaken  by  James  Lancaster  in  1591. 
Lancaster  was  a  native  of  Basingstoke,  who  had  been  serving  in 
Portugal  both  as  a  soldier  and  a  merchant,  though  he  is  only  known 
to  fame  as  an  adventurous  and  able  sea-captain.  The  expedition 
consisted  of  three  tall  ships,  the  Penelope  as  admiral,  commanded 
by  George  Eaymond,  the  Merchant  Royal,  under  Abraham  Kendall, 


652  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1485-1603.  [1591. 

who  had  been  master  to  Sir  Bobert  Dudley  in  his  West  Indian 
voyage,  as  vice-admiral,  and  the  Edward  Bonaventure  lender  James 
Lancaster  as  rear-admiral.  The  historians  of  the  voyage  were 
Edmmid  Barker,  Lancaster's  lieutenant,  and  a  mate  named  Henry 
May. 

The  expedition  sailed  from  Plymouth  on  the  10th  of  April,  1.591, 
and,  touching  at  the  Canary  Islands,  the  ships  made  the  best  of 
their  way  to  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  Kear  the  line  the  English 
explorers  fortunately  captured  a  Portuguese  caravel  laden  with 
wine,  oil,  and  olives.  During  the  long  detention  by  equatorial 
calms  the  scurvy  broke  out,  there  were  many  deaths,  and  the 
crews  were  in  a  very  weakly  state  when  the  ships  reached  Table 
Bay.  There  oxen  and  sheep  were  obtained  from  the  natives,  and 
the  sailors  began  to  recover  their  strength.  It  was  resolved  to 
send  the  Merchant  Boyal  back  to  England  with  all  the  weakly 
men,  and  to  proceed  with  two  strong  crews  in  two  ships.  Ac- 
cordingly, Captains  Baymond  and  Lancaster,  in  the  Penelope  and 
Edward.  Bonaventure,  proceeded  on  the  voyage.  On  the  14th  of 
September  they  encountered  a  great  storm,  during  which  the 
Penelope  parted  company,  nor  was  she  ever  heard  of  again. 

The  Edward  Bonaventure,  after  losing  the  master  and  several 
men  through  the  treachery  of  the  Comoro  Islanders,  arrived  at 
Zanzibar  on  the  7th  of  November.  Lancaster  remained  there 
until  February,  1.59'2,  opening  friendly  relations  with  the  native 
merchants,  who  were  disabused  of  the  stories  told  by  the  Portuguese 
to  the  disadvantage  of  the  strangers.  On  leaving  Zanzibar  a  course 
was  shaped  for  Cape  Comorin,  and  then  for  the  Nicobar  Islands  ; 
but  the  first  port  in  which  the  ship  was  anchored  was  Penang,  on 
the  coast  of  Malacca,  where  Lancaster  remained  until  August.  He 
lost  his  master,  one  of  the  merchants,  and  twenty-six  men  during 
his  stay  at  that  place  ;  and  when  he  put  to  sea  there  were  not 
more  than  twenty-two  men  fit  for  duty.  Having  captured  some 
Portuguese  ships  laden  with  pepper  and  rice,  and  cruised  for  some 
months  on  the  coast  of  Malacca,  Lancaster  anchored  at  Point  de 
Galle.  There  the  crew  declared  they  must  return  to  England,  and 
the  homeward  voyage  was  commenced  on  the  8th  of  December, 
1593.  After  a  long  rest  at  St.  Helena,  Lancaster  took  the  ship 
in  the  direction  of  the  Brazilian  coast,  and  thence  to  the  West 
Indies,  at  last  finding  himself  off  the  island  of  Mona,  between 
St.  Domingo  and  Puerto  Bico,  whence,  after  receiving  provisions 


1594.]  THE  FIRST  ENQLIfill    VOI'ACtE    TO    JXDJ.i.  653 

and  water,  he  directed  his  course  to  Newfoundland.  Bafflincj  winds 
prolonged  the  voyage,  so  that  the  provisions  were  exhausted,  and 
it  was  resolved  to  return  to  the  ^^'est  Indies.  Mona  was  again 
reached  on  the  20th  of  November,  1.5'.):^,  but  while  the  captain  and 
a  party  of  men  landed  to  seek  for  provisions,  the  carpenter  secretly 
cut  the  cable,  and  the  ship  drifted  away  to  sea  with  only  five  men 
and  a  boy  on  board.  Lancaster,  with  his  lieutenant  Barker,  and 
the  men  who  had  landed,  were  left  on  the  island.  During  twenty- 
nine  days  their  only  food  was  the  stalks  of  purslane  boiled  in  water, 
with  a  few  pumpkins.  At  length  a  French  ship  came  to  off  the 
island,  and  took  the  unfortunate  Englishmen  on  board.  Lancaster 
and  Barker  were  taken  home,  arriving  at  Dieppe  on  the  19th  of 
May,  1594. 

It  had  been  arranged  by  Captain  Lancaster  that  Henry  May,  one 
of  the  mates,  should  take  a  passage  home  in  another  French  ship,  to 
report  to  the  owners  the  proceedings  of  the  Edward  Bonaventure 
and  the  mutinous  condition  of  her  crew.  This  ship  was  commanded 
by  M.  de  la  Barbotiere,  who  made  sail  northwards  from  the  port 
of  Laguna  in  Santo  Domingo.  It  appears  that  the  pilot  was  quite 
out  in  his  reckoning,  and. on  the  17th  of  December  the  ship  was 
rmi  on  a  rock,  at  about  midnight,  on  the  western  reef  of  Bermuda. 
About  twenty-six  men,  including  Henry  May,  reached  the  shore  on 
a  raft.  Luckily  the  carpenter's  tools  were  saved,  and  they  began  to 
cut  down  trees,  and  succeeded  in  building  a  small  vessel  of  eighteen 
tons.  Water  was  stored  in  two  great  chests,  well  caulked,  and  secured 
one  on  each  side  of  the  mainmast,  and  the  pi-ovisions  consisted  of 
thirteen  live  turtles.  On  the  11th  of  May,  1.594,  they  put  to  sea 
and  made  for  the  banks  of  Newfoundland,  where  a  vessel  from 
Falmouth  took  them  on  board.  Henry  May's  adventures,  of  which 
he  wi'ote  an  interesting  narrative,  came  to  an  end  when  he  landed 
at  Fahuouth  in  August,  1-594. 

This  first  English  voyage  to  the  East  Indies  was  disastrous. 
Lancaster's  next  enterprise  was  of  a  warlike  character,  and  was 
aided  by  some  merchants  of  London,  who  fitted  out  several 
vessels  to  attack  Pernambuco.  James  Lancaster  was  ajipointed  to 
the  command,  with  his  old  lieutenant,  Ediuund  Barker,  and  John 
Audley  of  Poplar  as  his  captains.  The  expedition  was  ably  and 
resolutely  conducted,  and  was  a  complete  success.  The  port  of 
Pernambuco  was  surprised,  taken  and  held  for  thirty  days  in 
spite  of  repeated  assaults  by  the  Portuguese.     About  thirty  ships 


654  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVEBIES,   1485-1603.  [1599. 

^Yere  captui'ecl,  and  rich  cargoes  of  sugar,  dye-wood,  and  cotton  were 
brought  home.  But  Captain  Barker  fell  in  one  of  the  skirmishes, 
and  several  other  valuable  officers  lost  their  lives.  Lancaster  was 
engaged  on  this  service  from  September,  1.594,  to  July,  1595,  when 
he  brought  his  ship  back  to  Blackwall  in  safety.  These  two  expedi- 
tions showed  him  to  be  an  able,  prudent,  and  courageous  officer, 
well  qualified  for  the  high  trust  that  was  about  to  be  placed 
in  him. 

In  1599  the  merchants  and  adventurers  of  London  projected  an 
expedition,  and  eventually  formed  a  company,  with  the  object  of 
establishing  a  trade  with  the  East  Indies.  A  sum  of  £72,000  was 
subscribed,  and  the  preparations  were  steadily  pushed  forward 
throughout  the  autumn.  On  the  10th  of  December  Captain 
James  Lancaster  was  appointed  "  general  "  of  the  fleet,  with  a  com- 
mission of  martial  law  from  the  queen.  His  flag  was  on  board 
the  Dragon,  a  ship,  formerly  named  the  Scourge  of  Malice,  which 
had  been  bought  from  the  Earl  of  Cmnberland  for  £3700.  She 
was  of  600^  tons  burden,  and  had  a  crew  of  two  hundi'ed  and 
two  men.  The  chief  pilot  was  John  Davis,  the  Arctic  navigator, 
who  had  just  returned  from  the  East  Indies  as  pilot  of  the  first 
Dutch  India  fleet.  The  "  vice-admiral  "  was  the  Hector,  of  300  tons, 
and  a  crew  of  one  hundred  and  eight  men,  commanded  by  John 
Middleton.  The  Ascension,  of  260  tons,  with  a  crew  of  eighty-two 
men,  was  under  William  Brand ;  and  John  Hay  ward  commanded 
the  Susan,  of  240  tons,  and  eighty-eight  men.  The  Giiesf  was  to 
accompany  the  fleet  as  a  victualler. 

On  the  31st  of  December,  1599,  Queen  Elizabeth  laid  the 
foundation  stone  of  the  British  Empire  in  India.  The  Charter  of 
Incorporation  of  the  East  India  Company  was  granted  to  George 
Clifford,  Earl  of  Cumberland,  and  two  hundred  and  fifteen  knights, 
aldermen,  and  merchants ;  Alderman  Sir  Thomas  Smith  being 
chosen  the  first  governor  of  the  company,  and  James  Lancaster  and 
John  Middleton  being  in  the  list  of  the  first  directors.  The  queen, 
in  council,  framed  this  great  instrimient  with  foresight  and  wisdom, 
and,  it  would  almost  seem,  with  some  prevision  of  the  future.  Her 
majesty  had  cordially  and  graciously  approved  of  the  voyage  before 
the  issue  of  the  Charter,  and  she  sent  John  Mildenhall  as  her  envoy 
to  the  great  Emperor  Akbar  at  Agra,  by  way  of  Constantinople  and 
Persia. 

'  Some  accounts  make  lier  to  have  been  of  800  tons. — AV.  L.  C. 


IGOO.]  TJIE   EAST  ISDIA    CoMVANY'S  FIIiST    VKSTCItE.  C.JU 

All  through  the  montli  of  Januaiy,  1600,  the  expedition  was 
being  fitted  out  in  the  Thames.  Each  ship  was  provided  with 
twelve  streamers,  two  flags,  and  an  ensign.  Stores  and  provisions 
of  all  kinds  were  stowed  in  the  holds,  as  well  as  merchandise ;  and 
merchants  were  apj)ointed  to  each  ship  to  superintend  the  trading 
operations.  The  queen  prepared  letters  to  the  princes  of  India, 
including  one  to  the  Sultan  of  Acheen ;  and  suitable  presents 
accompanied  them.  Mi-,  liichai-d  Hakluyt  compiled  much  useful 
information  respecting  the  connnodities  of  the  different  countries, 
instructions  "  touching  the  preparing  of  the  voyage,"  and  several 
maps.  The  officers  and  others  received  "bills  of  adventure"  on 
the  gains  of  the  voyage— that  is  to  say,  each  was  to  receive  a 
reward  on  a  fixed  scale  with  reference  to  the  yield  of  the  retm-n 
cargo. 

The  fleet  sailed  from  Woolwich  on  the  IHth  of  February,  1()00, 
but  it  was  long  delayed  in  the  Downs  by  calms,  and  the  ships  had 
to  put  into  Dartmouth  to  complete  their  stores ;  so  that  it  was  the 
'2nd  of  April  before  they  Anally  sailed  for  the  Canaiies.  The  usual 
fatal  sickness  broke  out  while  the  fleet  was  detained  by  equatorial 
calms.  Captain  Lancaster,  however,  captured  a  Portuguese  ship 
and  got  out  of  her  146  casks  of  wine,  176  casks  of  olive  oil,  and  a 
quantity  of  meal,  which  pi'oved  a  great  addition  to  the  supply  of 
provisions.  The  victualler  Guest  was  emptied  and  turned  adrift. 
The  expedition  crossed  the  line  on  the  last  day  of  June. 

The  ravages  of  scm'vy  continued,  so  that  when  Table  Bay  was 
reached  on  the  9th  of  September,  Captain  Lancaster  had  first  to 
anchor  his  own  ship,  and  then  to  send  his  boats  aw'ay,  with  working 
parties,  to  perform  the  same  office  for  his  consorts,  whose  crews 
were  too  weak  to  bring  their  ships  to.  The  Dragon's  working 
parties  also  hoisted  out  the  boats  for  the  rest  of  the  fleet.  The 
reason  why  the  men  in  Lancaster's  ship  were  so  much  healthier 
than  the  others  was  that  he  took  the  precaution  of  providing  a 
supply  of  lemon-juice.  He  gave  three  spoonfuls  to  each  man  every 
morning  fasting,  by  which  means  he  cured  many  of  his  sailors  and 
kept  the  rest  from  scurvy.  The  sick  were  landed  and  put  undei 
canvas  on  shore.  Very  good  airangements  were  made  for  the 
traffic  with  natives,  cattle  and  sheep  were  purchased,  and  the  sick 
soon  began  to  gain  strength  on  a  diet  of  fresh  meat  and  vegetables. 
But  the  terrible  disease  had  carried  off  one  hundred  and  five  men 
before  any  effective  remedy  could  be  applied. 


656  VOYAGES  AND   DISCOVERIES,   1-485-1003.  [1602. 

On  the  20th  of  October  the  fleet  left  Table  Bay  and,  towards  the 
end  of  December,  anchored  in  the  Bay  of  Antongil,  in  Madagascar, 
where  excellent  fresh  provisions  were  again  obtained.  But  dysentery 
broke  out,  and  there  were  several  deaths.  After  encountering 
numerous  dangers  in  crossing  the  Indian  Ocean,  and  having  touched 
at  the  Nicobar  Islands,  Lancaster  anchored  his  fleet  in  the  road  of 
Acheen,  in  Sumatra,  on  the  5th  of  June,  1601.  His  reception  by 
the  sultan  was  cordial  and  satisfactory  in  every  respect.  In  the  first 
audience  the  letter  from  Queen  Elizabeth  was  presented ;  and  on 
subsequent  occasions  Lancaster  made  progress  with  the  negotiations 
for  opening  trade.  Pepper,  cloves,  and  cinnamon  were  bought  for 
the  return  cargo  ;  and  in  October  the  sultan's  answer  to  the  queen's 
letter  was  brought  on  board. 

The  fleet  finally  left  Acheen  on  the  9th  of  November,  the 
Ascension  proceeding  direct  to  England  with  the  news,  and  the 
Dragon  shaping  a  course  along  the  coast  of  Sumatra  in  search 
of  the  Susan,  which  had  been  previously  sent  to  Priamon  for  a 
cargo  of  pepper.  She  joined  off  Priamon,  and  the  ships  anchored 
in  the  road  of  Bantam,  in  Java,  on  the  16th  of  December.  Here 
the  merchants  landed  to  sell  the  goods  brought  from  England,  in 
exchange  for  which  further  supplies  of  pepper  were  shipped.  A 
factory  was  established  under  Mr.  William  Starkey,  to  provide  lading 
for  the  ships  which  were  to  be  sent  out  on  the  Company's  second 
venture.  The  King  of  Bantam  sent  a  letter  and  presents  to  Queen 
Elizabeth,  and  on  the  20th  of  February,  1602,  the  ships  began  their 
homeward  course.  Captain  John  Middleton  of  the  Hector  was  taken 
ill  and  died  at  Bantam.  His  brother  Henrj",  who  was  in  the  Susan, 
was  destined  to  command  the  Company's  second  voyage. 

On  the  3rd  of  INIay  a  great  storm  was  encountered  between 
Madagascar  and  the  Cape ;  and  early  next  morning  the  D rayon's 
rudder  was  torn  clean  away  from  the  stern  of  the  ship.  She  drifted 
for  some  days  at  the  mercy  of  the  waves,  once  almost  down  to  40^  S. 
in  sleet  and  snow,  the  Hector  always  manfully  keeping  company. 
At  last  the  mizzen-mast  was  taken  out,  and  passed  over  the  stern  to 
serve  as  a  temporary  rudder,  but  it  was  found  to  shake  the  ship  in 
such  a  way  as  to  be  dangerous,  and  it  was  got  in  again  with  all 
convenient  speed.  The  cai-penters  then  set  to  work  to  shape  a 
rudder  out  of  the  mizzen-mast ;  but  the  irons  had  also  been  carried 
away,  and  there  were  only  two  wherewith  to  hang  the  new  rudder. 
The  men  wanted  to  abandon  the  ship  and  go  on  board  the  Hector. 


160^.]        THE    WOltK   OF   THE  ELIZABETHAN  NAVIGATORS.  (iJ7 

Lancaster  said  :  "  Nay,  we  will  yet  abide  God's  leisure,  to  see  what 
mercy  He  will  show  us."  The  sea  became  smooth,  the  rudder  was 
temporarily  fixed,  and  there  was  no  small  rejoicing  when  the  Island 
of  St.  Helena  hove  in  sight.  Here  the  rudder  was  properly  hung, 
and  plentiful  supplies  were  obtained. 

On  the  11th  of  September  the  sailors  of  the  East  India  Company's 
first  venture  arrived  at  the  Downs,  and  completed  this  memorable 
voyage.  Great  credit  is  due  to  the  master,  Sauderbole,  of  the  Hector, 
for  the  way  in  which  he  stuck  by  his  rudderless  consort  when  she 
was  di'ifting  lielplessly  about  in  the  stormy  sea  to  the  south  of  the 
Cape.  Even  when  Captain  Lancaster  gave  him  written  orders  to 
make  the  best  of  his  way  home,  he  disobeyed,  and  continued  to  keep 
near  the  Dragon,  ready  witli  all  the  help  he  could  give,  until  they 
both  got  safe  to  St.  Helena  :  "for  the  master  was  an  honest  and  a 
good  man,  and  loved  the  general  well,  and  was  lothe  to  leave  him  in 
so  great  distress." 

The  gallant  commander  of  the  first  voyage  received  the  honour 
of  knighthood  and  became  Sir  James  Lancaster.  He  afterwards 
served  as  a  director  of  the  East  India  Company  in  London,  where 
his  great  experience  was  invaluable  in  preparing  subsequent  ventures, 
and  in  the  general  conduct  of  the  Company's  affairs.  He  died  in 
June,  1618,  unmarried  and  childless,  leaving  large  legacies  to  the 
grammar-school,  and  to  the  charities,  of  his  native  town  of  Basing- 
stoke. Before  the  Company's  second  voyage  commenced,  the  great 
queen  had  passed  away,  and  the  glorious  roll  of  Elizabethan 
adventure  and  discovery  was  completed. 

It  is  indeed  a  roll  of  surpassing  splendour : — In  the  far  north,  the 
"  Meta  Incognita  "  and  Davis  Strait,  as  far  as  72°  12'  N.,  discovered, 
and  the  intercourse  with  Kussia,  by  the  White  Sea,  strengthened  and 
organised  ;  the  Caspian  Sea  navigated  and  Bokhara  visited  ;  a  great 
fishing  trade  established  on  the  Newfoundland  banks,  besides  a 
considerable  seal  fishery ;  Virginia  discovered,  and  a  sure  foundation 
laid  for  the  future  thirteen  colonies  which  should  form  the  United 
States ;  the  charter  granted  to  the  Tiirkey  Company,  and  British 
trade  placed  on  a  solid  footing  in  the  Levant ;  lucrative  trade  on  the 
coast  of  Guinea  and  the  West  Indies  and  Spanish  Main  kept  alive 
by  English  cruisers ;  the  Orinoco  explored  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the 
Karoni ;  the  world  twice  circumnavigated ;  the  Falkland  Islands, 
Cape  Horn,  and  480  miles  of  the  west  coast  of  North  America 
discovered ;   the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  first  rounded  l)y  an  English 

VOL.  I.  2  V 


658  VOYAGES  AND   BISCOVERIES,    1485-1603.  [1C03. 

ship ;  and  a  charter  of  incorporation  granted  to  the  East  India 
Company,  which  opened  the  first  chapter  of  the  history  of  the 
British  Empire  in  India. 

One  of  the  results  of  Ehzabethan  exploration  and  discovery  was 
the  extension  of  British  commerce  in  all  directions,  to  the  remotest 
parts  of  the  earth.  Almost  every  important  voyage  of  discovery  led 
to  the  establishment  of  a  lucrative  trade,  and  was,  therefore,  of 
lasting  benefit  to  mankind.  Another  result  was,  in  the  highest 
degree,  to  stimulate  an  enthusiastic  feeling  of  patriotism  which  no 
difficulties  or  hardships  could  daunt  and  no  disaster  could  quench. 
But  the  greatest  result  of  all  was  the  creation  of  an  admirable 
training-groitnd  for  the  Eoyal  Navy ;  so  that,  when  the  day  of 
imminent  peril  came,  the  great  queen's  explorers  and  discoverers 
saved  her  throne  and  her  country. 


INDEX, 


VOLUME  I. 


Adksdaxo,  Don  Martin  Huiz  de,  304 

Abercoiiway,  217 

Aberdeen,  'Mi,  238 ;  pillaged  by  Orkney- 
men,  94 

Abergwilley,  30;5 

Abrincis,  William  de,  18-! 

Achates,  423,  425,  o80,  588,  58'J 

Aclicen,  Lancaster  at,  (ioG 

"  Ades,"  Juan,  570  and  n.,  582 

Acre,  action  in  ll'JO  otT,  lUil 

Kichard  I.  at,  174 

Action,  preparing  lor,  451 

Action  in  the  Bay  of  Boiirgneul',  285,  280 

Acton,  liartlioloiiiew,  5!I2 

Adam,  iSimon,  131 

Adamants,  147 

Adams,  William,  5!i4,  his 

Adclard  of  llatli,  voyages  of,  il7 

Adnunistration  of  the  Xavv  reorganised  bv 
llenrv  Viir.,  437 

Admiral;  jiay  of  an,  150  ;  title  of,  141, 142  ; 
the  first  Lonl  High,  307 ;  duties  of  an, 
150 ;  duty  of  ships  of  a  tleet  to  daily 
speak  tlieir,  431 

Adndral  of  Kngland,  342,  343 

Adnnrals,  153  ;  early  connnissions  to,  142 

Admiralty,  Court  of,  80,  14i;i,  371 

Lieutenants  of  the,  437  n. 

Courts,  Parliament  complains  of  pro- 
ceedings in  the,  :>00 

Otlice,  438 

• the  Black  Book  of  the,  1411-153 

Adumi,  8 

Advantdt/c,  423,  425,  52St 

Aflraittd'/iii,  423 

Advniturt;  423,  425,  504,  532,  534,  537,  538 

Adventurers  bring  about  the  conquest  of 
Ireland,  102 

Advke,  423,  425,  588,  58!) 
yTjSc,  son  of  Hengest,  'M,  35 
,Escs,  11  n. 
A  (fed ion,  520 
African  trade,  440 
Agincoiu't,  battle  of,  37."> 
xVgnellis,  Henry  de,  102 
A(jnis  or  Aijasc  (?),  340,  347 


Agricola,  Julius,  2!t 

Aid,  423,  491  n.,  588,  589,  625 

of  Bristol,  595 

Aiguesmortes,  202 

Aiguillon  blockadeil,  204 

Aix,  Gerard,  Archbishop  of,  103 

Alard,  Admiral  Gervase,  132,  136,  142,  21.'. 

and  n. 

Justin,  131  n.,  213  n. 

Admiral  Steplien,  225 

Thomas,  213  u. 

Alarde,  120 

Allianv  carries   troops   to   Scotland,  John, 

Ihikeof,  459 
Albini    retakes   Sark,   Sir   Phili])  d',    18;i ; 

commands  umler  Hubert  de  Burgh,  187 

and  n.,  188,  190;  behaves  piratically,  195 
A/cfdo,  508,  520  and  n. 
Alcock,  Kobert,  397 
Alilborouiih,  Isabella,  lands  near,  229 
Aldridge,' William,  592 
Alexander  111.  forbids  Scots  merchants  to 

export  in  tlicir  own  ships,  .315 
Alfonsine  Tables,  the,  40(3 
Alfonso  of  Castille;   supports  the  rebellion 

in  Gascony,  199  ;  Bayonne  aids,  20.3 
Alfred,  King;  13,37,00;  defeats  the  Danes 

at  sea,  38 ;  his  interest  in  distant  lands, 

67  ;  visited  by  "  Scots"  from  Iceland,  01 
Allectus,  32 

Alliance  with  Philip  Augustus,  165 
Alliance  with  Flanders,  Knglish,  210 
Alliance  with  the  Enijiire,  Knglish,  210. 
Alliances  of  Kdward  111.,  242 

unsatisfactory  character  of  naval,  104 

unsatisfactory  nature  of  foreign,  212 

weakness  of  naval,  257 

Allowances  to  ollicers,  429 

Almagest,  The,  400 

Alphege  murdered,  45 

Alva,  Klizabcth   seizes   specie   supposeil  to 

belong  to,  478  ;  proposes  an  invasion  of 

England,  5,'{9  u. 
Amadas,  Philip,  040,  047 
Ambleteuse,  French  checked  near,  400 
Amboise,  Convention  of,  477 

2  I-  2 


660 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME  I. 


America,  Irish  claims  to  the  discovery 
of,  63,  64,  65 ;  the  Welsh  claim  to  the 
discovery  of,  303-31-4  ;  early  Orkney  and 
Shetland  commmiicate  with,  324 ;  the 
struggle  ■nith  Spain  determined  the  future 
of  Korth,  482 

Amfar  Bank,  377 

Amiens,  Peace  of  (1475),  391 

Amity  takes  two  Spanish  vessels,  501 

Anchors,  116 

"Ancient  Towns,"  The,  106 

Andalusia,  Armada  of  the  ships  of,  599 

Anderida,  8,  34 

Andrew,  346,  347,  380  n. 

of  Pl\Tnouth,  446  n. 

Andrews,  Andrew,  524 

James,  589 

Angles,  10 

Anglesey,  squadron  sent  against,  130 

"Anglia  Vetus"  10 

Angola,  527 

Angra,  Spanish  treasure  fleet  takes  refuge 
at,  522  n.,  523 ;  English  repulse  at,  523 

Anjou,  recovery  of,  161 

and  Maine,  loss  of,  176 

Anlaif,  14,  40 

Ann  of  Green\vich,  427 

Anne,  346,  347 

Bonaventure,  596 

Frances,  593 

Gallant,  419,  420 

Anne  of  Bohemia,  294 

Anne  of  Maiden,  446  n. 
•  Annebaut,  Baron  de  Eetz,  Claude  d',  461, 
462,  463,  464,  466 

Annot,  137 

Annuities  to  officers,  346 

Answer,  423,  425,  537 

Antelope,  420,  423, 425, 520  and  n.,  580, 588, 
589  592 

Anthony,  379,  508,  526,  592 

of  Saltash,  446  n. 

Anthony,  Thomas,  595 

William,  503 

Antonio,  Dom,  candidate  for  the  throne  of 
Portugal,  490  :  accompanies  Drake  and 
Norreys,  491,  492 

Anunciada,  600 

Apsam,  or  Topsham,  595 

Aquila,  Don  Juan  d',  530 

Aquitaine,  troops  sent  to,  242 

Arcco,  secretary  to  Parma,  577 

Arctic,  Nicholas  of  Lvun's  voyage  to  the, 
321 

Arculf,  voyage  of,  66  n. 

Ardeuberg,  Edward  III.  at  the  shrine  of 
Our  Lady  of,  256 

Argyle,  Ulster  colonists  in,  33 

Admiral  Sir  John  of,  215  and  n.,  216- 

18 

Ari  Marsson,  voyage  of,  64 

Ark  Eoyal,  423,  425,  429,  509,  514,  529 
(or  Ark  Salei(/h),  553  and  n.,  555  n.. 


557 
589 


n.,  564,  569,  570,  572,  575  n.,  588, 


Armada,  origin  of  the  Spanish,  539  ;  pro- 
posed strength  of  the  Spanish,  540; 
strategical  plan,  541 :  Medina  Sidonia's 
general  orders  for,  548,  549 ;  sailing  of, 
549 ;  religious  aspect  of,  550 ;  official 
English  accoimt  of  the  operations  against 
tlie  S]5anish,  551,  et  seg. ;  leaves  Corunna, 
559  ;  its  strength  while  at  Lisbon,  560  ; 
sighted,  tlie,  5H3  ;  organisation  and  forma- 
tion of  the,  567,  568  ;  flight  of  the,  582  : 
losses  of  the,  583-585  ;  list  of  Englisli 
ships  employed  against  the  Spanish,  587- 
597  ;  list  of  the  ships  of  the  Spanish, 
598-604  ;  Summaries  of  the  English  and 
Spanish  fleets,  604 

Armagnac,  the  Count  d',  374 ;  declines  to 
recognise  the  Treaty  of  Troyes,  the  party 
of  the,  381 

Armament  of  Spanish  and  English  ships 
in  1588.. 561 

Armourer,  147 

Arnold,  William,  130 

Arrest  of  shipping,  193,  197,  232,  233,  235, 
236,  242,  245,' 249,  258,  259,  260,  262, 
277,  279,  281,  286,  293,  294,  295,  296, 
301,  369,  372,  379,  381 

evil  results  of,  348 

Artevelde,  Jacob  van,  262 

Arthur,  King,  mythical  voyages  of,  58  n. 

death  of  Prince,  176 

Articles  of  War,  early,  151 

Artiqo,  419 

Artois,  Eobert,  Count  of,  255,  260 

Arundel,  Admiral  Eichard,  ninth  Earl  of, 
249  and  n.,  250,  255,  257,  262,  265,  269 

tenth  Earl  of,  154,  289  and  n.,  290, 

291,  298,  300,  301 

Sir  John,  244,  292,  293  ;  takes  Duncan 

Campbell,  459 

Arzina,  Bay  of,  614,  615 

^sce)iS(on,  518,  526,  592,  651,  654,  656 

Ashdown,  battle  of,  37 

Ashehurst,  Thomas,  609 

Ashley,  a  volunteer  with  Parker,  530 

■ Captain  Henry,  589 

Sir  Anthony,  511  and  n. 

Ashman,  Admiral  Robert,  222  and  n. 

Ashton,  Admiral  Sir  Eobert,  279  and  n., 
280,  281,  282 

Astrolabe,  Kicholas  of  Lynn  and  the,  321 

Astrolabe  adapted  bj'  Behaim  for  use  in 
navigation,  400 

Asuncion,  599,  600,  602;  simk  by  the 
Bevenxje,  496 

Atacames  Bay,  Eichard  Hawkyns  in,  642 

Athelstan,  King,  14,  40,  66 

son  of  Egbert,  36 

Athy,  Admiral  Sir  John  de,  218,  221  and  n., 
224,  233,  240 

Atrius,  Quintus,  27 

Attorney  impressed,  146 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME  I. 


G61 


AubsTj,  Henry,  131 

Audley,  Admiral,  388 

Aitj/usta,  598 

August  us  Gosar,  7 

Aula,  John,  131  u. 

AuhiK  Plautius,  IJSJ 

Aunu.nt,  Marslial  .1',  502,  503 

Aurea,  John  de,  241 

AurelianuR,  AiubrosiuB,  33,  34 

Austync,  Joliii,  581) 

Auxe,  Peter  de,  178 

Azores ;  cruise  to  the,  48G ;  Lord  Tiiomas 
Howard's  expedition  to  the,  495,  496; 
Frobisher  and  Burgh's  voyage  to  the, 
498-501 ;  Ralegli  rejoins  Essex  at  the, 
521 ;  Leveson  ordered  to  the,  529 

Aztecs  said  to  be  connected  with  the  Welsh, 
305 

Hack-staff,  or  Davis's  quadrant,  403 

Bacon,  John,  592 

Bacon,  on  SSea  I'ower,  353 

Bacqiieville,  De,  301 

Badlesuicre,  Sir  Bartholomew  de,  141 

Baeslie,  Edward,  438  n. 

ISagnall  defeated  by  O'Neill,  530 

Bagsecg,  37 

Baker,  (Japt.  Christopher,  589 

IJaldock,  Robert,  229 

Baldwin,  of  Flanders,  49,  51 

Baliol,  Edward,  lands  in  Fifeshire,  231 ;  is 

crowned   at   Scone,  231 ;   is  besieged   in 

Berth,  231 
John,   20G  ;  in  alliance  with  France, 

209;  surrenders  to  England,  210 
Ballad  of  a  flfteenth-ccnturv  passenger-ship, 

343,  344 
Ballingers,  143 
Ballisfjc,  102 
Baltic,    early    intercourse    with    the,    55 ; 

voyages  to  the,  394 
Banastre,  Sir  Thomas,  272,  292,  293 
Bancks,  Edward,  592 
Bannockburn,  battle  of,  2L7 
Barbara,  427 
Barbary,    company    of    traders     to,    440; 

Wliito's  voyage  to,  501  ;  trade  with,  (ill 
Barl^euoire :  see  Bocanegrti 
Barbotiere,  shipwreck  of  M.  de  la,  G53 
Jiarca  de  Amixmj,  (iOl 
liarca  de  Anziijni;  (iOl 
Bard,  Admiral  Peter,  217  and  n.,  234,  243, 

245 
Bardolf,  Sir  Thomas,  225 

Admiral  Sir  William,  381 

Bardsey  Island,  a  Scot's  ship  taken  at,  357 
Barlieur,  1U4,    175,    170  ;    ships   taken   at, 

263 
Baris,  William  de,  190 
Bark  Build,  577  n.,  590 

Bonne};  590 

Buijfiiiiii,  5U1 

Burr,  592 


Bark  CHtford,  486 

Flemyiifi,  566 

Ilahe,  597 

Ilawkyns,  590 

Lamb,  590 

Maiiini/tun,  591 

Bolts,  595 

St.  Lcgir,  591 

Sutton,  597 

Tidhot,  577  n.,  590 

Webb,  595 

of  Bullen,  419,  422 

of  Morlaix,  419 

Barker  (?  Master  of  the  Victory),  589 

,  Edmund,  652,  653,  654 

Barking  Creek,  405 

llarktey  Bay,  520 

Barlowc,  Arthur,  046 

Barne,  George,  592 

Barontus,  GO 

Barrett,  Kobert,  592 

Barris,  Peter  de,  172 

BartlwJomew,  595 

Barton,  Andrew,  419,  444,  44G-449 

Basilisks,  410,  411 

Basing,  37 

Basins,  314 

Baskerville,  Sir  Thomas,  504,  506-508 

Bassett,  Sir  Kalj.h,  227,  236 

Bassils,  409,  412 

Bastard  cannon,  410,  41 1 

culverin,  408,  4U>,  411,  417 

Bastimentos,  the,  o.'il 
Battayle,  Hubert  de,  137 

,  A<lmiral  Kobert,  224  and  u. 

Bauck,  Berenger,  220 

Baudethon,  Reginald,  l.'U 

Bayeux  Tapestry,  70-78,  85 

Bayona,  556  and  n. 

Bayonnais    seamen    rewarded,   229 ;    shijis 

ordered  out,  240;  squadron  at  Sandwich, 

248;  ships  offered  to  Edward  III.,  258 ; 

summoned  to  attack  the  Spaniards,  272 ; 

ships     take     a     Spanish    convoy,    289 ; 

Bayonne  ;  462  ;  Bernard,  Bishop  of,  103  ; 

hire  of  ships  from,  129  ;  the  Cinque  Ports 

at  war  with,  195,  203 ;  ordered  to  assist 

in    the    defence  of    the   kingdom,   228 ; 

called   upon    for   ship]iing,  237  ;    vessels 

requisitioned  from,  203 
Baxter,  Robert,  589 

Bazan,  Don  Alonso  de,  494,  495,  497,  501 
/liizaiia,  603 
Beacliy  Head,  375 
Beacons,  139 

established  on  the  coasts,  240 

fired  at  the  apjiroach  of  the  Armada, 

563  and  n. 
Bettr,  423,  425 

or    \V7iile    Bear,   565,    572,   575   n., 

581  n.,  588,  589,  050 

Yoiifje,  577  n.,  591 

Bear's  Whelp,  650 


662 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME  I. 


Bearsdbe,  594 

Beauchamp,   Admiral  Sir  Joliii,    154,   225, 
268  and  n.,  273,  275,  278 

Sir  William,  2'J7 

Beaufort,  Sir  Bobert,  283  n. 

Admiral   Sir   Thomas  (later  Earl   of 

Dorset  and  Duke  of  Exeter),  360  and  n. 
Beauge,  battle  of,  382 
Beaulieu  Abbev,  surrender  of  Warbeck  at, 

447 
Beaumont,  Lord  ;  his  barge  taken,  232  :  his 

cog  captured,  234,  301 

■ Admiral  John  Lord,  301 

Sir  Henry,  229 

Beaupel,  Admiral  Sir  Robert,  261  and  n. 

Beccles,  114 

Beche,  Sir  Nicholas  de  la,  251 

Bedeford,  of  Hull,  220 

Bedford,  Adam  de,  315 

Richard,  595 

Admiral  Jolm,  Duke  of,  375,  377,  381, 

382,  383,  460 
Beeston,  Captain   Sir  George,  573  n.,  576, 

589 
Behaim,  Martin,  400,  401 
Behuchet,  Nicolas,  239,  244  n.,  245,  251, 

255,  257 
Beirut,  action  off,  172 
Belechere,  120  n. 
Bell,  Edward,  594 
"  Bellatorium,"  122 

Bellav  cited,  Du,  412,  413,  462,  464,  465 
Belle  Isle,  370 

Bellingham,  Captain  Henry,  487,  592 
Bells  as  signals,  240 
Beltoft,  Simon  de,  -34 
Benevolences  nominallj-  abolished,  349 
Benfleet,  38 
Bennct,  222 

Stephen,  524 

Benstede,  Sir  John  de,  211 

Beoni,  son  of  Godwin,  50 

Berd,  I^obert,  371  n. 

Berehaven,  640 

Bergen  burnt,  395,  396 

Berkeley,  Admiral  Thomas,  tifth  LojJ 

359  and  n.,  363 

Sir  John,  526,  527 

Bernard,  148 

Bishop  of  Bayonue,  103 

of  Toulouse,  263 

Berreo  taken,  Don  Antonio,  649 

Bert,  Peter,  136 

Bertendona,  Admiral   Jfartin  de,  571 

600;   said   to   have   taken   the   Be 

600  n. 
Bertheaume  Bay,  452 
Berwick,  234,  372  ;  strange  visitors  at,  199  ; 

a  fleet  co-operates   in   the   siege  of,  209, 

210 ;  defence  of,  214,  215 ;  threatened  by 

pirates,  219,  220  :  taken  by  Robert  Bruce, 

221,  222;  siege   of,   232;  taken   by  the 

Scots,  274  ;  recovered,  275  ;  prosperity  of, 


>6, 


578, 
entje, 


315 ;    threatened   by   the   Earl    of    Mar, 
365  ;  Queen  Margaret  at,  389  ;  Treat  v  of, 
475 
Berwick,  Sir  John,  211 
Best,  George,  624,  625,  626 
Betour,  William  le,  214 

Beudyn,  Admiral  Sir  Robert,  225 

Biancho,  map  of  Andrea,  606,  607 

Bigbury  Bay,  loss  of  the  San  Pedro  Mui/or 
in,  584 

Bigot,  Hugh  le,  201  n. 

Bilbao,  attack  on  the  Primrose  ofi",  484 

Bingham,  Sir  Richard,  584 

Binon,  a  Welsh  trader,  310 

Biscay,  Armada  of,  598 

Biscayner  taken,  a,  485,  499 

Bjorn  -\sbrandsson,  voj'age  of,  64 

Blacl-  Bark,  419  and  n. 

Book  of  the  Admiraltv,  the,  149 

Dog,  423,  593 

Galley,  422 

Pinnace,  421   ' 

Prince,  death  of  the,  286. 

"  Blackbeard  "  :  see  Bocanegra 

Blackburne,  Admiral  Nicholas,  366 

Blackness,  Scots  vessels  burnt  oft',  •■',69 

Blagrave's  improvements  in  nautical  instru- 
ments, 402,  403 

Blancboillv,  John,  120 

Blanch,  William,  643 

Blanch  Nef,  La,  or  Wliife  Sliij),  78,  81,  82 

IManc-Sablon  Bay,  455,  457 

Blankenberglie,  English  fleet  ofl',  251 

Blaskets,  Loss  of  the  A'.  S.  de  la  1,'osa  on 
the,  584 

Blavet,  502 

P.l.aye,  206 

Blessed  Marij,  137,  217 

Blocks,  146,  340 

Blore  Heath,  386 

Blount,  Sir  Charles,  589 

Sir  Christopher,  512  n.,  515,  519 

Blucke,  Richard,  589 

Blue  dye  used  by  earl}'  Britons  for  sails  and 
clothing,  6,  57 

Blunderville's  "  Exercises,"  402 

Blyth,  La,_V20  n.,  131  (2),  224 

Boadicea,  i 

Board  of  -\dmiralty,  438 

Boats,  121 :  how  carried,  414  ;  in  action,  464 

Bobadilla,  Don  Francisco  de,  582 

Bocanegra,  Ambrosio,  282 

Egidio,   244  n.,  245,  251,  257,  258, 

262 

Bodenham,  Jonas,  589 

Bodleian  Library,  Origin  of  the,  517 

Bohun,  Enjuger  de,  116 

Buna  Coiifidentia,  613 

iSjjei'anza,  613 

Bonaventiire,   404,  423,  425,  495,  n., 


504,  520,  529,  553 
589,  635 
Bonavolia,  423,  488,  588,  589 


575  n.,  576,  588, 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME  1. 


ca.'J 


Bund,  William,  405 

"  15i)U.loniU)n,"  325,  .V.O,  3:U 

Bonner,  Abraham,  5i)2 

Bonnets,  145,  418  n. 

Booms  at  St.  Juan  de  Puerto  Eico,  506 

Borachero,  Don  IJieso  de,  530,  536 

Bordeiiux,  206,  370,  374;  Henry  III.  at, 
107  ;  convoy  to,  360  ;  English  \vine  sliii)B 
captured  ofl',  268  ;  taken  bv  Shrewsbury, 
385 

Borman,  John,  58!) 

Borough,  Stephen,  613,  615,  616,  617 

Captain  William,   his   writings,  402, 

437  n.,  438  n.,  43'J,  487 ;  his  desertion 
of  Drake,  487,  488,  580,  589,  615,  616, 
617 

Bostocke,  Captain  John,  589 

Bosworth,  battle  ol',  393 

Botetort,  Sir  John  de,  142,  205  and  n.,  210, 
218 

Botoner,  William,  605,  606,  607 

Botreaux,  William  Lord,  381 

"liotts,"  339 

Boulogne;  214;  Carausius  besieged  in,  31  : 
Danes  at,  38;  and  Flanders,  threaten  in- 
vasion, 161  ;  Alliance  with,  162  ;  French 
Hcet  chased  into,  and  partly  destroyed  at, 
247;  Henry  of  Lancaster  sails  from,  302; 
besieged  by  Henry  VII.,  445 ;  blockade 
of,  459,  460 ;  besieged  by  the  French, 
464,  466,  469;  informal  hostilities  at, 
468;  surrendered  to  France,  469 ;  negotia- 
tions at,  529 

Bourbon,  the  Bastard  of,  374,  377 

Bourg,  206  ;  exploit  of  Montacute  at,  210 

Boui'g-eii-Bla3-e  besieged,  367 

Bourgueuf  I'.ay,  282  and  n.,  285 

Bourne's  "  Itegiment  of  the  Sea,"  402 

Boutieres,  de,  463 

Bout  on,  Sir  Tonnai,  283  , 

Bouvincs,  battle  of,  182 

Boves,  Sir  Hugh  de,  183,  184 

Bovver,  William,  5!i4 

Bow-ers,  Kobert,  594 

Bowles,  a  Cherokee  chief,  310 

Bowline,  344 

Bowman,  Piers,  115  n. 

Bows  and  arrows,  413,  414 

Bowsprits,  145 

Boyvillc,  Hugh  de,  139 

Sir  John,  272 

Brabant,  mercenaries  from,  274  :  claims  of 
Hiunphrcy  of  Gloucester  to  lands  in,  383 

Clugnet  de,  367 

Bradbury,  Jonas,  593 

Bradeston,  Sir  Thomas,  Lord,  255,  266 

Bradgate,  Captain,  529,  537 

Bradley,  Thomas,  61)8 

Brailshaw,  Kobert,  498 

Brails,  344 

Brancastcr  Bay,  8 

Brand,  William,  654 

Brandan,  voyage  of  St.,  60 


Brandon,  Sir  Charles,  450,  451  ami  n.,  452 

Branodnnum,  H 

Braose,  William  de,  177  n. 

Braquemont,  Jean  de,  377 

Itobinet  de,  374 

lirnvr,  592 

Drawling,  430 

Bray,  Sir  Keginald,  404  and  n. 

Bra/.il,  or  ( fBrazile ;  a  fabulous  land,  01  ; 
William  Hawkyns's  voyages  to,  611  ; 
voyages  for  the  discoverj-  of,  607 

Brazilman,  Halegh  takes  a,  523 

Ureanung,  123 

lirecchloaders,  149,  157 

Brehat,  castle  of,  368 

Breme,  Albrith  le,  137 

"Bres,".326,  330,  334 

Brest,  285,  450  ;  Edwar.1  III.  at,  260,  261 : 
Spanish  fleet  at,  288 ;  John  of  Gaunt 
attacks,  298,  299  :  the  lieifent  burnt  otl", 
405 ;  battle  off,  451  :  blockade  of,  453, 
et  seq. ;  Howard's  fatal  cutting  out  ex- 
]iedition  at,  455-457  :  Pregent  cliased 
into,  457 ;  contemplated  attack  on,  473 ; 
lilockaded,  502 

lint,  La,  131 

]?retigny,  treaty  of,  2i8 

Bretons  defeat  English  ])irates,  358 

Breze,  Pierre  de,  385,  388 

Bridgwater,  a  bark  of,  595 

Bridlington,  302 

Brielle,^483 

Hrighton,  464  ;  burnt,  457 

Brihtnotli,  42 

Brihtric,  44 

Bringborne,  Kobert,  592 

I'.ristol,  197,  233,  234,  381,  395,  397,  398, 
460;   trade  of,   100;    galicy.s  of,  114:  a 

squadron  of ships,  218;  ships  burnt, 

247 ;  ordered  to  send  ships  to  Wales, 
361 ;  voyages  from,  ()06,  607,  OOS 

Channel ;   raid  by  a  son  of  Harold  in 

the,  87  ;  operations  in  the,  357 

Britain  circunmavigated,  29,  57 

British  Isles,  map  of  1448  of  the  coasts  of 
the,  606 

Brittany:  jiirates,  40:  expedition  to,  161; 
Englisli  seamen's  feud  with,  223 ;  Duke 
of,  288  ;  English  pirates  defeated  off,  358, 
359  ;  coast  of,  ravaged,  360 ;  assists  the 
Earl  of  Richmond,  392  ;  and  betrays  him, 
393;  transferred  to  France,  444  ;  attacks 
on  the  coast  of,  450 :  Marv  Stuart  lands 
in,  468 

Brixhani,  139 

Broke,  William,  437  n. 

Bromley,  Hemy,  526 

Brooke,  Captain  Sir  William,  520 

Fulke  Ureville,  Lord,  437  n. 

Kobert,  Lord,  sent  to  Brittany,  443 

Brooms,  146 

Brough,  John,  592 

Broughton,  Sir  Thomas,  443 


664 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME  I. 


Brown,  Brute,  589 

Bro^vIle,  Captain,  537  :  killed,  538 

Richard,  59-t 

Brownyn",  Jordan,  346 
Bruce,Edward,  218,  221 

Robert,  213,  215-18,  221,  222,  230 

Bruges,  445 ;  convention  of,  210  ;  Parma  at, 

577 
Brunanburli,  40 
Brunvna,  William,  131 
"  Brut  y  Tywysogion,"  305 
Brute,  the  Trojau,  55 
Bryan,  Edward,  594 
Admiral   Sir   Guy,  275  and   n.,   27G, 

277,  280,  281,  282 
Brygandine,  Robert,  115  n.,  405,  436 
Bri/(/a»dine,  421,  423,  588,  589 
Buchctt,  269 
Buck,  Sir  Peter,  438  n. 
Buckingham,  troops  sent  to  Brittany  under 

the  Earl  of,  293  ;  he  besieges  Nantes,  294 

Thomas,  Earl  of,  288 

Buckland,  John,  613,  615 

Buckley,  Richard,  589 

Bucq,  Jean  de,  destroys  an  English  squadron, 

300 
Bucy,  John  de,  177  n. 
Budleigh,  complaint  from,  267 
Buelna,  Condede  :  see  Niilo,  Don  Pedro 
BkU,  421,  423,  580,  588,  589 
Bidl,  Jolm.  346 

Stephen,  444,  453,  455 

Buoys,  laws  concerning,  108 

Burburata,  John  Hawkyns  at,  G17 

Bures,  Richard  I.  at,  165 

Burgh,  Hubert  de,  185  and  n.,  186,  188-190, 

194,  257 

Sir  John,.  498  and  n. 

Sir   Richard  de,  Earl  of  L'lster,  215, 

217,  218 

William,  fifth  Lord  de,  498  n.,  499,  500 

William  and  Edward  de,  221 

Burghersh,  Admiral  Sir  Bartholomew,  240, 

242,  243 
Burghley,   William  Cecil,   Lord,   553,  554, 

555 
Burgundy,  Duke  of,  287,  363 
Philip,   Duke   of,   279 ;   partial  truce 

with,   368 ;    assists    Edward    IV.,    389 ; 

treaty  with,  446  ;  alliance  with,  against 

Gelderland,  448 
Burnell,  Captain  Francis,  555  and  n.,  569  n., 

589,  594 

Hugh,  second  Lord,  356 

Burnham  Down,  camp  at,  180 

Bury  St.  Edmunds,  229 

Busses,  101 

Butler,  William,  592 

Butsecarls,  51,  52 

Butts,  Sir  William,  610;  his  son,  611 

C.^BKCAS,    531 

Cabins,  121,  340,  344  ;   in  Norse  vessels,  71 


Cables,  116,  121,  414  ;  iron,  used  by  Vene- 
tians, 4  ;  practice  of  cutting,  432 

Cabot,  Sebastian  :  his  map,  608  ;  enters  the 
service  of  Edward  VL,  612,  613 ;  Governor 
of  the  Company  of  Jlerchant  Adventurers, 
613 ;  notices  the  variation  of  the  needle, 
Sebastian,  401 

John,  voyages  of,  608,  609 

Cabrillo,  Juan  Rodriguez,  633 

Cacafitego,  631 ;  taken  by  Drake,  632 

Cadiz,  448  ;  instructions  for  the  expedition, 
1596.  .429 ;  Drake's  attack  on,  487--189  ; 
the  great  expedition  to,  509,  et  iteq. ;  ex- 
plorers knighted  for  services  at,  651 

Cadsand :  see  Gadzand 

Caen,  capture  of,  264 

Caernarvon  besieged  by  the  French,  361 

CcEsar,  J.,  invasion,  24  ;  fleet  of,  27  ;  second 
withdrawal  of,  29 

Ciesar,  Charles,  590 

William,  592 

Caithness  ravaged,  40 

Calais,  185,  186,  294,  373,  374,  378,  382, 
383,  386,  387,  389,  390,  445,  447,  457, 
475 ;  Scots  ships  at,  234 ;  Roll  of,  265  u. ; 
French  convov  taken  ofl',  266 ;  besieged 
by  Edward  HL,  264,  267  ;  Edward  III. 
repels  an  attempt  on,  268 ;  ceded  to 
England,  278 ;  siege  of,  287 ;  French 
ships  WTecked  near,  297  ;  besieged  by  the 
French,  298 ;  threatened,  360 ;  captures 
by  the  captain  of,  362 ;  desultory  action 
off,  366  ;  threatened  by  the  French,  367 ; 
besieged  by  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  383 ; 
relieved  by  Hmnphrey  of  Gloucester,  383, 
384 ;  Henry  VIII.  at,  460  ;  loss  of,  472  ; 
Spain  takes,  508 ;  scheme  for  Parma's 
junction  with  the  Armada  off,  547 ;  ar- 
rival of  the  Armada  off,  574,  575 

Caledonii,  33 

"  Calfacted,"  340 

Caligula,  29 

Calivers,  412,  417 

Callao,  Drake  at,  631 

Callinicus  of  Heliopolis,  102 

Calms,  signals  in,  433 

Calshot  Castle,  436 

Calverley,  Achniral  Sir  Hugh,  288,  291,  292 

Camaret,  358 

Bay,  451 

Camber,  375,  434 

Castle,  363 

Cambridge,  Edmimd,  Earl  of,  285,  286; 
troops  sent  to  Portugal  under,  294 

Camoj's,  Thomas,  Lord,  351i 

William,  381 

Campbell  taken,  Duncan,  459 

Campo  Fregoso,  Peter  de,  284 

Camville,  Richard  de,  103,  167 

Canary  Islands,  505 ;  voyages  of  John 
Hawkyns  to  the,  617 

Candles,  precautions  as  to,  432 

Caiiete,  the  Marquis  of,  642 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME  I. 


665 


Canfield,  Captain,  648,  C49 

Cannibalism  at  sea,  610 

Cannon  {nee  also  Guns),  148,  409-411,  417 

Pedro,  or  Picrrier,  409-411 

Royal,  410,  4  U 

Ser[x^ntinc,  410,  411 

Cano,  Sebastian  del,  631  n. 

Canterbury,  377 

Cathedral,  Picture  anciently   in,  405, 

406 
Cantilujie,  Sir  William  de,  197 
Canute,  17,  4"),  46,  47  ;  chosen  by  the  fleet, 

18 ;  defeated  by  the  Swedes,  46 ;  journey 

to  Rome,  69 

of  Berwick,  97 

Canvas,  120,  121 

Canviig   of    Bristol   trades    to    the    north, 

William,  395,  397,  (i06,  607 
Cao,  Behaiin.  accompanies  Dio^o,  40<1 
Cape  Breton,  609;  reached  by  Hore,  610 
Farewell,    Greenland,    Froliisher    ofl', 

625 

ITatteras,  609 

Horn,  Drake  discovers,  630,  634 

Race  reached  by  Urube,  610 

('apitiinn,  003 

"  Captain-General,"  545  n. 

Captain,  146 

Captains,  143 

"  Captains  and  Leaders,"  343 

Capstans,  12,  145,  341 

Capstaiispokes,  340 

Caragiion  burnt,  462,  403 

Carausius,  7,  30-32 

Cardinal,  120,  192 

Carilinal,  John,  596 

Careless,  Robert,  526 

Carcw,  Captain  Sir  George,  464,  485  n.,  509 

and  n.,  511,  513,  519,  520  and  u. 

Sir  John,  450,  452 

Sir  Peter,  468 

Sir  Thomas,  372,  379 

Carej',  Francis,  589 

Sir  George,  573 

Sir  George :  see  Himsdon,  George  Carey, 

second  Lord. 

Robert,  589 

Coridad,  602 

Carlingford,  233 

Carouse,  597 

Carpenters,  146  , 

Carrack,  3.'!9 ;  blown  up,  Spanish,  503 

Carracks,  143  ;   taken  by  Prince  Thomas, 

363 ;  taken  by  the  Earl  of  iluntingdon, 

380 
Carrickfergus,  224 
Cartagena,  John  Hawkyns  at,  619 
Carte,  Harry  at,  131 
Carter,  John,  608 
Cartridges  for  heavy  guns,  414 
Carvel  of  Ewe,  404 
Casa  de  Paz  Chica,  601 
Casa  de  Paz  Grande,  601 


I  Cascais,  Drake  ofl',  488,  492 ;  vesBels  taken 
at,  492 

Caspian,  Jcnkinson  in  the,  616 

Cassi,  28 

Cassivelaimus,  28 

Castille,  alliance  w  ith,  129  :  reprisals  against, 
220  ;  apology  to,  274  ;  allietl  with  France, 
279 ;  a  shij)  of,  captured  by  Harry  Pay, 
358 ;  envoy  sent  to,  369 ;  Treaty  witli, 
439,  447  ;  Armada  of  the  galleons  of,  599 

Castillo  Xeijro,  601 

Castillon  surrenders,  206 

Castlewrights,  145 

Castro  y  tie  la  Cueva,  Don  Beltran  de, 
642-4 

Caswalon,  28 

"  Catat,"  252 

Cateau  Canibresis,  Treaty  of;  475 

Cathav,  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby's  voyage  to, 
613 

Catlin  on  traces  of  Welsh  in  tlie  Mandan 
tongue,  311 

Catton,  William,  115  n. 

Caulking,  144,  340 

Caunton,  Sir  John  de,  214,  215  and  n. 

Cave,  George,  503 

Cavendish,  Thomas,  590,  636-638,  639, 
640,  647 

Cawfield,  Captain,  537 

"Celtas,"  120 

Celts,  Goidelic,  33 

Cely,  'J'homas,  591 

Ceniniagni,  28 

Centurion,  526  and 
defence  of  the,  498 
•Ceols,  11  n. 

Cerda,  Don  Carlos  de  la,  268 

Don  Luis  de  la,  259  and  u.  260,  268, 

269,  270 

Cerdic,  34 

Ceri,  56 

Ceton,  364 

Cezimbra,  533 ;  attack  on,  534,  535 ; 
Monson   revisits,    537 

Chambers,  guns  with,  149,  157,  158,  342 

Chance,  591 

Chancellor,  Richard,  613-616 

Chanrcwell,  524,  525 

Chandos,  Sir  John,  255,  270 

Channel,  Harold  loses  the  command  of  the, 
73 ;  the  passage,  138,  139,  154 ;  in- 
security of  the,  236,  237  ;  coumiand  of 
the,  265 ;  French  activity  in  the,  277  ; 
French  sujieriority  in  the,  293,  294 ; 
English  juisillanimity  in  the,  296 ;  in- 
security of  the,  371;  activity  of  French 
cruisers  in  the,  374,  375 

islands,  the,  274  ;  quarrel  lietween  the 

Bretons   and,  196 ;   descents  upon,  242 ; 
ships  ol)tained  from,  280 
Chaiilaius,  143 
Charges  for  guns,  410,  411 
Charlemagne  and  Oll'a,  12,  66 


n.,  569,  592;  splendid 


66lf3 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME  I. 


Charniouth,  Egbert  and  Etlielwulf  ilefeated 

at,  36 
Chariti,,  120  n. 

Charles,  423,  425,  588,  589 

Charles,  Aihniral  Edward,  142,  213,  aud  n.  ' 

William,  131  n. 

• Count  of  Valois,  205 

Charrau,  Senor,  455,  456  ' 

Charts,  William  Borough's,  616  ;  misleading  , 
nature  of  plane,  402 

Chasing,  regulations  as  to,  430,  431 

Chastillon,  the  Sire  de,  379 

Cliateaubriand,  De,  361 

Chatel,  Guilleaume  du,  358,  359,  361 

,  Tannegui  du,  361 

Chatham  Chest,  the,  433,  434 

Dockyard,  436,  and  n. 

Chaucer  mentibns  the  bonnet,  145 

Chaucer's  Shipman,  156,  157 

■ supposed  allusion  to  Nicholas  of  Lvnn, 

322 

Cheke,  William,  346 

Cheibourg,  raided,  20S ;  burnt,  264 ;  ships 
sent  to,  280;  transferred  by  Navarre  to 
England,  289;  English  defeat  oft',  290; 
blockaded  and  reinforced,  290;  Sui'rey's 
raid  near,  458 

Chest  at  Chatham,  tlie,  433,  434 

Chester,  John,  592,  628 

Richard,  592 

Cheyne,  Sir  Thomas,  453,  455,  456 

Chichester,  Danes  at,  39 

Thomas,  593 

Chidley,  John,  589 

"  Chita,"  364 

Chivaki;  131 

Christ,  419 

Christina,  131 

Christopher,  146,  147,  148,  342,  346, 419  n., 
420,  597  ;  taken,  244,  245,  250  n.,  251, 
253  ;  retaken,  254,  256 ;  (Drake's),  628, 
630 

Davy,  427 

of  Calais,  446  n. 

of  Hull,  374 

iif  Westminster,  217  i 

of  Yarmouth,  218 

Spayne,  347,  380  n. 

Chronometer,  prototyjies  of  the,  401 

Chudleigh's  voyage  to  the  South  Sea,  638, 
639 

Cicero  on  Sea  Power,  353 

Ciereo  Volante,  601 

Cimarrones,  the,  622,  623 

Cinque  Ports,  106,  112,  116,  119,  121,  124, 
125,  127,  130,  131,  132,  133,  140,  141, 
154,  155,  176,  184,  187,  190-198,  202- 
208,  212,  213,  214,  217,  218,  221,  223, 
224,  227,  231-236,  246-249,  258-262,  i 
277,  349,  357,  368,  378,  379,  382,  387,  j 
392 ;  piracies  of  the,  136,  137  ;  oppose 
the  Crown,  the,  200;  jnratical  practices 
of  the,  201;  and  Yannoutli,  quarrels  be-  ' 


tween  the,  211,  212;  declare  for  Queen 

Mary,  471 
Cissa,  34 
Civil    AVar,   sufferings   of  England   under, 

98,  99 
Clare,  Richard  de,  Earl  of  Pembroke,  163 
Clarence,  George  Duke  of,  389 
Admiral  Thomas,  Duke  of:  see  Thomas 

of  Lancaster 
Clarke,  successes  of  the  privateer  Francis, 

477 

John,  594 

Richard,  645 

Claudius  Csesar,  7,  29 

"  Clavus,"  11,  138,  145 

Clayes,  116,  214 

Clayton,  Laurence,  595 

Cleanliness,  430 

Clear,  Sir  John  Arundel,  wrecked  near  Cape, 

293 
Cleer,  Lawrence,  589 
Clere,  Sir  Thomas,  437  n. 
of  Ormesbv,  Vice-Admiral  Sir  Joliu, 

473 
Clerk,  John,  116,  119 
"  Clerk,"  342 
Clerk  of  Marine  Causes,  115  n. 

of  the  Acts,  115  n. 

of  the  Navy,  115  n. 

of  the  Ships,  115  n.,  381 

Clerke,  Samuel,  589 

Thomas,  591 

Clei-ks,  146 

of  the  ships,  436,  437  and  n.,  438  n. 

Cleves,  Robert,  136 

Cley,  Prendergast  fits  out  a  ship  of,  362 

Cliftbrd,  Sir  Conyers,  511,  515 

Captain    Sir   Alexander,   502   n.,   509 

,  and  n.,  529,  589 

Henry,  526 

Lord,  269 

John  Lord,  375 

Sir  Nicholas,  506 

Clincher-built,  early  boats,  11,  56 

Clinton,  Lord  High  Admiral,  Edward  Lord 

(later  Earl  of  "Lincoln),  467,  469,  472, 

473,  475,  480,  483 
Admiral    Sir   William  (later   Earl  of 

Hmitingdon),  232  and  n.,  236 

Admiral,  388 

Clisson,  Sir  Aiuery  de,  259 

Olivier  de,  300,  358 

Cloud  in  the  Sun,  421 

Clvderow,    Admiral   Richard,  356    and    n., 

366,  372 
Clyvedon,  Richard,  115  n. 
Cnoyen  of  s'  Hertogenbosch,  321  and  n. 
Coast  defences,  434—436 
('oasters,  serving  under  Lord  Henry  Seymour 

against  the  Armada,  596  ;  serving  under 

Howard  of  Efhngham  against  the  Armada, 

595 
Cobham,  Edward  Lord,  387 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME  I. 


667 


Cobliani,  Admiral  Sir  John,  2.'M 

Ailiiiiral    Sir  Ut"s;iiialil  ilr,  Lord,  2.")!, 

255,  2t;i  and  n.,  207,  2(;'.» 

William,  Lord,  551  n. 

C(X.-k,  Edwaril,  5'.I2 

■  Sir  John,  273 

Cogs,  111,  112,  143 

"  Coket,"  24;i 

Cole,  Himiiilirey,  invents  tlie  loi;  and  line, 

402 
Colisrny,  D'Andelot  de,  472  and  u. 
"  Collett,"  3;i8,  3;«l 
Collision,  108 

t'olthurst,  Oliristojjher,  526,  592 
•  'oluniba,  St.,  01 
('obimbe.  Lit,  401  n. 
Cohunbers,  Sir  Jlatthcw  de,  130 
Columbus,  Christoiiher,  400 ;   obsen'es  tlie 

variation  of  the  needle,  40l 
Colville,  Sir  John,  o70,  371 
Colyn,  John,  275 
Coiiiersall,  William,  115  n. 
"  Comes  liritanniaruni,"  59 
"t'omes  l.itton's  Saxoniei,"  30,  58 
"Coniitres,"  12!),  143 
('omruauder,  385  n. 
(A)mmeree,  Ansjlo-Saxiju,  1!) 
Commission  for  naval  alVairs,  230 

of  national  ilefenc-e,  237 

ConnTiissioners  of  the  Navy  Oflioe,  437,  438 
('ominous,  eoni]iIaints  of  the,  280  / 

Comnenus  opjwses  Kichard  1.,  170,  171 
Company,  ol)lii;ation  to  keeji,  430 
Com])ass,  the   mariner's,  128,  147,  312  n., 

327,  342 
"Com[ihmit  of  Scotland,"  extract  from  tlie, 

415  H  scij. 
Complement  of  the  Ihnrij   Grace  ii  ])iiu, 

40!) 
Complements,  100,  102,  137,  144 
Coni|iostella,  |iilj;rims  to,  31)0 
(Ajuipton,  siiikinji:  of  a  ship  conimamled  by 

Captain,  155 
Comptrollers  of  Shi]is,  437  n. 
Conan  of  lirittany  defeated,  101 

(  'nil'r/icioil,  51)!) 

./-■  Caprli/I„,  002 

'/(■  Cariisa,  002 

'/<■  Frnncisco  de  Latei-o,  002 

(/(•  Jmincs  del  C'lino,  51)8 

de  Sunuiniln,  ()02 

de  Vithmtsedtt,  002 

de  Zuhelzu,  5!)8 

Cond^,  Henri  de,  483 

Conduct-money,  427,  428 

Conny,  John,  5!)0 

(■onipict,  Le,  450,  455  ;  burnt,  388,  473 

Consent,  520  and  n. 

Conservation  of  the  navy,  338 

Constable,  Marmaduke,  t)47 

Constables,  130  and  n.,  143 

Constance,  520  and  n. 

Constantius,  31,  32 


'  Consul  at  Pisa,  Stro/.zi  appointed  English, 
31)8 
Content,  427  n.,  630,  638;  brilliant  defence 
I      of  the,  4il7 

i  Contraband  of  war,  219,  220 
1  Contract,  guardianship  of  the  coasts  under- 
j      taken  by,  295:  jiolice  of  the  seas  carrieil 
out  by,  318,  349  ;   the  war  in   Flanders 
undertaken  bv,  295 
Convoy,  198,  237,  310;  to  Brittany,  285; 
I      to  tiascony,  272,  300, 301 ;  neglect  of,  248 
[  Conyers,  Sir  Kobert,  272 
!  Cooke,  Benjannn,  593 
j  Coracles,  2,  50;   ancient   Irish,  00  and  n., 

61 ;  in  America,  31 1 
I  Cordage,  120 
Cork,  \Varbeck  at,  440 
Cormac,  ^lac  Art,  59,  01 
Corn  trade  in  early  times,  57 
;  Comet  Castle  retaken,  202,  203 :  besieged, 
284 
Cornewalslie,  Adinii'al  James,  371 
Cornlnll,  Keginald  de,  114,  110 

William  de,  110 

t  Cornish,  Hugh,  51)1 

^ William,  590 

\ pirates,  309 

Cornwall  ravaged,  290;  Spanish  design  on, 
;      523     ■ 

1 Piei's  Gaveston,  Karl  of,  21!,  215  n., 

210 
Coro  sacked  by  Preston,  051 
Corrientes,  action  otV  ( 'ape,  4!)7 
Cortes,  ISIartin,  his  "  Comiiendium,"  402 
Corunna,  John  of  Gaunt  at,  299 ;  attacked 
by  Drake  and  Norreys,  491;  Spanish  ])re- 
jiarations   in,    494 ;    Howard   and   Kssex 
look  into,  517 ;  Essex's  fleet  reported  at, 
521;  Spanish  ]ireparations  at,  528;  Jlon- 
son  directed  to  watch,  530  ;  the  Spanish 
Armada  at,  54!) 
Cusa's  map,  Juan  de  la,  008,  009,  040 
Cossai'd,  Janyn,  340 
Cost  of  the  early  navy,  345 
Cotch,  Thomas,  520 
Coterell,  Admiral  Patrick,  .'171 
Council  of  Wai',  •''.73,  534 

to  assist  Howard  and  Essex,  a,  511 

CoutitesK,  110 

Count  of  the  Saxon  Shore,  30 

Courtenay,  Sir  Hugh,  290  n. 

Sir  Edward,  375 

■  Sir  Peter,  290  and  n. 

- —  Adndral  Sir  Philiji,  282,  '285,  290  n., 
293 

Robert  de,  186,  189,  190 

Court-martial,  eaily  examples  of,  439 

Cowe.s,  l.'!4 

Cowey  Stakes,  28 

Coxe,  William,  570,  575  n.,  591 

Coxon,  William,  590 

Crabbe,  John,  2.'!1,  232,  250,  255 

Stephen,  1 20 


668 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME  I. 


Cracchere,  346,  347 

Crafton,  William,  524 

Crane,  423,  425,  495  n.,  509,  529,  530 

Crannoges,  2 

"  Craudon  "  :  sec  Crozou. 

C'.rayers,  143,  144,  427 

Crecy,  battle  of,  264 

(.'rescent,  595 

Crescent  formation  for  fleets,  109 

Cressets  in  lighthoiises,  125 

Creye,  Admiral  William  de,  217  and  n., 
218 

Criol,  Bertram  de,  121 

Cripps,  William,  596 

Crofts,  Sir  James  a,  551 

Cromer,  389 

Cromwell,  Edward,  third  Lord,  519  and  n. 

Admiral  Sir  John  de,  225 

Sir  Richard,  453,  456 

Crook,  near  Waterford,  163,  179 

Cross-staff,  the,  400,  401,  403 

Crosse,  Captain  Sir  Robert,  495  n.,  498,  500, 
509  and  n.,  513,  529,  576  and  n.,  582  n., 
589 

Crotoy,  French  convoy  taken  off,  266 

Crown  offered  to  Louis  of  France,  the,  184 

Crozon,  140,  141,  503 

Crucifijo,  602 

Crusade  against  Tunis,  301 

Crusades,  the  164,  190,  202;  stimulating 
effects  of,  97 

Craxenburri,  137 

Culverins,  409-411,  417 

Cumberland,  George  Clifford,  Earl  of :  first 
expedition,  485,  486,  490 ;  tldrd  expe- 
dition, 493 ;  fourth  expedition,  494,  495  ; 
fifth  expedition,  500  n.,  501 ;  sixth  expe- 
dition, 501,  502  ;  seventh  expedition,  503, 
504 ;  eighth  expedition,  508 ;  ninth  ex- 
pedition, 518 ;  tenth  expedition,  525,  et 
seg. ;  576,  589  and  n.,  597,  654 

Cumhcrhmd,  Lf.S.S.,  174 

Cunobelinus :  see  Cymbeline. 

Curach,  or  coracle,  60,  61 

Curden,  Peter,  630,  631 

Curtalds,  412 

Curton,  Baron  de,  463 

Curzon,  Sir  John,  283  n. 

Cuttle,  Robert,  592 

Cycjnet,  423,  425,  580,  588,  589 

Cymbeline,  7,  29 

Cymon,  34 

Cynric,  34 

Cyprus,  Edward  I.  at,  203 

Dainty,  505,  637,  G41-64;5;  taken  by  the 

Spaniards  and  re-nanied  Visitacion,  643 
Dale,  Doctor  Valentine,  551  n. 

John,  592 

Sir  Thomas,  293 

Dalkey  Island,  naval  force  off,  224 
Dalriada,  33 
Damford,  592 


Damme,  capture  of  Spanish  ships  boimd  for, 
208;  French  fleet  at,  180;  Queen  Eleanor 
collects  a  fleet  at,  201 ;  the  Earl  of  Salis- 
bury's naval  success  oft',  181 

Damnonii,  33 

Danegeld,  16,  17,  42,  43,  44;  remitted  by 
Stephen,  92 ;  revived,  78,  79 

Danelagh,  16,  18,  43 

Danes,  the,  banished  from  England,  48 ; 
bribed  by  William  I.,  88 ;  in  Northum- 
bria,  14 ;  intimidated  by  William  I.'s 
fleet,  89 ;  massacre  of  the,  43 ;  masters 
of  the  Narrow  Seas,  18 ;  naval  action 
with  the,  39  ;  storm  York,  88 

D' Angle,  Sir  Guichard,  282,  283 

Daniel,  596 

Danish  raiders,  13,  35,  36,  37-45 

seizure  of  an  English  merchantman, 

315 

Danzig,  trade  's\ith,  395 

D'Arcy,  Admiral  Sir  Philip,  298 

John,  Lord,  '-'60 

Philip  with  Lord,  356 

Thomas,  Lord,  448 

Darell,  Sir  Marmaduke,  438  n.,  513,  556 
and  n. 

Darien,  Isthmus  of,  Drake  on  the,  622 ; 
Ralegh's  plan  to  cross  the,  498 

Darlinrj,  650 

Dartmouth,  139,  178,  183,  295,  301,  565, 
627,  655 ;  and  Lynn,  hostilities  between, 
124 ;  burnt,  287 ;  crusading  fleet  as- 
sembled at,  165,  166 ;  fleet  assemliled  at, 
279 ;  French  defeat  at,  361 ;  Genoese 
carrack  driven  into,  378 ;  pillaged  by  the 
French,'  361 ;  ships  assembled  at,  285  ; 
ships  in  the  Seine,  296 ;  Spanish  ship 
driven  into,  524 

Dasent,  Mr.  J.  R.,  quoted,  482 

Daubeny,  Giles,  Lord,  447  and  n. 

"  David',"  146 

David  (Span.),  601 

David  II.  captured,  267 

Davis,  John,  593,  626 ;  his  Arctic  voyages, 
626,  627  ;  serves  as  pilot  to  Lancaster, 
654 

John,    the    navigator,    accompanies 

Cavendish,  639 ;  his  voyages,  639-641 

Davis's  quadrant,  or  the  baek-stafi',  403 

"  Seaman's  Secrets,"  John,  402,  403 

Strait,  627 

Davits,  414 

Dead  Man's  Lane,  277 

"Dead  Shares,"  426-428 

Deal,  434 

Decline  of  the  navy,  causes  of  the,  281 

Decoration  of  ships,  340 

Dee,  John,  cited,  321,  322 

Defiance,  423,  425,  495  n.,  504,  520,  529, 

530,  532 
De  la  AVare,  Jolni,  114 

Roger,  Lord,  255 

Deliyht,  570,  575  n.,  591,  645 


ISDEX    TO    VULUMK   I. 


UUU 


Deliiiht,  of  Bristol,  638,  G.'JO 

l)enieta%  33 

Demi-cannon,  40!t-411 

Denii-culvcriiis,  40!t— 11 1 

Uemi-slings,  4U!I,  H'.',  H7 

Demoixflli;  120  II. 

"Den,"  right  (if,  \:V2 

Dene,  .Tanyn,  34»j 

Denison,  092 

Demnark,  prevention  of  communication  be- 
tween France  and,  280;  Treaty  of  re- 
ci)irocity  with,  3ilo 

Dennis,  a  jiirate,  12  I 

Denny,  Captain  Sir  KilwarJ,  405  n. 

Dcptloni,  oOH;  Dockyard,  434;  in  1048, 
ships  at,  421 ;  tlie  Oohhii  lliiul  at,  G34 

Derby,  Ilcnry,  Earl  of  (later  Ivarl  of  Lan- 
caster), 241,  2r>0,  2r)o,  2()2,  2(;ii 

Henry,  fourth  Karl  of,  ool  n. 

Dcnnot,  King  of  Leinster,  102,  1(33 

Derrick,  Kicliard,  ."iS'.l 

Descharges,  the  alleged  inventor  of  port- 
holes, 412 

Desertion,  pmiislinient  for,  202 

Dtsire,  (i3ti,  G38-(i40 

Despencer,  junior,  Hugh  le,  223,  220,  237 

Deveryc,  -lohn,  137 

Devon,  Admiral  Edward,  Earl  of,  295 

Hugh  Courtenay,  Earl  of,  2G0 

ravaged,  200 

Devonshire  jiiratcs,  oiiO 

Dewock,  203 

Dial's,  147 

"  Dials,"  342 

Diamond,  501 

Diana  (Span.),  585  n.,  603 

502 

Diejipe,  176 ;  blocka<led,  .384,  450  ;  burnt, 
170 ;  a  barge  of,  takes  a  shi]i  of  York,  296 

Dien  la  Oarde,  270 

Dikct,  Sir  William,  232 

Dinan  taken  by  De  \:\  Cerda,  259 

Dingle  Bay,  tlie  Spaniards  in,  482 

Dinhani,  Sir  .lohn,  386,  3H7 

Diocletian,  20 

T'isabled  seamen,  provision  for,  433 

Discharge,  wrongful,  107 

Discoveries,  eflects  of  maritime,  430 

Discovery  as  a  nursery  for  the  navy, 
voyages  of,  Ol'i,  020,  634 

Disdain,  408,  564,  581  n.,  593 

Dis]iatch  after  the  victory  oft"  Sluis, 
Edward  lll.'s,  256 

Distance,  preserving,  431 

Diver  in  the  Armada,  a,  570 

Dives,  William  1.  collects  his  lleet  in  the, 
84 

Dividers,  Ancient,  158 

Dixon,  John,  526 

Doatc,  John,  503 

Dobson,  John,  506 

Dock  at  I'ortsmouth,  4.'!4  n.,  436 
Docks,  117 


Dockyards,  122.  123 

"  Doeg  "  tribe  of  'ruscarora  Indians,  309 

Does,  Admiral  Pieter  van  der,  558  n. 

Dog,  493 

Doggers,  144 

Dolpliin,  592 

Dominica,  505 

Cumberland  at,  527 

Dominion  of  the  Seas,  5,  15,  134,  235,  236 

Donri'lla,  579  and  n. 

Donyngan,  Peter,  263 

Donynglon,  lUchard,  262 

Dorchester,  178 

Dordrecht,  239;  Isabella's  fleet  at,  228, 
229 

Doria,  Otto,  260 

Dorothij,  486,  646 

Dorset,  Admiral  John  Beaufort,  Marquis  of, 
302 

Admiral  John,  Marquis  of,  154 

Double  Jiose,  421 

Doughty,  Cajitain  Thomas,  439 ;  Drake's 
trial  and  sentence  of,  629 

Douglas,  Sir  Archibald,  231 

Dove,  Diehard,  592 

Dover,  8,  124,  200,  203,  214,  22.3,  227,  231, 
244,  247,  358,  373,  378,  370,  382,  30(», 
445,  480  ;  ships  furnished  by,  131  ; 
French  landing  at,  208;  Harbour,  439; 
hcldliy  Hubert  de  Burgh,  185;  threatened, 
280,  287,  300 

Dowglas,  Captain,  648,  649 

Downs,  fleet  assembled  in  the,  236  ;  return 
of  Howard's  ships  to  the,  581 

Downton,  Nicholas,  503 

Drai/un,  419,  421,  427,  508,  621 

,  ex  Scourge  of  Malice,  651-656 

Drake,  Captain  John,  621,  622,  635,  636 

John,  486 

Joseph,  622 

••  Captain  Thomas,  504. 

Sir  Francis,  429,  433,  439,  487,  555- 

558,  564,  565,  569  n.,  570,  573,  575,  576, 
580,  589-91,  647  ;  his  attack  on  Cadiz, 
488,480;  hia  expedition  to  Cornnna  .and 
Lisbon,  401-403;  his  last  voyage,  504- 
507  ;  to  be  attacked  by  Medina  Sidonia, 
541  ;  letter  to  the  Council,  5.54;  letter  to 
Elizabeth,  554 ;  his  voyages,  617,  619- 
623  ;  his  circuumavigation,  627-634 

Thomas,  628,  634 

Drayton,  Admiral  Sir  Thomas,  243,  245 

Drmdiiouqht,  423,  425,  487,  491  n.,  492  n., 
502  n.,'509,  518,  520,  532,  534  and  n., 
535,  537,  538,  570,  576,  .588,  589 

Dress  of  seamen,  613 

"  Drogio,"  327,  328,  333,  337 

Dromon,  3.30 

Dromons,  101 

Drouss,  Kobert,  275 

Drums  on  ship-board,  432,  433 

Dryby,  Adndral  Simon  de,  222  and  u. 

Dry  bocks,  436,  437 


670 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME  I. 


DubliD,  fleet  for  Scotland  assemWed  at,  215  ; 

taken  by  Edgar,  41 
Hubris,  7 
Dudley,  Captain  Sir  Robert,  509  and  n. 

Sir  Henry,  -470 

Sir   Eobert,  his  voyage  to  tlie  "West 

Indies,  650,  651,  652 
Due  Jicpuhe,  423,  425 :  set-  also  Sepiihe. 
Dutlield,  Captain,  495  n. 
Duijyenvoorde,  Admiral  Sir  Jan  yan,  510, 

516-518  and  n.,  520 
Dtiki'  of  Wellington,  464  u. 
Duke,  Robert,  592 
Dumbarton,     233;     Villegagnon     emliarks 

Mary  Stuart  at,  468 
Dunas,  Las,  546  n. 
Dimbar,  Earl  of,  231 
taken,  210;  Yillegagnon  lands  troops 

at,  468 ;  razing  of  the  fortifications  of,  476 
Dundalk    taken    by   Edward    Bruce,    218 ; 

Edward  Bruce  killed  at,  221 
Dunquerciue,  pretended  preparations  against, 

529;   ships  obtained  from,  276;  Spinola 

escapes  to,   536 ;    the  supposed   point  of 

destination  of  the  Armada,  547 
Dunwich,  114,  191 ;  galleys  of,  114 
Duqiiesa  Santa  Ana,  583,  599 
Duro,  Captain  C.  F.,  539  n. 
Dutch,   the,   co-operation   of  in  tlie   Cadiz 

Expedition,  509,  515 ;  co-operation  with 

Leyeson,  533,  535  n.,  537  ;  co-operation 

against  the  Armada,  558 

fleet  imder  an  Englisli  admiral,  483 

Duty  levied  on  in-coming  ships  and  goods, 

292 
Dux  Britannia',  59 
Dyrholm  Isle,  396 

EAD\yT,  "William,  131 

EaqU,  423 

Eaichere,  36 

Earth,  circumference  of  the,  determined  by 

Eratosthenes,  399 
Earicig,  650 
East  India  Company,  440:    origin  of  the, 

489;   chartered,   654;   first   fleet   of   the, 

654,  655 
Ebbsfleet,  34 
Echyngham,   Sir   Edward,   451,   453,   454, 

455,  456 
Ecliptic,   C)bliciuity   of    the,   calculated   by 

Eratosthenes,  399 
Eddystone,  action  with  the  Armada  ufl'  the, 

564-567 
Ederington,  8 
Edgar,  15,  41  ;  James  II.'s  admiration  for, 

42 

Atheling,  53,  80,  87,  89 

Edinburgh,  taken,  210;  sacked,  460;  plun- 
dered, 4(J7  ;  Treaty  of,  476 
Edmonds,  John,  589 
Edmund,  269,  273 
Edmund,  14,41 


Edmund  Ironside,  17,  45,  46 

Edney,  Walter,  597 

Edred,  14,  41 

Edric  Streona,  46 

Edward  the  Elder,  13,  14,  40 

the  Martyr,  16,  42 

the  Confessor,  48-53 

Edward  I.,  accession  of,  129 ;  goes  on  a 
crusade,  202 ;  succeeds  to  the  crown,  203 ; 
assists  France,  213 

Edward  II.,  accession  of,  135,  136,  214  ; 
abdicates,  229 

Edward  III.,  accession  of,  143,  229,  2.30; 
does  homage  to  Philip  VI.,  231 ;  styles 
himself  King  of  France,  238  ;  at  Antwer]', 
243 ;  returns  from  Flanders,  249 ;  re- 
sumes his  claim  to  the  crown  of  France, 
279  ;  death  of,  287 

Edward  IV.,  accession  of,  387,  466 

Edward  V.,  accession  of,  392 

Edward  VI.,  list  of  the  fleet  in  the  first  ye.ir 
of,  420,  421 

Edivard,  147,  211,  269,  279,  422 

taken,  244,  245,  253 

of  Iilalden,  593 

Edward  Bonaventure,  484,  590,  613',  615, 
652  ;  wrecked  near  Pitsligo,  616 

Edwy,  14,  41 

Effingham,  Lord  High  Admiral  Charles 
Lord  Howard  of:  see  Howard  of 
Effingham 

Egbert,"l3,  36 

Egmont,  Count,  473 

Eineon,  304 

"  Ejections,"  133 

Blbeuf,  the  Marquis  d',  476 

Eleanor,  224,  423  and  n. 

Elephant  said  to  have  been  brought  to 
Britain  by  Ctesar,  6. 

Elfinar,  treacherj^  of,  45 

Elfric,  42 

Eliot  ('?  Lieutenant  of  the  Triumph),  589 

Eliot,  Hugh,  609 

Elizabeth,  Queen,  accession   of,  473,   474 
the  fleet  imder,  422,  et  seq. ;  firmness  of, 
440;  Drake  presented  to,  623;  death  of, 
538 ;  her  anxiety  about  tlie  Cadiz  boot\', 
517,  518 

Elizaheth,  597,  646 

(Davis"s  ship),  627 

(Drake's),  628,  629,  630 

Bonaventure,  423,  425,  439,  487  ;  .see 

also  Bonarenfure. 

yictualler,  594 

Elizabeth  Brake,  591 

Eounes,  591 

Jonas,  423,  425,  529,  569,  570,  572, 

588,  589 

of  Dover,  596 

of  Leigh,  594 

of  Lowestoft,  577  n.,  597 

Elizabeth's  Island,  532 

Elizabethides,  the,  630 


INDEX    ro    VOLUME  I. 


671 


Ella,  34,  35 

Ellen,  627;   of  Greenwich,  379;  of  Calais, 

446  n. 
Ellis,  master  of  (lie  Dainty,  643 
Elman,  Sir  \Villi;iin,  '_'«"> 
Eliuliaiu,  Aauiirul  Sii-  William,  292,  293 
Elv,  Danes  at,  88 

Embargo  on  shipping,  183,  262,  360 
laiil  by  Sj)ain  upon  English,  Dutch, 

and  German  shipping,  484 
Enciso,  Martin  Fernandez  :    his  '  Suma  de 

Geogralia,'  4()2 
England    at    the    accession    of    Elizabeth, 

position  of,  473,  474 
English  squadron  under  Sir  Hugh  Sjjencer 

destroyed,  300 
"  Engroucland,"  326,  334 
Enlistment  of  seamen,  118 
Enriq\iez,  Don  Diego  Tellez,  571,  .■)78,  o79, 

600 
(of  Peru),  Don  Diego,  567,  571,  573, 

574,  578,  599 
Ephemerides  of  Rcgiomontanus,  400 
Eratosthenes  calculates  the  obliquity  of  the 

ecliptic,  399 
Erisey,  James,  590 
Erith",  405 

Erris,  loss  of  the  Rata  off,  583 
Erskine  of  Dun,  Seymour  repvdsed  by,  468 
Esiti/aif,  601 

Escalin,  Antoine :  see  Polain. 
Esnecca,  101 

"  Espagnols  sur  Mer,"  "  L',  144 
Espervier,  120  n. 
Espirifa  Saiitu,  599,  602 
Essex,  Heiuy,  Earl  of,  388 
Robert  Deyereux,  Earl   of,  429,  491, 

509,  510,  513-523,  530 
William  de  Mandeyille,  Earl  of,  164, 

166 
"  Estlanda,"  325,  329,  330,  336 
"Estotiland,"  326,  327,  328,  332,  333,  337 
EtapJes,  Peace  of,  446 
Ethelliald,  12 
Ethellicrt,  :'•' 
Ethelred,  37 

tlie  Purposeless,  16,  42,  45,  46 

Kthehyald,  son  of  Ethelred,  40 

Ethehvulf,  36 

Eustace  the  Monk,  178  n.,  183,  184  and  n., 

185,  186,  189 
Evan  of  Wales,  283,  294,  285 
ICvans,  John,  journey  of,  in  search  of  Welsh 

Indians,  310 
"  Exclusa,"  117 

Exeter,  139;  Sweyn  at,  44;  galleys  of,  114 
Admiral   John,   Earl   of   Huutingilon 

and  Duke  of,  383,  387 
Admiral  Thomas,  Earl  of  Dorset  and 

Duke  of,  381,  382,  383 
Exmouth,  Danes  at,  43 
Export  of  guiiiiowder  prohibited,  371 
. of  provisions  forbidden,  219 


I'\mr  Island,  loss  of  the  Oran  Gn'f'oii  on, 

583 
Fatam,  116,  269,  273,  404,  421;   retaken, 

295 

■  or  Eawron,  '.Wi,  354 

takes  a  Flamand  ship,  47<) 

Bill  II  ro  Mm/or,  601 

nianeo  Miiliano,  584,  601 

ill  the  Fetterlock;  421 

Falconets,  410,  412 

Falcons,  409-411 

Falkland  Islands  discovered  by  John  Davis, 

639 
Falmouth,  233,  358,  364,  646,  653 ;  burnt 

by  the  Count  <le  la  Marche,  362;  S]>anish 

design  on,  524 
Fancy,  593,  596 
"  Fare-coast,"  338 
Faro  attacked,  517 

Faroe  Islands,  329,  330,  331,  332,  333 
Faroes,  Norsemen  at  the,  62 
Fastolf,  Sir  John,  606 
Fauconberg,  Adnural  William  Xcville,  Lord, 

387,  390 

Thomas,  bastard  of,  390 

Fayal,    taken    by    Ctuuberland,   493 ;    in- 
effectual   attempt    on,    494 ;    seizeil    by 

Kalegh,  521 
Fearne,  Kichard,  596 
Fecamp,  English  success  off,  179  ;  Echyng- 

ham  chases  ships  into,  454 
Felton,  Sir  John,  227 

Sir  Thomas,  285 

Sir  William,  255 

Fcnner,  Captain,  520 

Captain  Edward,  589 

George,  590 ;   his   voyage  to  Guinea, 

477,  478 
Captain    Thomas,  429,   487,   491   n., 

502   n.,    557,    559,   576,   589 ;    mortally 

wounded,  492  n. 

Captain  William,  491  n.,  589 

Fenton,   Captain   Edward,    486,   576,   589, 

625,  626  ;  his  voyage  to  Bi'azil,  635 
Ferdinand,  Count  of  Flanders,   appeals  to 

John,  180,  181 
Fernandez,  Simon,  589 
Fernando,  Simon,  647 
Ferrers,  Adndral  Sir  Kalph,  280,  281,  282 

of  Groby,  Henry  Lord,  250,  255 

■  Sir  Thomas  de,  263 

Lord,  250 

Walter,  Lord,  453  and  n.,  455,  456 

Ferrol,  Spanish  fleet  at,  518 

Fifteenth   granted   for   the   defence   of  the 

realm,  a,  295 
"  Fiudals,"  right  of,  132 
Finisterc,  358 

Filunark,  prohibition  of  trade  to,  395 
"  Fire-pence,"  125 
Fire,  prevention  of,  430 
Fireslups,     138;     employed     against     tlie 

Armada,  575,  577 


672 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME  I. 


Firinai-irons,  149 

Fish,"royal,  139 

Fisher,  John,  565  n.,  592 

Fisheries,  concessions  to  the,  139 

■ Scots,  315 

Fishermen  distressed  by  the  press,  465, 
466 

Drake  harasses  Spanish,  488 

seized  by  the  Spaniards,  EngHsh,  566 

Fishing-boats,  privileges  to,  192 

Fishing  in  the  Channel  prevented,  198 

FitzCount,  Henry,  116 

FitzErard,  Stephen,  78 

FitzGerald,  Maurice,  162  n. 

Fitzmaurice,  James,  482 

FitzSampson,  John,  122 

FitzStepheu,  Robert,  162,  163 

. Thomas,  78,  81 

FitzSuanild,  William,  116,  119 

Fitzwalter,  Admiral  Sir  Walter,  295 

Walter,  fourth  Lord,  288  ;  mutiny  in 

his  ship,  288 

Walter,  fifth  Lord,  356 

Fitz-William  (later  Earl  of  Southampton), 
Admiral  Sir  William,  453  and  n.,  458, 
459,  460 

Flag,  honour  of  the,  470,  471,  472;  the 
Dutch,  510  n. ;  the  prince's,  510  n. ; 
Spanish  outrage  on  a,  of  truce,  493,  494 

"  Flag  of  Council,"  430 

Flags,  103,  125,  135,  147,  341,  342,  414, 
655  ;  duty  of  ships  to  follow,  432 ;  car- 
ried by  the  Spanish  Armada,  549,  562, 
566 

Flamand  fleet  off  the  English  coast,  224 

piracies,  469,  470 

vessels  wrongtuUy  captured,  373 

Flamands,  admit  the  English  dominion  of 
the  seas,  141 ;  at  the  battle  of  Sluis,  part 
taken  by  the,  252,  256,  257,  258  ;  com- 
plain of  piracy,  358 ;  cut  off  near  Brest, 
473 

Flamborough  Head,  362 

Flamsteed  improves  the  Back-staff,  403 

Flanders,  Godwin  in,  51 ;  and  Boulogne 
threaten  invasion,  161 ;  Guy  of,  241 ; 
Expedition  to,  242  et  sei]. ;  the  trade  with, 
243  ;  Henry  of,  255  ;  Edward  III.  goes 
to,  262  ;  Mercenaries  from,  274 ;  ships 
obtained  from,  277  ;  Peace  with,  282  ; 
Margaret  of  Anjou  flees  to,  389 ;  Warbeck 
in,  446 

Flanders  pirates,  216 

FhniHird  (?),  346 

Fleet  of  Offer,  12,  35 

of  Edgar,  15,  41 ;  raised  by  English 

nobles,  17  ;  Imilt  l)y  Ethelred,  44 ;  dis- 
tribution of  the,  113,  114  ;  of  Kichard  I., 
order  of  sailing  of  the,  169 ;  revolt  to 
Warwick  of  part  of  the,  387 ;  collected 
by  Edward  VI., 467;  mobihsed  in  1599.. 
529 

Fleming,  master  of  the  Alfcdion,  526 


Flemvng,  Captain  Thomas,  562,  563,  566, 
591 

Fletcher,  Drake's  chaplain,  629 

Flicke,  Robert,  526,  590 

FH<}hf,  423 

Flodden  Field,  450,  457 

Florence,  treaty  of  reciprocitv  with,  398 

Florencia,  568",  571,  598 

Flores,  Lord  Thomas  Howard  at,  495 ; 
Cumberland's  seventh  expedition  at,  503, 
527  ;  Burgh  and  Crosse  at,  500 

de  Valdes  Diego,  568  and  n.,  571,  573, 

578,  581,  582,  584,  599 

Florida,  307 ;  John  Hawkvns  relieves  the 
French  in,  618 

Flotsam,  152 

Flotte,  Pierre,  264 

Flower  de  Lure,  421 

Flushing,  389,  483  :  Leicester  goes  to,  486 ; 
Spanish  prizes  taken  into,  579  n. 

Fluves,  144 

Fog,  a  factor  in  naval  warfare,  32 

Fogs,  signals  in,  433 

"  F'oists,'""  455 

Foljambe,  Hercules,  526 

Foikestone,  131 

Folkestone,  247 ;  French  attack  on,  184 ; 
burnt,  287 

Folstoke,  William,  437 

Forbernard,  William  de,  136 

Fordred,  William,  596 

Forecastles,  145 

Foreigners,  prohiliition  of  sales  of  shipping 
to,  148 

"  Fore-lock,"  340 

Foresight,  423,  425,  491  n.,  495  and  n., 
498,  500,  504,  520,  529,  581  n.,  588,  589 

Forestage,  146 

Forestalling,  152 

Forindon,  William  de,  131 

Fortescue,  Captain,  529 

Forth,  English  fleet  in  the,  234;  Jean  de 
Yienne  in  the,  297 ;  operations  in  the, 
458  ;  landing  in  the,  460 ;  Sir  William 
Wynter's  successes  in  the,  475  ;  the 
Armada  to  be  chased  as  far  as  the,  580 ; 
the  design  abandoned,  581 

Fortress,  a  portable,  299 

Fortune,  419,  597 

Fortz,  William  de,  103,  167 

Foster,  master  of  the  Primrose,  484 

Founes,  James,  591 

Fowey,  193,  358  ;  burnt,  290 

Fowlers,  409,  412 

Foxcraft,  Samuel,  592 

Fra  Mauro,  map  of,  401 

France,  war  with,  163;  seeks  aid  from 
Norway,  209 ;  truce  with,  212,  213,  296, 
379,  384,  391 ;  assisted  by  Edward  L, 
213  ;  asks  for  assistance  against  Flanders, 
219;  war  with,  225,  390,  469,  477; 
peace  with,  226,  459,  466,  469,  475; 
Edwar<l   111.  renounces  his  claim  to  the 


INDEX    TO    iiiLUMK   1. 


673 


I'ruHii  ol,  ^78 ;  Kilwanl  III.  R'(iume«  Iuh 
claini  to  the  ciowii  of,  27it;  aiilH  tlie 
Welsh,  .'iuil :  luirtial  time  with,  .'(68; 
Heurj'  \ .  claiiiiB  tlie  crown  of,  371  ; 
Henry  VII.  at  war  with,  444  ;  frieii<lghip 
with,  502 
Frances,  507 
Francis,   486,    G.35,    086  ;    taken    by    the 

SpaniardK,  oOf),  506 
Franco  -  Burguiuiian    Kiiuailroii     taken     bv 

Arundel,  300 
Krankiiili  rovers  in  tlie  Mediterranean,  31 
Freight,  rates   of,  122 ;   cost   of,    147,    154 
Frencli  merchants  expellal,  193 

in  Enghmd  arresteil,  225,  228 

raids  on  the  Isle  of  Wight,  236,  237 

raids  in  the  Channel,  247 

coast  ravaged,  278 

fleet  built  by  Jean  dc  X'ienne,  286 

balingcrs  taken,  205 

ships  seized  at  S(iuthani[)tiin,  2'.I6 

vessels  taken  in  the  Seine,  2It6 

vessels  taken  near  Calais,  2!*7 

■  galleys,  action  with,  .">01 

descent  on  Haverfordwest,  35!l 

taken  prisoners  at  Portlaml,  3ill 

land  at  Milford,  303 

shijis  captured,  307 

in  theCliannel,  partial  action  wifli  the, 

367,  368 

and  Genoese  defeatetl  by  Huntingdon, 

380 

Newfoundland   fleet,   design    to   seize 

the,  468 

forts  in  Scotland  to  be  razed,  475 

— —  at  Newfoiuidland,  difficulties  with  the, 
524 

coast  to  be  avoided   by  the  Armada, 

541  and  n. 

vessel    seized    by   Hore   and   Wade, 

610 
French  Frigate,  423 
Frenchmen  in  England  imprisoned,  260 
Fries,  de,  Adndral  of  France,  359 
J''risian  invaders,  10 
Friskiny,  650 
"  Frislanda,"  325,  326,  327,  328, 330  and  n., 

331,  332,  336 
Frobiser,   Sir   Martin,  420,  4'.»8-500,   550, 
565,  570,  573,  580  ;  blockades  Brest,  502  ; 
fatally   wounded,  503 ;    on  the  coast  of 
Spain,  494 ;  his  voyages,  024-020  ;    re- 
mains of  hut  discovered  in  1861 . .  626 
Frobiser's  Strait,  625 
Frontinus,  Julius,  20 

Fugars,  a  volunteer  with  Parker,  530,  531 
Fulford,  Sir  Baldwin,  387 
Furthow,  William,  502 
Fylle,  Pichard,  250 

dahrid,  260,  342,  \'AG,  317,  024,  625 

dc  Ilurflrnr,  347 

Boyul,  408,  410 

Vol,.  1. 


Gadzand,    174  :     eX|>eiiition    against     free- 
iKMiters,  at,  241  ;  English  disswter  off,  300 
Gaillard,  l{ol)ert,  122 
flaliotie,  118 
Galleasses,  500  n.,  564,  565,  508,  569,  570, 

571,  575,  577,  578,  581,  .583 
Onllei/v,  507 
(laHeoii  Dudliij,  590 

Ilulchins,  590 

Lrirrstrr,  570,  591),  035 

Oulli^ilii,  423 

Cfa/I'i/  Jlhiiihird,  419,  466  n. 
Galley,  Uoman,  8 

Galleys,  101,  102,  462-466;  at  Cadiz,  51.3, 
514;  at  Cezimbra,  533-53.5,  5.36;  English, 
connnauded    by    an    Italian,    267,   268; 
contributeil  by    the   jjorts  in  1205,  114  : 
convoy     storeships     to     Scotland,     241; 
Drake's   action  with,  402;    from    Genoa, 
284  ;  Genoese,  265,  260  ;  in  the  F.nglish 
navy,    410,    421,    423:     obtained    from 
Genoa,  221 ;  taken  off  Brittanv,  Genoese, 
258 
Galliasses,  101 
Gallio,  0,  32 
Gallions,  101 
(.ralliots,  144 
Oalopine,  120 
Gambling,  430 

Gamez,  Gutierre  Diez  de,  •164  ami  n. 
Gaming,  Xaval  laws  against,  105 
Gariannonum,  8 
Garibav,  571,  578 

(larlttild,  120  n.,  222,  42.3,  425,  404,  408, 
504,  520,  522,  529,  530,  532,  534,  535, 
536 
Gascony ;  ceded  to  England,  278  ;  convoy 
to,  101,  275,  300,  .301;  exjiedition  to, 
225 ;  final  severance  from  England  of, 
385  ;  invaded  by  I'liilip  IV.,  205  ;  negotia- 
tions concerning,  216 ;  rebellion  in,  100 
(fato,  601 

Gattenburg,  .John,  596 
Gaunt,  John  of,  298,  200 
Gavestou,  Piers,  Karl  of  Cornwall,  214,  216 
Gavran,  300 
Gear  and  stores,  116 
Gear  of  ships,  jirice  of,  414 
(ieiiney,  John,  300 
(ieunua,  Frisius  of  Louvain,  401,  402 
"  Generals  "  at  sea,  429,  rf  srq. 
Genoa,  23(>,  237  ;   Warwick  attacks   ships 
of,  and   Liibeck,  386 ;    galleys  obtained 
from,   221 ;    letters    of    niari^ue   granteil 
against,  369  ;  mission  to,  242  ;  Richard  I. 
at,  167  ;  treaty  with,  282,  382, 
Genoese  carracks  in  French  service,  374 

cogs  and  carracks  taken,  298 

galleys,  284 ;  taken  oft'  lirittany,  258 

seize  English  cargoes,  395 

-  ships  seized  b)'  French  in  the  Downs, 
220 
Geoffrey  of  Brittany,  101 


674 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME  I. 


C/'-u/Y/r,  141),  147,  2()U,  2711,  04(1,  ;!47,  o77  u., 

4:^'l,  42;:!,  425,  580,  588,  58>J,  (i2G. 

Jioiiavimtiiri',  593 

Kohle,  496,  592 

of  Falmouth.  427 

George,  Tristaiii,  589 

Gerard,  Archbisho])  of  Aix,  lOM 

John,  34fi 

Sir  Tliouias,  515  and  u. 

Thomas,  575  and  n.,  589 

Gerbrandtszooii,  Admiral  Jan,  558  n. 
(iermauicus,  7 

Germany,  alliance  with  S])ain,  448 ;    mer- 
cenaries tVoM],  274  ;  renewed  alliance  with, 

458;  third  alliance  of  Henrv  VIII.  with, 

460  ;  trade  with,  100 
Ge'soriacun),  iiO 

Gettour,  Athniral  William,  219,  222 
Ghent,  445  ;  Edward  III.  at,  256  ;  relief  of, 

295 
Giant's  Causeway,  loss  of  the  Oiroua  near, 

583 
Gibraltar,  battle  near,  31,  32  ;  fi<;ht  between 

English  merchantmen  and  Spanish  galleys 

off,''494 
Gibson  of  Glasgow  trades  in  salmon,  395 
Gilford,  Captain  Sir  George,  509,  648,  649, 

651 
Gift,  595,  651 

■ of  God,  592 

■ of  God,  "victualler,  594 

Gil,  Don  Juan,  566,  568 
Gilbert,  Cajitain  Sir  John,  529 

• John,  648 

of  Colchester's  theory  of   the  earth  a 

magnet,  402,  403 
Sir  Humphrey,  479,  626  ;  his  yovage 

to  North  America,  645,  646 

Sir  John,  520  n. 

Giles,  Edward,  530 

Gillingham,  211 

GiUyflowtr,  421 

Girona,  583,  603 

Gironde,  English  yessels  burnt  in  the,  359  ; 

French  yessels  taken  in  the,  359 
Glanyill,  Ranulf  de,  168 
Glasgow,  Bishoji  of,  239,  240 
Glaucus,  Nicholas,  241 
Glenuagiveny    Bay,    loss   of    the    Dinjiicfid 

Siinfa  Ana  in,  583,  584 
Globe  of  Behaim,  the  great,  400,  401 
Globes,  not  charts,  used  by  si.xteeuth  century 

nayigators,  401 
Gloucester,     Admiial     Richard,     Duke     of 

(Richard  III.),  388,  391-393 

contriliutes  a  galley,  114 

■ Hugh,  Earl  of,  255,  257 

•  Huniphrey,  Duke  of,  382,  383 

Godah,  224 

Godefrey,  Andrew,  346 

Godi'li/nc,  131 

(Indihiil/r,  269 

Godwin  and  Warwick,  parallel  hclween,  386 


Godwin,  Earl,  17,  4i,  48,  50,  oi,  52 

—  Hugh,  649,  650 

Oodyere,  131 

Godyn,  131 

Godyn,  William,  131 

Gokstad  ship,  the,  19 

Golden  Hind,  482,  562,  566  n.,  591 

(Drake's),  ex.,  PeUcaii,  028,  630-634 

(Gilbert's),  645 

Lion,  423,  487,   502,   569,  570,  572, 

588,  589,  592;  mutiny  of  the,  439;  sw 

also  Lion. 

Noble,  590 

Rial,  597 

Goldesborough,  Sir  John,  272 
Gomara,  Lopez  de,  cited,  307 
Gonson,  Benjamin,  617 

(senior)  Benjamin,  437  n. 

(jimior)  Benjaudn,  438  n. 

William,  115  n. 

Good  Face,  340 
Goodlad,  William,  592 
Goodwin,  Edward,  526 
Gordon,  Lady  Katherine,  446 
Gore,  Cajitain,  529  n.,  530,  532 
Gorges,  Captain  Sir  Arthur,  519,  520 

Nicholas,  429,  593 

Goring,  Captain,  491  n. 

Gosnoll,    Bartholomew,    \oyagc    to    North 

Auierica  of,  532 
Gosport  burnt,  280 
Goulet,  Le,  454,  455 
Gourdan,  M.,  575  and  n.,  576,  577 
Goya,  42 

Go  am  or,  354,  404 
Gower,  Captain  Walter,  589 
Grace,  596 
Grace  a  Dicu,  Grace  de  Dieu,  or  Grace  Dieu, 

342,  347,  354 ;  371  and  n.,  404 
GrcKe  de  Dieu,  284 
Grace  of  Ajisam,  597 
Grace  of  God,  590 
Graciosa,  521,  522 
Gratidr  Marie,  347,  377  n. 
Grandison,  Sir  Otho,  283 
Grand  mistress,  421 
Gran  Grifon,  583,  601 
Gran-Grin,  567,  573,  576  n.,  585  u.,  598 
Grant,  Roger,  591 
Grapnels,  270 
Grayelines,  185,  366,  308 :  action  with  the 

Armada  off,  575-579  :  naval  co-ojieration 

at  the  battle  of,  473  ;  ships  obtained  from, 

276 
Grayesend,  274,  434,  524  ;  burnt,  294 
Gray,  John,  589 

Thomas,  429,  589 

Great  Barbara,  419 

Bark,  408,  419,  420 

•■ Christopher,  423  n. 

Dragon,  18 

EUzaheth,  419 

Gabriel,  347 


INDEX.    TO    VOLUME  T. 


675 


Great  Xicholus,  41'J 

Xulmi,  41!l 

Oieek  tire,  102,  lOil,  110,  172,  :!77 
(iieeiilaiul,  ;{2;!,  -.VZi,  ;i2U,  ;tH-l-:<3t! ;  early 

settlers  in,  (!.'{ ;  Krobislier  in,  <J2*J 
(Ireeiiwich  Hospital,  4.S4 

the  inuseuni  at,  405 

Oregon/  hiutn/,  44G  n. 

Oreville,  Cajitain  Sir  Kulko,  r>2!l 

(irev    lie    Wilton,    Artliur,    Karl,    482;     in 

Scotland,  475  ;  surrenders  (iuisnes,  472 
Grey  of  Codnor,  Admiral  Hicliard  Lord,  357 
(i'rn//iuum/,  421,  423,  5!tH 
(rreynvile,  .lolni,  5i)0 
Sir    Richard,   41)5   ami    n.,  590 ;    his 

gallant    tiirht,   4!t5-4!»7 ;    his   voyage   to 

Virjjiida,  (i4ti,  t!47 
Greynvile,  l'a]itain  Sir  Hiohard,  5'J7 
(xrcystock,  William,  Lord,  2t>S) 
'hifli,,,  590,  591) 
(iriilith  of  Wales,  50,  52,  53 
GrilHths,  a  Welsh  traveller,  310 
lirim,  Simon,  113 
On'iK,  the,  113,  IIG 
Grimaldi,  Carlo,  260,  2i;  I 
Prince  of  Monaco,   Ue3iier  III.,  285, 

287,  289 

Iteyner,  135 

(irimshy  chapmen,  97 

(irimstone,  Sir  .John,  283  n. 

•Mirislan.ia,"'  325,  330,  33(i 

(.irislin^  John,  591 

"(iro^'ne,"  252 

Urove,  pilot  of  the  Mt  ir  /luiioiii;  522 

Growth  of  trade,  394 

(rriilie  reaches  Lajie  liace,  tilO 

Grymlile,  Thomas,  591! 

(fua(ialou|ie,  505 

<TU(irilliiiid:  si'e  (turhind 

Guatulco,  Drake  at,  033 :  burnt  by  (.'aven- 

disli,  ()38 
(iudleif,  voyajie  of,  (il 
Gueranile  invested  liy  De  hi  Cerda,  259 
Guernsey,  436;   raideil   by  Behuchet,  239; 

taken'by  the  French,  294 
if  nest  y  G54,  {Sb^y 
Ouiinifty  526 
(lni>l<;  423 
Guienne,   369;    and    I'oitou   surrendered   to 

France,    227  ;    ceiled    to   England,    278 ; 

harassed  by  the  Dukes  of  Orleans   and 

Burgundy,   367 ;    j)recautions    for    ships 

iMiund  to,  371 
CJuildford,  Sir  Henry,  451  and  u. 

Sir  Richard,  404  and  n. 

Guinea  Company  chartered,  the,  644 

tirst  voyage  to,  470;  voyages  to,  Oil, 

612 
Guise,  Duke  of,  557 

Frani^ois,  Duke  of,  472 

Guisnes  ceded  to  England,  278 
Guldlord,  Admiral  Andrew,  267 
Oundy  William,  131 


Gunner's  stores  of  a  ship  in  140<j.  .306 

(funnery,  inferiority  of  Spanish,  561,  5H.3 

( tunnibjorn's  skerries,  63 

Gunjiowder,  148,  411  ii.,  412,  413;  in- 
fluence of  the  invention  of,  338 ;  exiiort 
of,  iirohibited,  371 

Guns,  148,  157,  158,  342 ;  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  409-412 

Guttyn  Onain,  306 

Guy,  Count  of  Flanders,  210,  241 

(i\iy  de  Lusignan,  171 

Gybon,  .lohn,  273 

(fyr/nlruii,  421 

Gyrtb,  son  of  Godwin,  52 

Gytha,  wife  of  ("Jodwin,  48 

Uacka  burnt.  La,  .506 

ILuiley's  quadrant,  403 

UaM'etha  land,  35 

Hail-shot  pieces,  409,  412,  417 

Hainault,  Sir  John  of,  228 

Hakluyt,  Richanl,  England's  ilebt  to,  606 

Hales,  Admiral  Sir  Robert,  28(! 

Sir  Stephen,  272 

Ualey,  Roger,  590 

Halfdene,  37 

Halidon  Hill,  battle  of,  232 

Hall,  Christopher,  625 

"  Hallowing "  of  the  Henry  Grace  u  Dkii, 
405 

Hallwood,  Thomas,  593 

Halse  Grentield,  597 

Halton,  Sir  Chiistopher,  628,  630 

Hand)le,  the,  .371  u. 

Hamburger,  Cund)erlanil  takes  a,  526 

Hamburg  fly-boats  taken,  512 

ships  rilled,  486 

Hampshire,  Saxons  land  in,  35 

Hampton,  John,  590 

Hand-guns,  409,  412 

llaitdtnaid,  423,  595,  596 

Hanekyn,  I'eter,  131 

Hangest,  Renaud  de,  363 

Hansa  ships  cajitured  by  Drake,  492 

Hanse  Towns,  (jommunications  with  the, 
.395;  Eliz,abeth  and  the,  440;  'fr;ide  falls 
into  the  hands  of  the,  348,  352  and  n. 

lliirbell,  liconard,  596 

llarliours  improved,  439 

Hardicixuute,  47,  48 

Hardinge,  Hugh,  591 

Ihn;  421,  477 

Hare,  William,  592 

Harfleur,  284,  287,  364,  .!7.3-38,3,  .384; 
burnt,  363 ;  French  lleet  assembled  at, 
.361;  Henry  VII.  sails  from,  .393;  Jean 
de  Vienne  at,  300;  victory  ofl",  375-377 

Harlech  besieged  by  the  French,  361 

Harold  I.,  19,  47 

Harold  II.,  50-54 

Harold,  death  of,  S6 

Ilardrada,  48,  51 

of  Denmark,  18,  47 

2x2 


676 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME  I. 


Ihiiolil,  raid  in  tlio  Biistul  Cluimiel  liv  a  sun 

of,  ST 
llarolil's  fleet,  reasons  lor  tlie  inaction  of, 

7i,  73 

navv,  dispersal  of,  78 

Jlitrp,  421 

Harpeden,  Sir  John,  283 

Harjjer,  Richard,  5!t2 

William,  526 

Harriet,  120  n. 
Harris,  Captain  John,  5811 
Harrison,  Robert,  59-1 
Harf,  420,  477,  595 

William,  590 

Hartlepool,  123,  214;  pillaged  by  tlrkney- 

men,  94 
Harvey  (?  boatswain  of  the  Dreadnoiigld), 

589 
Captain  Sir  William,   520,   529,  575 

and  n.,  589 
Harwich,  228,  229 ;  Lion  lost  off,  422  ;  re- 
turn of  Howard's,  ships  to,  581  and  n. 
Hasting,  38 
Hastings,  7, 195,  244,  287,  294 ;  luirnt,  287  ; 

destroyed,  294 ;   raided,  247,  277 ;   ships 

furnished  by,  131 
Hatches,  340 " 
Hatorash,  647,  648 
Hatton,  Sir  Christopher,  623 
Haverfordwest,  ships  sent  to,  221 ;  French 

descent  on,  359 
Havre,  Le,  465  ;  delivered  to  Elizabeth,  476, 

477  ;  evacuation  of,  477 
Hawes,  Ralph,  597 
Hawkes,  Martin,  593 
Hawkyns,  Captain  Richard,  505,  576,  589 

and  n. 

junior.  Captain  William,  635 

senior,  William,  611 

Sir   John,   306,   428,   429,   433,    437 

and  n.,  556,  558,  565,  570,  572,  573,  576 

and  n.,  589,  590 ;  on  the  coast  of  Spain, 

494 ;    his    voyages,    617-620 ;    his    last 

voyage,  504-507  ;  letter  to  Walsyugham, 

553  :  letter  to  Burghley,  553 ; 
Sir  Richard,  637,  640,  641 ;  his  voyage 

to  the  South  Sea,  641-644 

William,  590 

Hawthorn,  421 

Hay,  David  de  la,  239 

Hayward,  John,  (354 

Hazard,  596 

Heartsease,  521 

Hearty  Anne,  595 

Heathen,  597 

Hebrides,  Edgar  at  the,  41 

Hector,  634,  656 

Herctiles,  592 

Hegham,  Admiral  Sir  Roger,  233 

"  Helibot,"  338 

Heugest,  34 

llenncboi'it  relieved,  259;  the  lOnglisli  llect 

at,  261 


Henriquez,  Don  Martin,  619 

Henry  galley,  419 

Grace' a  Dieu,  405-409,  412-41-i,  420, 

422,  434  n.,  463,  464 

of  Bristol,  446  n. 

of  Hampton,  419 

Henry  I.  opposed  bv  Robert,  91 ;  captures 

him,  91 
Henry  II.,  98 ;  does  homage  to  France,  161 ; 

treaty  between  Barbarossa  and,  97 
Henry  III.,  assists  Brittany,  194;  invades 

France,  196 
Henry   lY.,    accession    of,    338,    355 ;    in 

Wales,  364 ;   proceeds   against  Scotland, ' 

356 
Henry  Y.,  accession  of,  369 
Henry  YI.,  accession  of,  382 
Henry  VII.   and   John   Cabot,  608 ;    com- 
mercial instincts  of,  442 ;  lets  out  ships 

to  the  merchants,  439 ;  ships  of,  404 
Henry  YIII.  accession  of,  448 ;  list  of  ships 

lost  or  disjiosed  of  inider,  419  ;  reorganises 

the   administration    of  the   Navy,    437 ; 

death  of,  466 
Herbert,  Sir  Thomas,  cited,  307 
Heredia,  Captain  Pedro  de,  576  and  n.,  577 
Hereford   and   Essex,   Humphrey,  Earl   of, 

255 
Hereford,  Humphrey,  Earl  of,  269 
Heregeld,  17,  19,  47 
Heriot  on  the  use  of  Rhumbs,  402,  403 

Thomas,  647 

Herle,  Admiral  Sir  Robert,  154,  273,  278 

Hermitage,  446  n. 

Hernandez,  Tomas,  treachery  of,  637 

Herring  fishery  of  Yarmouth,  314 

Herwiok,  Abraham  van,  524 

Hethe,  AVilliam,  346 

Hewys,  Admiral  Thomas  de,  217 

"Hevras,"  116,  120 

Heyte,  Le,  126 

Hialtland,  329 

Hickman,  Eleazar,  593 

"  High  Admiral,"  152,  153 

Hijh  treason,  piracy  to  be  accounted,  3i  i 

Hind,  421 

Hingston  Down,  36 

Hi])parchus  ;  his  services  to  naViijatiou,  399, 

400 
Hire  by  tonnage,  293,  298 

of  ships,  345 

vessels,  138,  139 

Hired  vessels,  payment  for,  114 

Hoby,  Sir  Edward,  589 

Hoc-boats,  144 

Hodges,  Richard,  589 

Hog,  120  n. 

Hogue,  La,  275  :  burnt,  363 

Holbein,  Yolpe's   picture  wrongly   ascribed 

to,  405,  406 
Holif/oat  iSpayne,  347,  380  n. 
Holland,  Admiral  Sir  riubcrt,  2.".3  ami  n. 
Holland  and   /jccland,  Kli/.abeth  olVcrcd  the 


IXDi:.\    TO    VOLUME   f. 


677 


))rotectorate  of,  480,  483 ;  shiyn*  piirchiiseU 
from,  ;i"2 

HoUan.i,  Robert,  5iU 

Sir  Tliomas,  269 

Holstock,  William,  437  n.,  438  n. ;  as  Vice- 
Admiral,  represnes  i>iracy,  480,  481 

Noll/  Cross,  130,  131 

JMy  (/host,  131,  340,  34G,  347,  371  anil  n. 

Holy  League,  tlie,  448,  450,  458 

Home,  teTidcncy  to  retain  the  fleet  at,  204 

Hondius's  chart,  402,  40.! 

Honfleur,  377  ;  attacked,  28!) 

Ilonorius,  33 

Houour  of  the  flag,  119 

Hood's  iminovemeuts  in  nautical  instru- 
ments, 402,  403 

Hooper,  Captain,  537 

Hope,  423,  425,  477,  504,  520  and  n.,  529, 
570,  581  n.,  582  n.,  588,  589 

Hope,  victualler,  594 

Jhpn  Htiu-kyns,  TVil  n.,  590 

Hoper,  Edward,  346 

Hopewell,  497,  524,  525,  590 

Hore,  Captain,  529 ;  reaches  Cai>e  Breton, 
610 

Hornsey  of  Newcastle,  373 

Horologes,  146 

Horsa,  34 

Hoskard,  Ralph,  346 

Hostages  required  by  Ciesar,  27 

Hotspur  operates  against  Owen  Gleudower, 
357 

Houghton,  James,  595 

Houston,  James,  595 

Howard,  Admiral  Lord  Thomas,  509,  511, 
513,  517,  519,  520,  522,  529 

Charles,  593 

Lord  Thomas,  494,  495,  497,  565,  572, 

573,  576,  589 

Lord    High    Admiral,   Lord    Edward, 

449  and  n.,  450,  453-457 

(later  Earl  of  Surrey),  449,  457  and  n., 

458,  459 

■ ■  of  Effingham  (later  Earl  of  Notting- 
ham), the  Lord  High  Admiral,  Charles 
Lord,  429,  433,  437,  479,  483  and  n.,  509, 
510,  513,  514,  515,  516-518,  552,  556  ; 
created  Earl  of  Nottingham,  516  ;  letters 
to  Burghley,  552,  554,  555 ;  letter  to 
Elizabeth,  557 ;  his  plan  for  watching 
the  Channel,  558,  559,  562-585 

Charles,  589 

William  Lord,  471,  472 

Sir  Edward,  agreement  concerning  the 

fleet  of  1512.. 426-428 

Admiral  Sir  John,  senior,  233  and  n. 

234,  265,  266 

Howlet,  John,  615 

Howlett,  Richard,  438  n. 

Ho>i  Dark,  421 

Hubbard,  William,  597 

Hucs's  'Tractatus  de  Globis,'  402,  403 

//«<//(  (htlhuit,  036,  638 


Hugo  the  Minorite,  322 

"  Hulks,"  144 

Hull,  234,  294,  302,  358 

Hiunl>er,  Danes  in  the,  45,  88 ;  Tostig  in 

the,  54 
Humboldt's  opinion  of  the  Jfadoc  story,  304 
Hungerford,  Admiral  Sir  Walter,  375  and  n. : 

revises  the  '  Libel  on  English  Policie,'  3.50 
Hunsdon,  George  Carey  second  Lor<l,  497 
Huntingdon,  Admiral  John,  Earl  of,  .301, 

375,  379,  380 
Adnnral    William    Clinton,   Earl    of, 

237,  249,  250,  255,  257,  262,  263 

William  de,  136 

Hurst,  434 

Iluscarls,  47 

Hythe,   8,    195,   207  ;  remission  of  service 

granted  to,  357;  shijis  furnished  by,  131 

"  IcARiA,"  327,  332 

Iceland ;  Irish  in,  61-63 ;  English  trade 
with,  316,  322;  intercourse  with,  396; 
misconduct  of  English  in,  .">96,  397  : 
Danish  |irohibiti(>n  of  trade  with,  397  ; 
trade  with,  439 

Idwal,  304 

leu.an  Brechva,  306 

Ilfraeombe,  198,  630 

"Hole,"  325,  327,  330 

Imnges  of  saints  in  ships,  148,  340 

Immorality  in  the  fleet,  288 

Impressment,  146;  of  goods,  123;  of  men, 
118,  123;  of  ships,  112,  123 

India;  travel  overland  to,  651;  the  first 
English  voyage  to,  651,  652 ;  profits  of 
the  trade  to",  489 

Indulgences  captured,  501 

Ingram,  David,  620  ;  cited,  306-308 

Instructions  to  Howard  and  Essex,  Eliza- 
beth's, 511 

Intercourse,  "  The  Great,"  446 

International  action  against  jiirates,  368 

Invasion  thrfitened  from  Boulogne  and 
Flanders,  161 

"  Inventio  Fortunata,"  321 

Inverness  shiiis,  high  repute  of,  315 

lona,  ]iirates  at,  44;  a  missionarv  centre,  61 

Ipswich,  191,  228;  galleys  of,  114 

Irandah-al-Kabirah,  1)5 

Ireland;  assists  Wales,  50;  early  inter- 
course with,  57;  galleys  of,  114;  King's 
ships  in,  124 ;  Saltire  ot',  162  n. ;  Con- 
quest of,  162,  etc. ;  John's  exijcdition  to, 
179;  Madoc  jirobably  went  to,  312; 
Warbeck  in,  447 ;  Spanish  designs  on, 
504,  518,  519 ;  Essex  in,  528 ;  Spanish 
attempt  on,  530;  ajiinehensions  of  a 
Spanish  descent  in,  536 ;  the  .Vrma<la 
rounds  the  west  coast  of,  582,  583 

"  IrelaiKl  the  great,"  64 

Irish;  gowl  seamen,  58  ;  early  voyages,  .58, 
60,  etc. ;  ilescents  on  England,  59 : 
)iilgrims  to   the  Orkneys,  lil ;  energy  of 


678 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME  1. 


tlie  early,  61 ;  Englisliraeu  enslaved  by 
the,  162 ;  riBiiig  supi)resBeil  by  the  Duke 
of  York,  384;  Danes  reduced  by  Edgar, 
41 

Ironclads,  early,  12 

Isabel,  217 

Isahcla,  508 

Isabella,  Queen ;  her  treachery,  226,  227 ; 
her  banishment,  227 ;  expelled  from 
France,  228;  collects  transports  at  Dor- 
drecht, 228;  lands  in  England,  229;  is 
joined  hy  the  j^eople,  229  ;  rewards  certain 
seamen,  229  ;  her  influence,  230 

hahdJa,  269 

Isla  de  Pinos,  action  ofl",  507,  508 

"  Islanda,"  326  and  u.,  327-331 

Islands,  voyage  to  the,  519 

Darning,  323 

Skimming,  323 

Italy,  early  intercourse  with,  55  ;  trade  falls 
into  the  hands  of,  348  ;  Hidl  trades  to, 
395 

Jackmax,  Charles,  625,  626 

Jacob,  595 

Jacobi,  Peter,  226 

Jaille,  De  la,  361 

James,  brother  of  Eustace,  the  Monk,  183 

King  of  Aragon,  226 

Prince  of  Scots  taken  by  John  Pren- 

•  dergast,  362 

James  W.  of  Scotland  assists  against  tlie 
'  Spanish  Armada,  486 

James,  224,  346,  347,  362,  419  n. 

of  Hull,  451 

Jane  Bonaventure,  593 

Janssen,  Zacharias,  of  Middelberg,  403 

Japan,  William  Adams  enters  the  service 
of,  594 

J  arret,  David,  508 

Jason,  Captain,  537 

Java,  factory  established  in,  £56 

Jay,  John,  607 

Jeffrey,  Martin,  589 

Jenkinson,  voj-ages  of  Anthony,  616 

Jennet,  421,  427 

Perwyn,   419;    taken     from    Andrew 

Barton,  448,  449 

Jermyn,  Thomas,  115  n. 

Jernegan,  promptness  of  Sir  Henrj',  471 

Jersey,  436 ;  seized  by  the  French,  248  ; 
taken  by  the  French,  294 ;  requisitioned, 
366  ;  and  Guernsey,  attacked  by  Strozzi, 
are  relieved  by  Wynter,  469 

Jerusalem,  269,  273 

Jesus,  or  Jesn,  346,  347,  420 

of  Liibecl;  617,  620 

Jewel,  592 

John,  accession  of.  111 ;  concbides  a  truce 
with  France,  179 ;  interdicted  and  ex- 
communicated, 180 

John,  224,  268,  269,  340,  341,  347,  594 

• and  Francis,  513 


John  of  Barnstaple,  597 

of  Chichester,  595 

John  of  Gaunt,  269,  272,  274 
John  of  Greenwich,  419,  459 

of  Hampton,  446  n. 

Bajitist,  419 

Castelyn,  446  n. 

Evangelist,  353 

Hopton,  419  n. 

Trelaivney,  595 

Youny,  5i36 

Johnson,  Francis,  596 

Robert,  596 

Jolliffe,  Henry,  526 
Jonas,  594,  617 

of  Aldborougb,  597 

Jones,  Captain,  529 

Eev.  Morgan,  cited,  308,  309 

Jonette,  269 

Juan,  Captain  Marolin  de,  571 

Judith,  619,  620 

Julia,  598 

Julian,  32 

Juliana,  600 

Jmik,  340 

Juryinan  of  the  C!ourt  of  Admiralty, 

and  duties  of  a,  153 
Jutes,  10 


iiatli 


Kaea  Sea,  Jackman  in  the,  626 

Karlsefni,  voyage  of,  63 

Katherine,  or  Katrine,  224,  253,  268,  341, 

342,  346,  347,  397,  593 

of  Guernsey,  356 

of  Ipswich,  596 

of  Salisbury,  379 

of  Weymouth,  595 

galley,  419 

Fortelcza,  408,  419 

Pkasaunce,  408,  419 

Pomegranate,  405  n.,  414 

Katrine  Bretton,  347,  377  n. 

"  Keels,"  144 

Keeper  of  the  King's  ships,  115 

Kenies,  John  de,  178 

Ken,  Thomas  le,  131 

Kendall,  Abraham,  650,  651 

Henry  de,  235 

Kent  raided  by  the  French,  385 

Edmund,  Earl  of.  Admiral  of  England, 

363,  367  and  n.,  368 

'J'homas,  Earl  of,  288 

Kenton,  139 

Keymis,  Captain  Lawrence,  648,  650 

Keynor,  34 

Kholraogori,  615 

Killingworth,  George,  615 

King,  Captain,  509 

John,  592 

William,  501 

King's  Bark,  404 

"  King's  Lieutenants,"  343 

Kinghom,  231 


J.VnKX    TO    vni.UMK  1. 


()7!t 


Kinijsliriil'ic,  lH!' 

Kint;st(iM-ii|i(>ii-llull,  lieet  ncsciiiWeil  at,  217 

Kiiisalc,  G;{">:  attaikcl, 'JiH  ;  S|>niiiKli  Iniicl- 

\u%  at,  r>.'{0,  fi.'iri 

Kiikciidbrijilit,  ■J.\.\ 
Kirklev,  L'.ilt 

Kirkwall,  fort  Imilt  at,  SUH 
Kittcy,  .Tiiliii,  LSI 
KnofklerfjUK,  2ir> 
Knollys,  Sir  linlierl,  L'S8 
Knyvett,  Sir  'riiuiiias,  450  and  n.,  4.">1,  4")2 
Kyiigeston,  John,  34() 
Kyricl,  Sir  Tlioinas,  ;i84 
Kyriel,  Ailiniral  Sir  Nicholas,  222  and  n., 
227,  22H 

La   Hooitk,   Edward    111.   at,   203:    ships 

taken  at,  20)8 
Labienns,  27,  28,  20 
Labrador,  the  fiamjiafni  wrecked  on,  HIO 
Laburkin,  Sir  Stepljen  dc,  2r)l 
Lagos,  208 
Laine,  Iticliard,  58!! 
Laniberd,  .lohn,  I'M. 
Lambert,  Tliotnas,  olili 
Laioina,  012 

Lancashire,  Martin  Schwart/  lands  in,  44^ 
Lancaster,  Henry  of,  14o 
Sir  James,  makes   the   lirst    Kuglish 

voyage    to    India,   SilO,   G51,    052,   653; 

takes  Pernambuco,  G5.'J,  054  ;  commands 

the  East  India  Company's  first  fleet,  054— 

057 
Henry  Earl  and  Duke  of  (previously 

Earl  of  Derby),  200,  271,  273  and  n.,  275, 

280,  285,  2!:i6,  .•'.02 

See  also  Derby,  Henry  Plarl  of. 

Thomas   of,   ojiposes   Gaveston,   210; 

rebellion  of,  22.3 
Landaff,  capture  of  the  Bishop  of,  40 
Landais,  Pierre,  3SI2,  393 
Landing  with  permission,  432 
Lane,  Italph,  040  ;  leads  a  colonv  to  Virginia, 

047 
Langdale,  Walter,  20it 
Langdon,  abbey  of,  227 
Langford,  .John,  5111 
Langton,  Captain,  508 

James,  520,  595 

Sir  John  de,  211 

Lanterns,  140,  4.30,  432 

Lanton,  Sir  John,  28.3 

Lanzarote  plundered  by  Cumberland,  527 

Large  vessels,  relative  suiierioritv  of,  379 

Lark,  593 

Lame,  Scots  land  at,  218 

Latimer,  William  Lord,  28K,  295 

Latitude,  Hehaim's   method  of  discovering 

the,  400 
Launch  of  a  ship,  ceremony  at  tljc,  .342 
"Laurum,"  110 
iMfia,  000 
jMwrence,  269 


Ricliai 


'■/■ 


Laws  :  »■«•  Naval  I^aws. 

League,  Spain  .sup|Hirls  the,  50 J 

"  Le.lnvo,"  .325,  327,  .3.30 

Ledre<le,  Itobert,  275 

Lee,  Gilbert,  597 

Legge,  liobert,  4.37  n. 

Leicester,  Hubert  Dudlev  Earl  of,  480,  034, 

035 
Leif  Eriksson,  voyage  of,  63 
Leigh,  Charles,  524 
Leith  taken,  407  ;  block.ide  of,  475 
Lemenemouth,  38 
Lenuuanis,  8 
Lemon-juice    uBe<i    as    an    anti-scorbutic, 

655 
Lemon,  Piers,  .")91 

Lengthening  vessels,  early  examjile  of,  72 
Lennox  harasses  Arraii,  etc.,  40ii 
Leot'ric,  17 

Lcofwin,  son  of  Godwin,  52 
Leon,  Isle  of,  513,  514 

Captain  Pedro  de,  574 

Lfontird  of  Wrslminsfrr,  217 
Leo]iold   of    Austria    cajrtures 

174 
"  L'Es|iagiiols  s\ir  Mcr,"  270  fl  i 
i-ss  Jliirk,  408,  419,  420 

I'ilDKiri;  419 

Lt'ssi-r  Bdrharii,  419 

yMhrii,  419 

Letters  of  niarijue,  120,  3G9 

Patent  for  discovery,  008,  009 

Levant,   commerce   with   the,   439 ;    Spain 

seizes    shi])s    in    the,    484;    the    I^evant 

Companv,  590,  592,  593,  his ;  the  vovage 

to  the,  O'lO 
Leveson,  Admiral  Sir  Kichard,  512  and  n., 

520  and  ii.,  529,  530,  532-530,  589 
liCwes,  sack  of,  287 
Ley,  John,  520 
Leybourne,   Admiral    Sir    Robert   de,   221 

and  n.,  224,  288 
Adnnral  William  de,  142,  200  and  ii., 

211 
Levva,  Adnnral  Don  Alonso  de,  567,  .568, 

.571,  573,  578,  581,  583,  584 

. ■  Don  Pedro  de,  485 

"  Libel  of  English   Policie,"  350,  375   n., 

377  n.,  397 
"  Liburna,"  25 
Lidgen,  John,  590 
Lieux,  200 
Lighthouses,  125 
Lightning,  169 
Lights,  precautions  as  to,  432 

ships',  125 

Lima.sol,  Hichard  1.  at,  171 
Lime  as  a  weapon,  uiislakeil,  1S8 

]jots,  414 

Limehill,  8 

Lincoln,    Edward    Earl    of:     .we    Clinton, 

Edward  Lo;il. 
Lini^res,  Sir  Maubruiide,  283 


(580 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME   I. 


I.!nn,  419,  421,  422,  423,  425,  427,  477, 
5011,  520,  529,  Oil,  046;  taken  from 
Andrew  I5arton,  448,  449  and  n. ;  taken 
by  the  Panny  and  lost  oft'  Harwicli,  407 

LIoiCk  Wh-Jp,  428,  512,  537 

Ulielp's  longboat  in  the  Orinoco,  049 

Lionel  of  Antwerp,  274 

Liqnes,  144 

Lisbon,  209, 533,  537  ;  English  fleet  at,  106  ; 
English  misbehaviour  at,  100 ;  attacked, 
491,  492 :  Spanish  fleet  assembled  at, 
518;  Slingsby"s  actions  oft',  518;  strength 
of  the  Armada  while  at,  560 

Lisle,  Sir  John  de,  224 

Lord  High  Admiral  John  Lord,  460, 

402,  463,  404,  405,  4()6 

Liste,  Nicholas,  497  n. 

Lister,  Charles,  593 

Christopher,  493 

Little  Han;  596 

John,  346,  347,  595 

Marie,  347 

(or  Pefiti-)  Trinity,  346,  347 

Littlebury,  Admiral  Sir  Humphrev  dc,  219 

Lizard,  the,  56     502 

Li7.ard,  405,  419 

Llewellyn,  death  of,  204 

Lloyd,  Thomas,  398 

"  Llwyd,"  Dr.,  quoted,  307 

Loarie,  Ricliard,  590 

Loaysa,  Garcia  de,  031  and  ii. 

Lobo,  Don  Diego,  535 

Lock,  John,  Oil,  012 

Lodeships,  144 

"  Lodmannagium,"  132 

Log  and  line,  invention  of  the,  402 

Loggin  William,  590 

Loire,  Caesar   victorious   at   the   mouth    of 

■    the,  24 

Lok,  Michael,  024 

Lomb,  John,  131 

London,  214,  228 ;  attacked  by  a  fleet,  46 ; 
trade  of,  99;  galleys  of,  114;  fortified, 
246;  ships  assembled  at,  372;  ships  fitted 
out  against  the  Armada  by  the  City  of, 
592 

Long,  William,  the  pirate,  309 

Long  Serpent,  71 

Long  ships,  11  n.,  13,  111 

Longespee,  William  de.  Earl  of  Salisburv, 
110 

Longitude,  difticulfy  of  ascertaining  the,  401 

Looe,  304 

Lord  High  Admiral,  153,  437 

Lord's  Prayer  to  be  sung  at  night,  432 

Loriman,  a  volunteer  with  Parker,  530,  531 

Loring,  Sir  Nele,  255  and  n.,  256 

Lothring  and  Yrling,  49 

Louis  (i'Outremer  restored,  40 

Lovell,  John,  fifth  Lord,  356 

John,  619 

Loveney,  Roger  de,  184 

Lowe,  IJarnaliy,  590 


Lowestoft,  114;  Wyntcr  ami  Seymour  quit 
the  fleet  off,  580  ' 

Liibeck,  convention  of  Hausa  merchants  at, 
492 

and  Genoa,  Warwick  attacks,  386 

Lucy,  Oeoffrey  de,  116,  118,  179,  180 

Richard  de,  101 

Luna,  Don  Juan  de,  491 

"  Limars,"  401 

Lundy  Island,  198,  229 ;  a  pirate  strong- 
hold, 314 

Lung,  John  Le,  the  pirate,  136 

Luntlowe,  Thomas,  592 

Lupicinus,  32 

Lusignan,  Guj'  de,  171 

Hugh  de,  176 

Lutterel,  Geoft'rey  de,  116 

Luzon,  Don  Alonso  de,  571,  578 

Lyme,  133,  223 

Lynes,  144 

Lynn,  238,  389;  galleys  of,  114;  and  Dart- 
moutli,  hostilities  between,  124;  prosperity 
of,  314 ;  Nicholas  of,  321  ;  Prussian  trade 
with,  395  ;  kidnappers,  ."i97 

Mabely,  131 

Mace,   William,  648 ;   voyage  to  Virginia, 

532 
Macham,  Robert,  voyage  to  Madeira,  317 
Madagascar,  Lancaster  at,  056 
Maddox,  Fenton's  chaplain,  635 
Madeira,  Robert  Macham's  voyage  to,  317- 

320 
Madoc,  303,  337 ;  makes  a  second  voyage 

westward,  304  ;  consideration  of  his  claim 

to  have  discovered  America,  305  et  saj. 
Madre  de  Bios,  capture  of  the,  500,  501 
Maeda,  Don  Luis  de,  571 
Maenige,  43 
Magdalena,  598 
Magdalene,  224 
Magellan   Strait,  Spanish   colony  in,  635 ; 

Ricliard  Hawkyns  in,  641 ;  Drake  in,  030 
Magna  Charta,  183 
Magnet,  the,  128,  147 
Magnetic  rook,  322,  323 
"  Magni,"  129 
Magnus  threatens  invasion,  48,  49 

of  Orkne\',  success  of,  90 

Magroth,  Mr.,  639 

Maidenhead,  421 

Maikyn,  John,  269 

Maildun,  voyage  of,  61 

Maine,  AVilliam  I.  recovers,  88;  William  IL 

pacifies,  90 
Mainwaring,  Captain,  530,  532 
Maitresse,  463 
Majorcan  galleys  taken,  226 
Makeshift,  591,  423 
Malcbieii,  Roger,  170 
Malcolm  of  Cundiria,  43 
Maldonado,  Don  J\ian,  571 
Malgo,  mythical  voyages  of,  58  n. 


TNPRX    TO    VOLUME   /. 


()81 


Malisf  siH'rrc,  .'fJ!* 

JIali)leoiie,  Siivt-ry  de,  1!'3 

Miilyii,  Vic:e-A(liniral,  -IT") 

Mdlyiie,  VAX 

Man,  Isle  of,  215 

Maiiileville,  William  ile,  Earl  of  Kbscx,  Itjt, 

kk; 

Maiulcvillc's  travels,  Sir  John,  ^ilu 

Manckyn,  John,  l.'U 

Maninjiton,  Ambrose,  r>'.H 

Mannv,  Admiral    Sir  Walter,  'JIO  and   n., 

241',  2f-',  243,  254,  255,  259,  260,  264, 

266,  267,  -im,  209 
Manrique,  Don  Jorge,  577 
Mansell,  Sir  Robert,  520 ;   defeats  Spinola, 

5;!6 
Manuehi,  598 
Ma))  of  1448  of  the  coasts  of  the  British 

Isles,  60G 
Mar,  Earl  of,  dispatch  of  a  scpiadron  airainst 

the,  365 
Marans  taken,  301 

March,  Admiral  Kdmiind,  Karl  of,  .".79 
Marchant,  John,  590 
March,  (.'oiint  de  la,  196,  360,  .".fll,  .'.62 
Marco  Polo,  315 
"  Mare  Claiisum  "  cital,  134 
Mare  Sugeniim,  323 
Marf/ant,  347,  404,  493,  597 

taken  from  the  Scots,  444 

and  John,  526,  565  ji.,  569,  592 

Bull,  446  n. 

Margaret  of  Anjou,  treason  of,  384,385,388, 

389,  390 
of  Burgundy  plots  against  Ilenrv  VII., 

442,  447 
Mnryant  of  Ipswich,  353 
Margarita,  island  of,  527 
Margate,   241,    541-547 ;    French    (liracies 

oft;  219 
yiaria  de  Aijuirre,  598 
Mnriii  Juan,  598 
Muriu  San  Jnitn,  600 
Marie,  346,  :!47,  ;i54,  377  n.,  380  n. 

Bret  ton,  347 

la  Curdeliere,  450,  451 

Marigold,  593  ;  of  Hull,  59(i 

victualler,  594 

Marinelli,  118 

Mariner's  compass,  147,  312 

Mariute,  269 

Marisco,  Stephen  de,  162 

William  <lc,  114 

Marish,  Sir  William  ile,  198 

Murk  Florentine,  419  n. 

Markham,  William,  628,  635,  636 

Murliun,  421 

Marocco,  Englishmen  in,  318 

Marque,  letters  of,  21)8 

Marns,  .lohn,  396 

Marseilles,  Hichard  I.  :il,  HIT 

Martel,  361 

Martenet,  427 


Martin  (larcia,  353,  404 

Marlyn,  'I'homas,  346 

Marv,  yueen,  the  lleet  at  the  death  uf,  422 

Mari/,  148,  379,  404 

Marv  1.,  accession  of,  470;  death  of,  473 

Man/  and  John,  404  ii.,  408,  419,  427 

^  Aslie,  354 

Bird,  of  Bristol,  44<!  n. 

Fortune,  404,  405,  446  ii. 

Oeori/e,  419,427 

(Iloria,  419 

Grace,  419 

Guildford,  419 

Haniliorow,  421 

Ifastini/s,  446  n. 

Ilonora,  425  n. 

Howard,  419  n. 

Imperial,  419 

James,  419 

■ Loretle,  419  n. 

■ Odierne,  419 

Rose,   408-410,   414,   419,   423,   425, 

426,  509,  520,  522,  529,  532,  537,  538, 
555  11.,  565,  5t)9,  570,  572,  576,  588,  589, 
594  ;  loss  of  the,  463  and  n.,  464 

•  Smrke,  486 

Mary  Stuart  carried  off  bv  Villegagnon, 
468 

Mar;/  T/iomas,  419 

Tovjer,  of  Bristol,  446  n. 

Willoni/lihi/,  420;  retaken,  467  n. 

o/Guiid/ord,  610 

Mar>/!/old  (Drake's),  628,  630 

Masham,  'I'lioi'iias,  651 

Massacre  of  the  ]>ancs,  43 

Masts,  138,  145,  146,  340,  404 

Master,  the  captain  in  an  Elizabethan  flag- 
ship, 429 

Master  shipwriiiht  of  the  navy,  the  first, 
405 

Masters  of  the  (Ordnance  of  the  Navv,  438  n. 

Matthew,  420,  596 

of  Bristol,  608 

Maunder,  Nicholas,  590 

Maivdh/n  of  Dept/ord,  419 

Maximian,  29-32 

Maximus,  32 

May,  Henry,  652,  65.".;  wrecked  at  I'.er- 
nuida,  653 

. lohn,  397 

Caj.tain,  537 

Mavdeston,  Thomas  de,  234 

Mayjloirer,  503,  570,  592 

. uf  King's  Lynn,  596 

Meata;,  3.3 

Jledina,  Adudral  Juan  Gomez  de,  583,  601 

1'e.lrode,  402 

Sidonia,  Don  Alonso  Perez  de  Guzman, 

Duke  of,  51l>,  540,  598;  instructions  to, 
541,  542,  543;  his  views,  544;  his  letter 
to  Parma,  545;  his  general  orders  to  the 
Armada,  548  ;  sails,  549  ;  is  dishearlenol, 
549;    leaves    Corvuinn,   5.59;    leails    the 


682 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME  I. 


his   failiii-e  mid   ex 


Aniiad;),    5HO-5S5 
cuses,  .")«;! 

Mediterranean  iiiivxtes,  alliance  of  Caraiisius 
with,  30,  31 

Scots  intercoui-se  with  the,  93 

trade  with  tlie,  606,  610 

Medrano,  Don  Diego,  603 
Meek,  Thomas,  595 
Megar,  William,  595 
-V'.'/.'/,  i93 

Meldrum,  Thomas,  597 
Melendez,  Don  Pedro,  531  n. 
Mehm,  treaty  of,  436,  501,  502 
Menai  Strait,  Madoo  said  to  have  defeated 
the^  English  in  the,  308,  313  ;   bi-idged, 

Mendoza,  Don  Antonio  Hnrtado  de  60'^ 
Mercator  (Gerard  Cremer),  402  ;  cited   3'?1 
Mercator's  globe,  401,  402  ' 

projection,  402 

Mercer,  John,  291 

Merchant  Adventurers,  the  Company  of,  610, 

Merchant  Boi/nl,  484,  485,  526    569    590 
651,  652  '       ' '     ^   ' 

Merchant  servii'e  and  the  navy,  connection 
between  the,  347,  348,  605 

■ shijjs  serving  witli  Drake  against  the 

Armada,  590,  591 
Merchants,  privileges  to  Scots,   97  ;  nnder- 

take  the  guard  of  the  sea,  365,  366,  367 
Mercliantmen   in   consort   elect   their  "ad- 
miral," 374 

serving   with   Howard   of  EfKngham 

against  the  Armada,  593 
Mercia,  12 

Mercocur,  the  Due  de,  502 
MiTcury,  423 

Mir  (or  Mere)  Honour,  423,  425 
Mtrr.^  Honour,  509,  513  n.,  520  and  n.,  521, 

Meredydd  a))  Rhys  on  Madoc,  305,  306   308 

Merick,  master  of  the   DdUjht,  of  Bristol 

638  ' 

Meridian,  Wright's  method  of  dividin.'  the 

Mrrlin,  306,  423,  425,  580,  588,  589 
Mersh,  John,  346 
Mcrton,  37 

Messina,  Richard  I.  at,  167,  168 
"  Meta  Incoi/nita,'"  625,  626 
Mexia,  Don  Augustin,  573,  578 
Mexican  rites,  traces  of  Christian  ritual  in 
65  ' 

Mexico  Michelson  makes  prizes  in  the  Gulf 

?n«     w^,''"''\."*'  ^"'^"'^   "'•   •^05,  307, 

r  -A,         '""  ''""""**  ^'"y^Se  to  the  Gulf 
of,  ijOl 

Meyrick,  Cajitain  Sir  Gellv,  520  an,l  n 

Mirhael,  222,  269,  444,  624,  625 

of  Dartmoutli,  446  n 

Michell,  R(il)ert,  131 

Michelson,  William,  voyage  of,  493  494 


Mieklegarth,  96 

Middelburg,  245,  256 

Middleton,  master  of  the  Muoiinhiue  495 

Gerald,  526 

Henry,  656 

John,  654,  656 

Sir  John,  391 

Thomas,  597 

Miguel  Suso,  Patax  de,  598 

Mildenhall,  John,  sent  envoy  to  Agra,  654 
Milesian  "  Invasion,  59 

Milford,  a  Scots  shiji  taken  near,  357  ;  the 
1"  rench  land  at,  363 

Haven,  Madoc  said  to  have  embarked 
at,  308  ;  Henry  VII.  lands  at,  393 
Miller,  Richard,  595 
Milton,  Hasting  lauds  at,  38 
Minion,  419,  423,  590,  592,  610  619  6"0 

of  ]',ristol,  595 

Minions,  410,  411 

Minnlkin,  423 

Minstrels,  146  ;  on  ship-board,  270 

Mirau  relieves  La  Rochelle,  479 

Miranda,  Clount  of,  644 

Mitchelburne,  Captain  Kihvard,  5'^0 

Mitchell,  Richard,  596 

Mobilisation  of  an  Elizabethan  fleet    rai.id 
528  '     ' 

Mocha,  Isle  of,  Drake  at  the,  631  ;  Richard 
Hawkyns  at  the,  642 

Modbury,  139 

Moket,  John,  131 

Moleyns,  Bishop  Adam  de,  350  n 

Monaco,  236  n. 

"  Monaco,"  330,  331 

Moncada,  Don  Hugo  de,  603 

Monson,  Admiral' Sir  William,  493  50'> 
508,  509,  513,  519,  520,  522,  523',  529,' 
532-538,  589  n. ;  taken  prisoner,' 494  • 
quoted,  485;  on  Drake's  expedition  t.' 
Corunua  and  the  Tagus,  493 
Montacute,  Admiral  Sii'  Simon  de,  210  and 
n.,  215 

A<lmiral    Sir   William,    216    and    n 

239  an,l  n. 
Montalembert,  Baron  d'Esse,  Andre  ,le,  467 
Montalt,  Sir  Rolieit  de,  225 
Montegauger,  William  de,  129 
Montfoit,  Henry  de,  201 

Simon  de,  200,  201,  202 

Sir  Simon,  387 

Montgomeri,  enterprise  of  Gabriel  de,  479 

480  ' 

Montgomery,  A.lmii-nl  Sir  Jolm,  "6(1    •'61 
265,  266  '  "     ' 

Month,  the  naval  meaninir  of  a,  427  n. 
Monthermer,  Sir  Thomas' de,  255  and  n 
Moutmorenci,  Anne  de,  477 
Montros  ,  Seymour  re])ulsed  at,  468 
Moon,  421,  423,  425,  520,  581  n.,  588,  589 
Moons/iinr,  4il5,  592,  627 
Moor,  Admiral  Joos  ile,  558  n 
Moore,  John,  594 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME  T. 


683 


Mciore,  Lawrence,  504 

Moors,  Portiifial  assisted  a<;ainsl  tlie,  104 

c'o-o)ieraticm  against  tlie,  448 

Mora,  7li-7K 

Morgan,  Cajitnin,  o89 

Morgan,"  "Sir  Piers,  4r>0  n.,  451 

Morgan,  Thomas,  47SI 

Morieux,  Sir  Thomas,  292 

Morkcre,  53  ;  William  I.  crashes,  88 

Murlaas,  money  ol,  12il 

Morlaix,  358  ;  sack  of,  458  ;  re<liice(l,  503 

Morlcv,  Admiral  Sir  liobert  (Lord  Morley), 

24(i  and  n.  247,  24tt,  250,  251,  254,  255, 

258,  261,  2fi6,  268,  26it,  273,  275,  276, 

277 

Thomas,  438  n. 

Admiral  Thomas  Lord,  375,  378 

Morris  pikes,  414 

Mortainge,  Sir  Jolm,  283 

Mortimer  defeated  hv  Eihvard  Hnuo,  Tiord 

.lustice,  218 

Sir  John,  379 

Koger,  229,  230 

of  Wigmore,  liogcr  l-ord,  22 1 

"  Mosso,"  144 

Moimer,  John  Le,  131 

Mount's  Bay,  621);  Spaniards  at,  504 

Mountjov,  Cliarles,  Lord,  512  and  n.,  519, 

520" 
Mousehole  burnt,  504 
Moiiy  tie  la  Meilleraye,  462 
Mowbray,  John,  Lord,  269 
Miiller,  Johanu,  400 
Multon,  Sir  Thomas  de,  202 
Musster,   Spain   foments   the   rebellion   in, 

482 
Min-ray  rejiulses  Sej^no\ir,  tlie  Itegent,  468 
Murryan,  420 
Miisard,  293 
Muscovy  (or  Russia)  Company,  the,   615, 

616 
Musgrave,  Alexander,  596 

Edmund,  593 

John,  596 

William,  596 

Mutinous    conduct    of    the    Cinipie    Ports' 

ships,  212 

state  of  Ethelred's  navy,  4.'! 

Mutiny  in  Lord  Fitzwalter's  ships,  288 

of  the  (lutilin  Lion,  439 

Mychell,  William,  589 

Namuu,  Jomx,  Count  of,  270 

Sir  Robert  de,  269,  271 

Naples,  Hichard  I.  at,  167 

Naptilitann,  603 

Narbonne,  t'ount  of,  284 

Narrow  Seas,  Scots  in  the,  356 

Xascellas,  119,  120 

Nash,  John,  592 

Nassau,  Adnnral  Justinus  van,  558  n.,  579  n. 

Nauclerus,  101 

'Nautical  Magazine'  quoted,  157 


Naval  Discij)lint'  Act,  the  prenniWe  to  tlie, 

352,  353 

Laws,  101,  104-109 

Law,  lirst  c.xie  of,  101,  104 

ojierations  in  winter,  453  and  n. 

Navarre  allied  with  France,  274 
Navigation  laws,  early,  100;  of  Hcnrv  VII., 

43!) 
Navy  and  the  merchant  service,  connection 

between  the,  347,  348,  474 

annual  grant  for  the  reiKiir  of  the,  494 

Board,  the,  4.'.7,  438 

extra  otlicers  of  the,  438 

in  1402,  disorganisation  of  the,  357 

lack  of  national  contidenee  in  the,  246 

Oflice,  438 

on  the  accession  of  Mary,  influence  of 

the,  470 
,  iKirliamentarv  remonstrances  concern- 
ing the,  291,  293' 

reconstitution  of  the,  353 

the  personal  projierty  of  the  sovereign, 

the,  318 

under  Henry  VI.,  sale  of  the,  318 

Needle,  di]iping  of  the,  323  n. ;  variation  of 

the,  401 
Negroes,  ill-treatment  of,  486;  John   llaw- 

kyns  trades  in,  617,  619 
Nelson  fiuoted,  126 
"  Neome,"  328  and  n. 
Netherlanils,  Klizabcth  assists  the,  473,  486; 

ships  hired  from  the,  280 ;  treaty   with 

the,  527,  528 
Neutrality,  lax  observation  of,  236 
Neutrals,  laws  resiiecting,  113 
Nevill,  Kalph  Lord,  269 
Neville,  Admiral  Sir  William,  282,  285 

of  liaby,  Aihiiiral  John  Lord,  280,  281 

or  Nevill,  Kobert  de,  201 

New  Albion,  Drake  discovers,  633 

Newark,  443 

New  Bark;  421 

"  New  Island,"  the,  609 

Newcastle,  234,  294,  373 

Newendcn,  8 

Newfoundland,    303 ;    discovery    of, 

fisheries,  the,  644;  fleet,  design   to 

the  French,  468;   Leigh  and   Van 


ex]>edition   to,   524,   52 


609; 

seize 

Her- 

trade. 


wick's 

440 
Newhaven,  French  repulse  at,  464;  gallevs 

of,  114 
Newlyn  burnt,  504 
New[X)rt,  voyage  of  Christojiher,  501 
Newton  ("  Adnurals'  man  "),  589 

Ferrars,  139 

William,  59.3 

Niall  of  the  Nine  Hostages,  59 

Nicholan,  131  (»),  224,  340,  341,  342,  346, 

347,  349,  .354 

of  Hamilton,  414,  427 

of  Lynn,  .321 

Reedc,  420 


G84 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME   I. 


Nicolas  on  Henry  V.,  370 

Nieullay,  Burprise  of  the  Bridge  of,  472 

Nighfingah,  591,  593 

Nino,  Don  Pedro  (later,  Conde  de  Buelna), 
364  and  n.,  365,  366 

Njorfa  Sound,  95 

Noble  of  Edward  III.,  gold,  145,  351 

Nombre  de  Dios,  505,  506  ;  Drake  captures, 
621 

Nonius,  or  NuiSez,  Pedro,  402 

Nonpareil,  423,  425,  491  n.,  495  n.,  509, 
513  n.,  520  and  n.,  529,  532,  534,  536, 
559  n.,  569,  572,  576,  581  n.,  588,  589 

Nordenskiold,  Baron,  on  the  Behaijn  T-rlobe, 
401 

Norfolk,  Admiral  John,  first  Duke  of,  392, 
393 

Samuel,  590 

threatened  with  invasion,  225 

Norman  characteristics,  73,  74 

conquerors,  jjiratical  oVijects  of  the,  75 

influence,  beginning  of,  48 

on  magnetism,  403 

pirates  in  the  North  Sea,  294 

towns  burnt,  247 

vessels  captured,  227 

Normandy,  difficulties  with,  17;  and  Anjou, 
Henry  III.  surrenders  his  claim  to,  200; 
conquered  hy  the  French,  176 ;  expedi- 
tion to,  379 ;  pillaged,  coast  of,  363 : 
ravaged,  coast  of,  264 ;  Shrewsbury's 
expedition  to,  384 ;  unofficial  hostilities 
with,  204 ;  Wallop's  raid  on,  457  ^ 

Normans  prevent  fishing  in  the  Channel,  1 9!- 

Norrevs,  Sir  John,  490,  491  ;  co-operates 
with  Henry  IV.,  502,  503 

Norris,  Admiral  of  the  Fleet,  Sir  John  :  his 
picture  of  the  Henry  Grace  a  Dieu,  405, 
406 

Captain,  537 

Captain  John,  427  n. 

Northampton,  Earl  of,  250,  266 

William  de  Bohmi,  Earl  of,  260 

William,  Earl  of,  269,  273  and  n. 

North-East  Passage  to  India,  the,  626 

North  Sea,  insecurity  of  the,  239 ;  Norman 
]iirates  in  the,  294 

Northumberland,  Admii-al  Henrv,  Earl  of, 
295 

North-West  Passage  to  India,  the,  624-620, 
627,  635 

Norton,  Captain,'501 

"  Norumbega,"  645,  646 

Norway  assists  France,  209 

conquered  by  Canute,  17,  47 

exercises    rejirisals    against    England, 

220 

intercourse  between  England  and,  314 

treaty  of  1269  with,  128 

voyagej  to,  394 

Norwegian  descent  on  the  Orknevs,  201 

Norwich,  Admiral  Sir  John,  333,  235,  237, 
238 


Novaya     Zendya,    Willoughby     at,     (il4 ; 

Stephen  Borough  at,  615 
Nuestra   Senora   de   Begoiia,   571   and    n., 

578  n.,  599,  602 

Castro,  602 

Oracia,  602 

' Guadalupe,  602 

del  Barrio,  599 

de  la  Rosa,  584,  600 

del  Pilar  de  Zaragoza,  602 

Puerto,  602 

Sosario,   423,   564  n.,   565   n., 

568  n.,  585  n.,  599 

Socorro,  599 

Nunez,  or  Nonius,  Pedro,  402 

Oaks,  144,  146  ;  for  use  as  sweeps,  405 

Oath  of  a  juryman  of  the  Court  nf  Admiraltv, 
153 

"  O'Brazil,"  398 

Occasion,  535  n. 

Ochoa,  Domingo,  574 

Ocoa  sacked,  501 

O'Connor,  Hoderiek,  163 

Ocklev,  Danes  defeated  at,  37 

Odda,'51,  52 

Offa,  12,  35,  66 

Offensive,  importance  of  assuming  the,  257 

advantages  of  the,  490 

Officers  ;  and  men,  342  ;  pay  of,  103  ;  titles 
of  earlv,  103 ;  under  King  John,  115, 
116,  118 

Ojeda,  Captain,  566,  568 

Oiaf,  or  Anlaff,  14,  40 

Tryggvesson,  42 

Oleron,  laws  of,  106-109,  133 ;  roll  of,  106 ; 
ships  furnished  bv,  124 

O'Neil  submits  to  Edward  Bruce,  218 

O'Neill,  Earl  of  Tyrone,  Rebellion  of  Hugh, 
530 

Ongressil,  Bernard  d',  208 

Oppenheim,  Mr.  M.,  on  the  office  of  Clerk 
of  the  Ships,  115  n. 

Oquendo,  Admiral  Miquel  de,  567,  568  n., 
571,  578,  600 

Orford,  114 

Orforitoess,  228,  372 

Orinoco,  Ralegh  ascends  the,  649 

Orkney,  Earl  of,  3(i2 

freebooters,  94 

Henry  Sinclair,  Earl  of,  324,  328 

Sir  John  Clere  defeated  in,  473 

Orkneys,  a  Norseman's  base,  69 

-• the  Armada  off  the,  582 

Ormoud,  commander  in  the  Irish  Sea,  206 

Earl  of,  381 

Oropesa,  Count  of,  631 

Ortega,  Don  Juan  de,  624 

Orwell,  238,  241,  366,  378,  461;  appre- 
hended descent  at,  228,  229 ;  convoys 
assembled  at,  237 ;  Edward  III.  at,  249, 
250;  fieet  assembled  at,  242,  24.3,  375; 
ships  assembled  at,  259 ;  threatened,  300 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME   1. 


685 


OslHick,  or  Waiiicck,  I't'ikiii,  M(> 

Oselev,  Nic'lioliiK,  ")H'J 

UBgoi'l  ChiiM,  4!l,  50 

(Jstorius  Scapula,  2!) 

Ostrich  Feather,  421 

Otliona,  7 

Oui;litrc<l,  Sir  Anthony,  451 

Owaiu  Gwyiiedil,  303,  305 

Uweu  Gleiiilowcr,  357,  35!);  iinsiKted  liy  the 

Fieucl),  31)7  ;  of  ('uinberland,  40 
Oxt-nham,  John,  ij21,  G23,  G31 
Oxford  fortified,  2H0 
.loliu  de  Vcre,  Earl  of,  393  and  u. 

Lord  High  Admiral  John,  Earl  of,  442 

Oyster  Point,  30y  and  n. 

Pacific,  Drake  first  sights  the,  622 ;  John 
Oxenhani  the  first  Englishman  to  navi- 
gate the,  623 

Padstow,  618 

Painting  of  a  Turkish  dromon,  172 

of  Norman  shijis,  78 

Pallig,  43 

Palmer,  Captain  Sir  Henry,  5211,  5H'.I 

Henry,  526 

■ Sir  Henrv,  429,  437  n. 

-  William,  526 
PaJoiua  IJlanca,  601 
Pamlico  Sound,  047 

Panama,  Baskerville  attemiits,  506;  Drake 
near,  ()22  ;  Ralegh's  jihui  to  seize,  498 

Fansy,  592 

or  Paiincy,  420,  422 

takes  the  Lion,  467  and  n. 

Pantelaria,  engagement  oft",  485 

Papal  encouragement  of  Spain,  487 

Paradise,  116 

Paraxon,  537,  538 

Paredes,  Count  of,  583 

Paris,  Henry  \'.  enters,  382 

Park,  Walter  atte,  2lj8 

Parker,  privateering  venture  ol'  William, 
530-532 

Sir  Nicholas,  522 

William,  594,  651 

Parkhurst,  Anthony,  644 

Parliament,  complains  of  ]irocecdiugs  in  the 
Admiralty  Courts,  360 ;  comjilains  ol' 
illegal  seizure  of  shi))ping,  374 ;  jiorts 
ordered  to  build  ships  without  consent  of, 
257 ;  remonstrates  concerning  the  navy, 
291,  293,  295,  298 

Parma,  Duke  of,  co-operation  of  Medina 
Sidonia  with  the,  541-543;  sealed  in- 
structions for,  544,  545,  546,  553,  554 
et  serj, 

ParmeniuB,  Steplianus,  645 

Particular  Service  Squaiiron  of  1890,  528 

Pasajes,  645 

Pasha,  621 

Passelewe,  William,  2(i9 

I'as'senger-ship,  ballad  of  a  liflccnth  century, 
343,  344 


Passerettes,  119,  120 

Passport,  592 

Pate,  William,  131  u. 

Paterik,  120 

Patrrnoster,  136 

Patrciia  ZiiDii/a,  003 

Paul,  346,  347,  380  n. 

Paul,  John,  593 

Pavelev,  Admiral  Sir  John,  277 

Pay,  130,  131,  137,  138,  143,  150:  in  1299, 

132;  of  officers,  103;  of  officers  and  men, 

424,426-429;  of  shipwrights,  145  ;  under 

Henry  III.,  122;  under  King  John,  11."^ 

Harry,  358  and  n.,  363,  365,  308 

Paying  ships'  bottoms,  144 

Payne,  William,  346 

Peace  with  France,  190,  226,  445,  440,  459, 

406,  469,  475 

with  Scotland,  231 

with  Spain,  273 

Pearl,  530,  594 

Pearson,  Hugh,  597 

Pechora,  Stephen  Borough  at  the  iiioiilli  of 

the,  615 
Peckham  cited.  Sir  George,  307 
Pedroso,  Bernabe  de,  577 
Peek,  Edward,  593 
Per/asus,  526  and  n. 
Pelirnii,  482,  594 

Pembroke,  John  Earl  of,  282  and  n.;   at- 
tempts  to   relieve   La    Hochellc,   and   is 

taken  prisoner,  283 

Lawrence  Earl  of,  255 

Richard  de  Clare,  Earl  of,  163 

Richard  Earl  of,  185 

William  Earl  of,  472 

Penafiel,  the  Marquis  of,  571,  578,  582 

Penang,  Lancaster  at,  652 

Penda,  12 

Pendennis  Castle,  434 

Penelope,  576  n.,  651,  052 

Penhert,  Adndral  of  Brittany,  the  Sire  de, 

358  and  n. 
Peniche,  capture  of,  191  :  Mouson  taken  tu, 

494 
Pennants,  414 
Pennoncels,  147 
Pensions  for  wounded,  119 
Pen  tire,  John,  597 
Penzance  burnt,  504 
Peon,  Fernando  de,  283 
Pejiys,  Samuel,  115  n.;  on  VoIihj's  picture 

at  Whitehall,  406 
Pepysian  collection,  drawing  of  the  Henri/ 

II race  a  iJieit  in  the,  405,  407 
Perbroun,  Admiral  John  de,  221  and  n.,  224, 

231,  232 
Perceeel,  120 
Percv,  Admiral   Sir   Thomas,  291   and    n., 

292,  293,  296,  298 
Earl  of  Worcester,  Admiral  SirTlionias, 

356 
Hal.l.akiik,  591 


686 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME  I. 


Percy,  Henrv  Loid,  255,  269 

Sir  Henrv,  300 

Sir  Thoiiias,  288 

Ferro  Marina,  BOl 

Perth,  defence  of,  214,  215  ;  siege  uf,  2.')1 

Pessoners,  144 

Pet,  Arthur,  626 

reter,  346,  347,  380  n.,  420,  446  u. 

of  Fowey,  427  u. 

Ponayranate,  426 

Peter,  Count  of  Brittany,  l'J4 

"  Petei^B  Port,"  28U 

Peterson,  Sir  John,  282 

PetiUus  Cerealis,  29 

Petit,  'William  le,  178 

Peurbaeh,  Georg,  400 

Pevensey,  34  ;  fortified,  278 

Bay,  William  I.  lands  in,  85 

I'h'lipe,' La,  144 

Fhilqi,  347 

and  Mary,  423  n.,  615 

Phili]i  Augustus,  alliance  with,  165 ;  at- 
tacks Normandy,  175 ;  co-operation  of 
Kichard  I.  with,  104,  105 ;  threatens  to 
invade  England,  180 

■  Count  of  Flanders,  assists  Kicliard  1., 

169 

•  Duke  of  Burgundy,  279 

of  Austria,  polite  detention  of,  447 

II.  decides   to  invade   England,  540 ; 

contemplates  the  possihility  of  failure, 
544 ;  his  motives,  550 ;  England's  view 
of  him,  550-552  ;  death  of,  528  and  ii. 

W.  invades  Gascony,  205 

of  Spain,  arrival  in  England  of,  471, 

472 

Fhitij),  of  Dartmouth,  276 

Philips,  Miles,  620 

Philippa,  the  Princess,  366 

Philpott,  John,  patriotism  of,  291,  294 

Phcenician  conunerce,  55 

Fhiienix,  421 

Picard  fishenuen  kidnapped  by  English 
pirates,  357 

Picardy  ravaged,  coast  of,  360 

Pickards,  144 

"  Picta;,"  6 

Pictish  invaders,  33 

Picts  and  Scots,  9,  32 

Pierce,  William,  593 

Piers,  John,  346 

WilUam,  269 

Pigot,  Christopher,  592 

Fihjriiii,  116 

Pilgrims  delayed  by  pirates,  127 

Pilots,  108 

I'imentel,  Don  Diego,  567,  578,  579 

Pine's  engravings  of  the  House  of  Lords 
tapestiles,  539  n. 

Pinkie  Clench,  battle  of,  -167  and  n. 

"  Pinnaces,"  144 

I'innvi-k,  120  n. 

Piuos,  action  oil'  Ishi  do,  507,  508 


Piombino,  167 

Pippin,  593 

Piracies ;  of  Hugh  le  Despencer  the  younger, 
223;  of  Eavensteiu,  445;  of  the  Flamands, 
4611,  470 

Piracy,  124,  13G,  394,  395 ;  in  the  Channel, 
357 ;  in  the  Narrcjw  Seas,  179  ;  off  Mar- 
gate, French,  219 ;  steps  for  the  preven- 
tion of,  447;  to  be  accounted  high  treason, 
371 

Pirates,  captured  by  Sir  Henrj'  Dudlev, 
470 ;  defeated  oft"  Brittany,  English,  358, 
359;  international  action  against,  368; 
in  the  Mediterranean,  English,  94 ;  of 
Holland  and  Hainault,  215 ;  of  Zeeland, 
224;  tlueaten  Berwick,  219,  220 

Pitched  battle  between  English  and  Nor- 
mans in  the  Channel,  205 

Pitcher,  William,  630 

Pitt,  Christopher,  595 

Pivots  for  small  arms,  412 

Plancti;  120  n. 

Plata,  Rio  de  la,  486 

Phnty,  120  n.,  259,  269 

Plougastel,  454 

Plymouth,  206,  233,  238,  358,  359,  372, 
448,  456,  488,  491,  493,  497,  503,  505, 
512,  517  n.,  520,  526,  536,  538,  559,  562, 
563,  565,  566,  617,  621,  623,  628,  631, 
634,  652 ;  burnt,  287  ;  fleet  assemliled  at, 
267  ;  ships  assembled  at,  285  ;  the  Black 
Prince  embarks  from,  274;  vessels  burnt 
at,  247  ;  defences  of,  436  and  n. ;  Franco- 
Spanish  attack  on,  364  ;  Venetian  gallev 
at,  356 

Plympton,  139 

Point  de  Galle,  Lancaster  at,  652 

Poitiers,  battle  of,  275 ;  prisoners  taken  at, 
275 

Poitou  ceded  to  England,  278;  expedition 
to,  196 ;  and  Guienue  surrendered  to 
France,  227  ;  invaded  by  the  French,  27!  i 

Polaiu,  Baron  de  la  Ganle,  (.'apitaine,  462 
and  n.,  463,  464,  465,  47!i 

Pole,  Admiral  Sir  Micliael  de  la,  286 

Pole,  of  Plymouth,  611 

"  Politia  Conservativa  Maris,"  De,  350 

Polyves,  146 

Pomponius  Mela,  Codex  of,  401 

Pons,  Baron  de,  369 

•  Henry  III.  at,  liMi 

Ponthieu  ceded  to  England,  278 

Poole,  133,  223,  225,  371  ;  burnt,  287 ; 
Spanish  attack  on,  365 

William,  590 

Poop,  340 

Pope  intervenes  between  Edward  III.  and 
France,  the,  263 

Popham,  (.'ajitain  Sir  Francis,  650,  651 
John,  563  n. 

Pupinjaij,  423 

Popidation  of  Knglaud,  seafaring,  439 

I'orchestei',  263 


UDEX    TO    VOLUME   1. 


687 


as  a  iirixoii, 


at,  .■!() 


I'orcliester  Castlo  UKed  as  a  lirisoii,  IH.'i 

'■  roilaiula,"  :;l'.'>,  .'.li'.t, 

I'lirt  Auileiiier,  28!l 

J'nilnillix,  421 

Port,  Danes  siuccssful 

Desiie,  6;!'J 

(lues,  10 

— —  Famiuf,  6;i7,  0.!;i 
I'ort-lioles,  412 

Portlaml,  4.S4,  4:)6,  458;    action   with 
Armada  oft',  o6!)-oT'J  ;  Krench  lamliiit 


the 

at. 


!74  :  ravaf;eil  l\v  the 


.'!()4,  .'!(>">;   ravaged 
l-'rench,  ;i61 
I'ortlemoutli,  l;W 
Porto  Baratto,  167 

Portotiiio,  1()7  i 

Porto  Santo  ]iillai;eil,  ')0S  1 

Port  Pheasant,  Drake  at,  (J21 

(licces,  412 

Reeves,  112 

Uoyal,  :!08 

Ports    illegally    ordered    to    Imild    a    ship 
apiece,  257  j 

■ lowness  of,  463,  464  and  n.  1 

Portsniouth,  122,  124,  175,  176,  1!I4,  1!)5, 
206,  274,  2(ly,  .Mo8,  462,  465,  477,  480 : 
gallevs  collected  at,  182 ;  s]iii)s  ordered 
to,  1!)2,  lii;!,  194,  195,  196;  fleets  as- 
senililed  at,  199,  225,  228,  288,  249,  259, 
450:  convoj's  assendileil  at,  2:)7 ;  raided 
liy  BehiK'liet,  239;  shii>s  in  the  Seine, 
2il(l:  burnt,  279,  287:  <lestroyed,  294; 
]ianic  at,  277  ;  works  at,  380,  381 ;  dock- 
yard, 434  and  n. ;  in  1548,  shi]is  at,  420, 
421  ;  Krcncii  attack  on,  462-464 
Ports,  quota  of  ships  furnished  liy  the,  212 

and  n.,  215 
Port  St.  Julian,  Drake  at,  629 
Ports,  watchfulness  at  the,  227 
Port  teniu-es,  19  (an-  also  Cinque  Ports) 
Portugal,  Arniaila  of,  598 ;  assisted  against 
tlie   Moors,   164;   convention  with,   155; 
Kngland  seeks  lielp  from,  3()5 ;    part  of 
Philiji's  dominions,  49() :  trade  with,  394  ; 
treaty  with,  273 
Portuguese,  lights  of  liondon  ships  with  the, 
612 :    Nino    protects    some   shijis,   36() ; 
vessels  hired,  301  ;  vessels  taken,  486 
Porfus  Iccius,  24,  28 
Portzmoguer,   Herve  de,  450   ;ind   n.,  451, 

455J,  45:! 
Posidonius,  3 
I'oKf,  423 

Postranti,  Fulk,  167 
"  Potent  "  ticet,  iuHuence  of  a,  380 
"Potential  Fleet,"  the,  181,  189 

neglect  of  the,  290 

Potts,  Anthony,  595 

Poulter,  liicha'rd,  589 

Powderhani,  139 

Powder,   scarcity  of,  in   tlie    Mnglish   lieet, 

554,  564,  570;  preservation  of,  430 
Pnwhatau,  648 


I'owel,  Dr.  David,  quote<l,  .■>07 

Powys,  Lonl,  35t> 

Poynings,  Sir  Kihvard,  445  and  n.,  448 

Poynlz,  Antliony,  459  and  n. 

Pratte,  Jolin,  589 

Prayers,  429,  4.10 

Pregent    de    Bidoux,    .-Vihuiral,    450,    4.52 

and  II.,  453,  454,  455,  456,  457 
Prenilergast  cajitures  James,  Prince  of  ScotR, 

John,  .362;   his  |iiraoies,  369 
Prest  of  Wages,  Payment  in,  119 
Preston,  Cajitain  Sir  Amyas,  508,  .5119,  520, 
.530,  575  and  n.,  .589  ;  cruise  to  the  West 
Indies,  651 
Pretty,  Francis,  636 
Price  of  ship's  gear,  414 
Prideau.x  of  the  Hark  Hair/,!/ n a,  590 
"  Priinangaius,"  453 
I'riiitnuijwt,  453 

"  Prima  Vista"  of  Cabot,  the,  608 
"  Primoguet,"  453 
Jfrimros^,  419,  421,  423,  425,  592,  6]  1 

Spanish  attack  on  the,  481 

of  Harwich,  596 

Prhircxii,  603 
Priorino,  Ca]*,  559 
Privateering,  126 

Privateers,  198 ;  in  the  Cliauuel,  476,  477, 
478 ;   measures   for   their   restraint,   477, 
479  ;  licensed,  362 ;  of  Holland  and  Zee- 
land,  excesses  of,  481 
Prize  in  the  war  with  Spain,  the  lirst,  485 
Prize  Jloney,  117,  118,  12.'. 
Prizes,   150,    152;    division    of,   427,   428; 
illegal,  177,  178;  ransom  of,  123;  treat- 
ment of,  431,432;    wrongful,   123,   140, 
281,  298,  3(19,  373 
Probus,  .'il 
Pronan,  Jacoli,  281 
Proof  charges,  411,  412 
I'rusjirrons,  52(i 

Protestants;    in    I'' ranee,    Klizalieth    a.ssists 

tlie,  476-481,  483;  in  Scotland,  Klizabelh 

protects  the,   475 ;    in    the   Netlierland.s, 

Klizalieth  aids  the,  478,  479,  481,  483 

Provisions,   125,  l.'iO;  export   of,  forbidden, 

219 
Prowse,  a  commamler  of  tireships,  575  n. 
I'nii/riirc,  5.30,  592 

Prussians  attack  Knglish  seamen,  :')7o,  371 
Prussia,  treaty  with,  394,  ."i95 
Psalms  to  lie  sung  at  night,  432 
Ptiilcmaic  system,  400 
Ptolemy's  atlas,  40l 

Puerl<i    Bello   t.aken    by   Parker,  531  :    in- 
tended attack  on,  506 
Puerto  Caballos  plundered,  501 

Heale,    Palegli  sent  to  burn  ships  at, 

516 

Kico,  attack  on  San  .loan  de,  50.5,  .506 

If  ico,  Cumlierlaml  takes  San  .1  iian  de,  527 

Santa  Maria,  women  from  Cadiz  sent 

to,  51(; 


tiS8 


INDEX   TO    VOLUME  I. 


Pullisou,  Micliael,  597 

Pumho,  167 

Pumps,  340 

Pima,  Caveudish  at,  637,  638 

Pmiishraents,  104,  ir,l,  152,  438,  431)  ■ 

Pimta  Delgada,  Kalegh  at,  523  and  ii. 

Puntal  Eoad,  action  in,  514 

stormed,  515 

Puyano,  Peter  de,  238,  258 
Pyijer,  Geoffrey,  126 
Pyrkyne,  Myliyll,  589 
Pytlieas,  3,  55 

Quarter,  239,  240 

refused,  13,  138,  271,  359 

Quarles,  James,  438  u.,  555  and  n. 

Queen,  120 

Queenborough,  434 

Quieret,  Hugues,  239  u.,  244  u.,  245,  251, 

255 
Quimjier  reduced,  503 
Quiiujierle,  Manny's  success  at,  259 
Quintero,  Cavendish  at,  637 
Quittance,  423,  425,  502  n.,  509,  529,  537, 

538 

iiABiNKTS  or  Piobiuets,  410,  411 
Radyngton,  Admiral  Sir  John,  296,  297 
Pagusan  merchantman  taken,  488 
itailstone,  Matthew,  596 
Hit  Mow,  423,  425,  487,  502  n.,  509,  514 

and  n.,  520,  522,  529,  558,  576,  580,  588, 

589 
Paix  (or  Roye),  Jean  de,  284,  287 
Palegh,  Sir  Walter,  486,  498,  499,  509,  511, 

513,  514  n.,  515,  519-523,  529,  553  n., 

590,   645 ;    Ins   Virginia    projects,   646- 

648 ;  his  first  Guiana  voyage,  648-650 

on  sea  power,  353 

lid.letjh,  645 
Half,  51,  52 
Pam,  use  of  the,  109,  173,  189,  363 

John,  269 

Kaniea  Island,  quarrel  with  the  Kiciich  ulf, 

525 
Kammekins,  483 
Kanclieria  taken,  La,  531 
I'anduljih,  Admiral  Heurv,  232 
Jliiiilli;  220 
Jldjiliilrl,  597 
Pashley,  John,  597 
Mat,  597 

Mata,  Coronada,  571,  583,  600 
Patcliff,  532 

Kavenser,  see  Uavensrode 
Paveiisiiur,  see  Kavensrode 
Uavensrode,  140,  234,  302,  389 
Kavenstein,  Philip  vou  Kleve,  442,  445,  449 
I'awlins,  Robert,  530 
Kawlyn,  Henry,  292 
Ilavmond,  Captaii!    Geor'^e,  57(i,  589,  651, 

652 
liccaldc,  Mcc-A<lu]iral    •hum    Marline/,  dc, 


645  and  n.,  565,  567,  569,  571-5(3,  578, 

581,  582,  584,  598 
Rector,  118,  130,  143 
Reculver,  8 
Red  Cog,  347 

Dragon,  486 

Lion,  592 

Reding  Creek,  404 

Reeves  of  the  ports,  112 

Regazona,  571  n.,  600 

Regent,  404,  405,  412,  426,  446  n.,  450,  451 

Regiomontanus,  400 

Regrating,  152 

Regulbium,  8 

Reims,  Richard  I.  at,  165 

Release,  592 

"Eeliquije  Antiqua',"  ballad   quoted   from, 

343,  344 
Rempston,  Admiral  Sir  Thomas,  357 
Repentance,  later  the  JJaintg  (q.r.) 
Reprisals,    220 ;    letters    of,    226 ;    against 

Spain,  485 
Repulse,  423,  425,  509,  520  and  n.,  529,  532, 

534  n. 
Retz,  Baron  de,  see  Annebaut,  Claude  d' 
Reuse,  James,  621 
Revenge,  174,  423,  453,  491  n.,  495  and  n. ; 

her  gallant  tight,  495-497,  565,  576,  588, 

589 

of  Lyme,  595 

Revolt  to  Warwick  of  jiart  of  the  fleet,  387 
Revolution  of  1460,  naval  character  of  the, 

347 
"  Rewards,"  424,  426 
Revnell,  Captain  Carew,  520   and   n.,  529, 

532 
Rhe  ravaged  by  English  jarates,  357 

ravaged,  388 

Rhine,  Roman  fleet  in  the  mouths  of  the,  31 

Rhodes,  Richard  I.  at,  170 

Ria,  German  de  la,  122 

Rich,  Robert,  third  Lord,  519 

Richard  L,  accession  of,  101  ;  allies  himself 

with  Philip  Augustus,  165;  at  Liniasol, 

171  ;  engages  a  Turkish   dromon,    172  ; 

taken  ]irisonei',  174  ;  death  of,  175 
Richaril  IL,  accession  of,  156,  287 
Richard  IIL,  392,  393 
Richard,  bastard  of  England,  187,  189,  191 ; 

created  Earl  of  Cornwall,  191,  196,  199, 

200 

Duffleld,  594 

Earl  of  Cornwall,  see  Richard,  bastard 

of  England 

of  London,  116 

Eichborough,  8,  57 

Riche,  131 

Richeman,  William,  346 

Richmond,  Henry,  Earl  of,  392,  393 

Lord  High  Admiral,  Henry,  Duke  of, 

459,  460 

John,  Earl  uf,  269,  272 

liidcrc,  'Pliomas  le,  131 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME  I. 


689 


Rieux,  Marshal  de,  3G3 

Rigging,  340 

Riggs,  Captain  Gregory,  58!) 

Kio  Cestos,  611 

Kio  lie  la  liacha,  John  Mawkj'ns  at,  'US, 
(Utl 

Riryil,  brotlifr  of  Madoc,  312 

Risbaii  soi/.t'd  by  Colignj',  Fort,  472 

Rivers  freed  from  obstructions,  439 

.John,  olH) 

Richard   Wootlville,  Lord,  380 ;  seized 

by  Sir  Joliu  Dinhiuii,  .'WT 

Roanoke,  04t>,  (JIT 

Itoberd,  Hainond,  131 

Ifobeniolt,  Aihuii,  12*! 

Robert  oppostw  William  II.,  89;  accejits 
service  under  him,  811;  Ins  naval  ill- 
success,  89;  ojijioses  Henry  1.,  90;  i'a|i- 
tured  at  'Penchebrai,  91 

of  Sandwich,  Vol 

Roberts,  a  Welsh  traveller,  .••.10 

Cai>tain  .John,  589 

Robertus  Keteueusis,  travels  of,  97 

Itohiii,  590 

Kobynson,  William,  346 

Ji'occdfurlis,  121  n. 

Roche,  Adnaral  Sir  .John,  154,  295,  301 

Roche-Ciuvon,  De  la,  301 

Rochelle,  La,  besieged,  282,  364,  370;  ex- 
]ieditious  to,  177,  178,  182;  France  seizes, 
191  ;  French  squadron  at,  190 ;  taken, 
284;  attacked,  .301;  abortive  Englisli 
attemiit  on,  302  ;  blockaded,  479  ;  Henry 
of  Navarre  besieged  in,  48.". 

Rochester,  Danes  at,  43 

Rock,  .lohii,  590 

liodf  <'o<],  273 

Roe,  486 

Roebuck,  565,  590,  646 

Rogers,  Dr.  .John,  551  n. 

'Ihornas,  1 15 

Rognvald,  Ear!  of  Orkney,  09 

Rognvald  to  the  Mediterranean,  expedition 
of  Earl,  95  ;  he  hghts  with  a  dromon,  90 

Rojas,  Rny  Diaz  de,  28.". 

Roke,  William,  200 

Rokesle,  Gregory  de,  13.". 

Rokke,  .John,  209 

Rolf,  the  Ganger,  09 

Romney,  195;  Godwin  lands  at,  51;  burnt. 
by  William  1.,  87;  galleys  of,  114  ;  ships 
furnished  by,  131 

Rou,  419 

Roos,  Adnural  Sir  .lolni,  14li 
239 

'I'liomas,  seventh  Lord, 

William,  Lord,  269 

Roozendaal,  (Japtaiii  Lonck  van,  '■ 
Rosas,  Adnural  Roderigo  de,  28  1 
Rose,  I'Miuund,  284 

Richaril,  594 

Rose,  130,  131  (2),  224,  25.3,  595 
— ■ —  or  Roos,  347 

VOL.    I. 


147,  149,  237- 


350 


Hose,  galley,  419 

in  the  Sun,  421 

Lion,  592 

Slip,  421 

Ruther  River,  38 

llotherhithe,  Edward  111.  sails  from,  274 
Rottingdcan,  French  success  at,  287 
Rouen,  305,  366;    French  naval   yard   at, 

285 
"  Rovers  of  tlie  sea,"  394 
Rowe,  340 
Rowell,  592 
Rowet,  supercargo  of  the  Merelmnl  RminJ, 

484 
Royal  Defence,  526,  592 

Ejcchani/e,  503 

Royal  fish,  i:!9 

standanl,  147 

Roye,  .Jean  de :  nee  Raix,  .Jean  de 

Rudder  chains,  145 

Rudilers,  or  steering  paddles,  102,  138,  144, 

145 
Rudel.and,  Ilarohl  IL  victorious  at,  52 
Russell, -.lohn,  137,  589 
llu.isia,  commercial  relations  with,  015 
Company,  the,  440 :  see  also  Muscovy 

Comp.any 
Rust,  Robert,  293 
Rut,  John,  010 
Rutland,  Admiral  Edward,  Earl  of,  154,  .301 

Roger,  tiftli  Earl  of,  519 

"  lluttier,"  a,  051 

l!ulu|iia',  8 

Ituysch's  map,  .John,  322,  323,  401 

live,   100,   123,    244,  272,   278,   289,    358, 

•377;  galleys  of,   114;  raided,  247,  277; 

[iluudered,  287 ;  ships  retake  (he  Falcon, 

295 
Rylle,  River,  289 

SaBLOIL,  RoBKliT  UK,   103,  107 

Sabyan,  427 
SachtieM,  John,  595 
Sackvile,  Ca])taiu,  491  n. 

John,  595 

I  Sacrilege    by  Sir  .John  Arundel  al    Soulli- 

hampton,  292 
I  Saewulf,  voyage  of,  93 
Sail  stones,  147 

Sailing  directions,  caily  book  of,  OOO 
Sailing-needles,  147,  ".12 
Sails,  care  of,  4.".0 
Sails,  101,  102,  112,  144,  145,  138  ;  leather, 

used   by    N'enetians,  4;    blue-dyed,    used 

by   early    Rritons,   0,   57 ;    emliroicU'reil, 

.341;  striped,  12 
St.  Agnes,  light  at,  125 
.SV.  Andrew,  423,   425,   513,   517    u.,  520, 

,      •■>-! 

■  St.  Andrew's,  Strozzi  sei/es  Protestants  at, 
I      407 

1  St.  Anbin,  Wooilville  killed  at,  44.3 
'  St.  liartholomew's,  massacre  of,  479 

2  Y 


690 


JJ^'DEX    TO    VOT.VMK   I. 


Saint  Di-nis,  254 

St.  Dominic,  devotion  of  Medina  Siiloiiia  to, 

575 
St.  Edward,  131  (2) 
St.  George,  flag  of,  103 
Saint  Georges,  254 
St.  Gildas,  194 
St.  Giles,  131 

St.  Helena,  Lancaster  at,  fl52 
St.  Helen's  road,  463 
St.  Ives,  651 
St.  .Tolm,  ThoniaK,  Lord,  35(i 

William,  Lord,  465 

St.  Leger,  .Jobn,  5SI1 

St.  Macaire  surreuilers,  206 

St.  Malo,  285;    Henry  III.  landx  at,    l!t4; 

attacked  by  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  2!)0  ; 

an  army  convo\'ed  to,  292 
St.  Mary,  120  n.',  131,  208,  268,  26:i,  273, 

369 
St.  Mathieu,  358,  358 
St.  Matthew,  423,  425,  513,  520,  521 
St.  Ma\ir,  Kichard,  tifth  Lord,  356 
St.  Mawes,  434 
St.  Michael,  217 
St.  Michael's,  Drake  off,  489 ;  Cmuberlaud 

cuts   out   vessels   at,    493 ;    the   Reveiuje 

fonuders  off,  496  ;  Essex  at,  522,  523 

Mount,  Warbeck  taken,  447 

St.  Nicliolas,  239 

St.  Ninian's,  Seymour  lepulsed  at,  46K 

"  St.  Patrick's  Cross,"  162  n. 

.S'^.  Peter,  353 

St.  Peter  Port  burnt,  239 

St.  Pol  de  Leon,  358,  359 

St.  Quentin,  Edward  IV.  at,  391 

St.  Sebastian,  369 

St.  Thomas,  131  (3) 

St.  Valery,  368 

eu-Uaux,  William  I.  at,  84,  85 

St.  A'incent,  action  olf,  538  ;  Fenton's  action 

in    the    Bay   of,    635  ;    Cape   de   A'erde 

captured,  531 
Saints  in  ships,  images  of,  340 
Suker,  421 
Sakers,  409-411 
Salamander,  420,  460  n.,  592 
Sale  of  the  navy  under  Henry  VI.,  .'MS 
Salekin  of  Dover,  122 
Sales  of  shi]iping,  113 

to  foreigners  prohibited,  14S 

Salisbui-y,  Ilichard,  Earl  of,  383 

William   Longespee,  Earl  of,  181  n., 

191,  192 

success  off  Dauune,  the,  181 

Admiral,  ^^■illiam  de  Montacute,  second 

Earl  of,  285,  286  and  n.,  2S9,  290 
Salmon,  trade  in  ]pickled,  ."/i."! 
Safvator,  419  n. 
Samaritan,  597 
Samjjsou,  John,  589 
Sanqison,  597,  610 
Samson,  .503,  526 


Samtiet,  593 
San.  Andres,  513 

Antonio  de  Padua,  599 

San  Donungo,  John  Hawkyns  at,  617 
San  Bartolome,  599 

Bernahc,  600 

Bernardo,  598 

Buenaventura,  600 

CristohaJ,  568  n.,  598,  599 

Esteban,  598,  600 

Felipe,  496,  571,  576  n.,  578  n.,  579 

and  n.,  585  n.,  598;  ca]iture  of  tlic,  489  : 

at  Cadiz,  blown  up,  515 

Felipe  ij  Santiago,  5119 

San  Felipe,  fort,  513 

8a7i  Fra'nciseo,  56S  n.,  599,  602 

Gabriel,  601 

Jeronimo,  602 

San  Jose,  Kalegh  captures,  649 

San  Juan,  57i  and  n.,  573,  578,  5S1,  584 

598  bis,  599  bis 

Bautista,  571,  599  his 

de  Oarasa,  602 

de  Gargarin,  599 

de   Sicilia,   571,   573,    577,   578 

and  n.,  579  n.,  585  n.,  (JOO 
San   Juan  de   Ulloa,  S))anish    treachery   to 

Hawkyns  at,  619,  620 
San  Lorenzo,  575  and    n.,  577   n.,  57K  n., 

585  n.,  603 
San  Lucar,  galleons  at,  533 
San  Luis,  568,  571,  573,  598 

Marcos,  571,  578,  581,  582,  584,  598 

Martin,  559,  571   n.,  576  n.,  579  n., 

598 
Mateo,  568,  571,  576  n.,  578  n.,  579 

and  n.,  585  n.,  598 ;  taken,  513 
Medel  y  Celedon,  599 

Nicolas  Prodaneli,  (iOO 

Pedro,  599 

Mayor,  601 

Me]ior,  601 

Salmdor,  564  n.,  565  n.,  568  n.,  585 

n.,  600,  601 

San  Sebastian,  Peninsula  of,  513 

Sancho,  King  of  Majorca,  coiuplaiuf  of.  226 

Sanderson,  William,  (:!27 

Sandrekvn,  Nicholas,  131 

Sandgate,  434 

Sandown,  434 

Sandwich,  28,  124,  185,  193,  195,  20S,  212, 
240,  241,  244,  268,  274,  276,  284,  363, 
390,  480  ;  naval  action  off,  36  ;  taken  l)y 
the  Danes,  44 ;  Danes  at,  45  ;  attacke<l  by 
Lothring  and  Yrling,  49 ;  Edward  the 
Confessor's  fleets  at,  49,  51 ;  galleys  of, 
'114;  ships  furnished  by,  131;  burnt, 
186  n.,  385  ;  threatened,  247  ;  Bayonnais 
ships  at,  248  ;  fleets  assembled  at,  2.50, 
265,286,  356,  378;  Edward  III.  lands 
at,  2()0,  267  ;  jianic  at,  277  ;  Warwick 
suriirises  Jtontfort  off,  ■387 ;  Warbeck  at, 
446 


/Mi/:.\  m   vot.f.ME  I. 


iWW 


572  II.,  'u'.'i,  "iTI, 

tiikiMi    liv  Cavcii- 


Siimlve,  'I'lioiiias,  .V.l") 

"  Saiu'stol,"  ;!■_'">,  :<.".(),  ••!.".i 

S:iiiit:iiy  carctulness  of  Drnkc,  li'JH,  liiill 

SiuimtH^  OOL 

Siiiild  ^Inii,  'ill  ami  ii.. 

M'>  n.,  oilH,  S'J'.l,  liOo 
dish,  li38 

Bm-huru,  (iOO,  liOl 

Catnliiia,  507,  5Si;i  /j/s,  liO'J 

Santa  Catciiiiii  taken,  -iM'J, 

Cniz,  tilt;   Marquis  ile,  488;    pniposes 

an  invasion  ot' Enjjland,  5;!',l,  540 
Stnitu  C'riiz,  (!00 

M:iria  dit  Jnncal,  59!> 

de  Mii)it<-M(iy(ir,  o!*8 

de  Visoii,  ()00 

Santa  Maita  burnt,  oOtJ ;  sacked  liv  Siiirlov, 

(i5l 
>iiiHt<i  Mil  rill,  000 
Santandi'r,  158  ;   Letters  of  Marque  granted 

against,  Mtii) ;  Spanish  Hect  asscinhled  at, 

.-it  14 
A'((»/i(/</o,  508,  571,  5110  /j/.s,  liOl 

•  de  Leon  sacked  l>3'  Preston.  051 

■  (■/  Miii/or,  5H!I 

Santiso,  ('a]>tain  Juan  Poza  de,  57!) 

Sniilo  Aitilns,  (lol,  {i02  bis 

Hao  Viihiilinii,  5;i5  n. 

Sark,  seined  by  the  I'^encli,  18.S  ;  retaken,  ili. 

Sarklanil,  115 

Sariniento,  Don  I'edro,  Ool,  O.'Jli,  O.'l'i,  0.'{7  ; 

doulits  tlie  variation  ol'  tlie  NeudU',  401 
Sauva;ie,  William  Ic,  l'_'(i 
Sauveye,  lol 
Savage,  Jolm,  LM  1 
Savile,  Cajitain,  501i  ii. 
Savoisi,  ('harles  de,  otM  and  n.,  .'105,  MOO 
Sawkell,  ('a|itain,  532 
"  Saxon  "  invaders,  10,  ■M 
Saxons,  10  ;  in  Thanet,  '.'A 
Say,  Admiral  Sir  GeoitVev,  2.'!5,  2.'!0,  2M7 

lolm,  MlIK 

Scandal-monf^erinj;  to  lie  ]mnishcd,  4:!:! 
'ScarlKirou;„'h,  21(1;  attacked,  2111,  2Si4 

ships  taken  by  Jolm  Mercer,  2111 

Schuyts,  111,  112 

Schwartz,  Martin,  landing  in   Lancashire  of, 

44;i 
Sciliy,  loO 
isles,  ships  1 

the,  5411  and  n., 
Scot,  (iilherl,  l.'il 
Scotland    invaded 

liam   1.  attacks,  88  ; 

ships  sent  to,  21.'!, 

22;:,  224;    Knjilish 

peace    with,    2.'il ; 


r  the  Ariiiuda  ilriven   near 


bv 


.\lhelstan,  40;    Wil- 

war  with,  lOI!,  407  ; 
!L5  ;  truce  with,  222, 

expedition    to,   2.'!1 ; 

prevention  of  com- 
nnndcation  between  France  and,  280; 
jirojected  French  feint  against,  2111),  2117  ; 
Jean  de  Vienne  in,  21i7  ;  Gloucester  leads 
a  tieet  aj;ainst,  otH  ;  makes  a  treaty  of 
reciprocity  with  Norway,  31)5  ;  in  1.54H, 
sldps  in,  421  ;   Warbeck  in,  440;  assisted 


by  France,  4l>7  ;  resumption  ol  w!ir  with. 
475;  Mary  Sluarl  returns  to,470;  P'rcmh 
ev;icuation  of,  470;  alliance  with,  480. 
sujiposed  Spanish  desij;ns  on,  552 

"Scots"  from  Iceland  visit  .\lfred,  01 

Scots;  raid  u|»)n  Sullblk,  2.'!.'!;  covertly 
aided  by  France,  Flanders,  Holland, 
(ielderland,  and  Norw.ay,  2.'17;  ship: 
taken,  2.'!!i,  2H4  ;  trade  in"  the  fourteenth 
century,  decline  of,  ;U5;  aggressions  ol 
the,  .'!5li ;  ships  taken  iu  the  Urislo! 
( 'hannel,  357 ;  privateers,  .■>7.'! ;  navy 
uniler  .lames  IV.,  414;  lleet  annihilated, 
407  ;  anil  I'icts,  !»,  32 

Scott,  Captain  Thoiuas,  58t) 
Walter,  1 10 

Nriiiiri/r  i)f  Mnlirv,  .508,  518,  520 

!^<-uHt,  42.'!,  425,  520,  580,  588,  581) 

Scrope,  Sir  Henry,  272 

-       •  Sir  William,  272 

-  of  Bolton,  liichiird,  Lord,  272 

Sculls,  140 

Scurvy,  ravages  of.  Oil,  0211,  030,  Oli.i, 
05.".' 

Seager,  .\dam,  511(1 

Seals  of  the  ports,  ancient,  155,  1.50 

Seamanship,  superiority  of  Knglish  over 
Spanish,  5S.'! 

Seamen,  provision  for  disabled,  4.'j3  ;  wages 
of,  147,  2(r2 

Sea  iKiwer,  danger  of  neglecting  the  inllueiice 
of,  110;  early  illustrations  of  the  intluencc 
of,  181,  1811;  inllueiice  of,  2.'!0;  antiipiity 
of  the  doctrine  of  the  inllueiice  of,  35.'!  : 
Bacon  on,  353;  (Ii(^ero  on,  .'!53  ;  Italegh 
on,  353;  understood  by  Henry  V.,  the 
inlluence  of,  380 

Search  resisted  by  Prussians,  the  right  of, 
370,  .•!7 1 

Sriirrh,  42.'! 

Scarche,  Tristram,  5811 

Sinrrlilhri/I,  015 

Sea-sickness  of  l'"reiicli  prisoners,  .'i73 

Seas,  dominion  of  the,  235,  2.'!l> 

Secretary  of  the  -Vdmiralty,  115  n. 

Seg-boats,  144 

Segontraci,  28 

Seine,  Knglish  successes  in  the,  I71i;  the 
Cinque  Ports  lleet  victorious  in  the,  205; 
l'"reii(di  lleet  collected  in  the,  2711; 
blockaded,  the,  285;  .lean  de  Vienne 
retires  up  the,  2110  ;  F,nglisli  ships  in  the, 
2110;  Kiiglisli  lleet  in  the,  .■!7.'!,  375: 
I'lciich  lleet  collected  in  the,  41)2;  |>arlial 
action  in  the  mouth  of  the,  402 

Selilen,  and  early  British  dominion  of  the 
seas,  5  ;  on  Kdgar's  navy,  15 

Sellman,  Ivhvard,  020 

Seneca's  pro|ihecv  of  the  discovery  of  a  new 
world,  .'!03 

the  battle  ol',  SO,  87 

Serocohl,  John,  5112 

Sirpviit,  480 


iJ'J-2 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME   I. 


Scr]«)itim'S,  40-1,  410,  411 

"  Seqients,"  108,  172 

SeiTMiii),  t'ii]itaiii,  577 

Sotim,  AVilliam,  232 

,SVccH  fitiin,  421,  423 

Severn,  Harold  in  the,  51 

Sewell,  Captain,  535 

James,  58il 

Seymour,  Vice-Ailniiral  Lord  Henry,  4211 

— —  Lord  Henry,  554,  558,  564,  573,  575, 
576,  580,  582  n.,  589     ■ 

Sir  Henry,  461  n. 

of     Sudeley,     Lord     High     Admiral, 

Thomas,  Lord)  419,  460,  461  and  n.,  465, 
466,  468,  469. 

Shad,  Kobert,  346 

Shar]iham,  Hannibal,  591 

Sheffield,  Cajitain  Edmmid  Lord,  573,  576, 
589 

H.,  589 

Shepeye,  William,  131 

Sheppey  seized  by  the  Danes,  36 

Sherborne,  137 

Sherburn,  Sir  Henr.y,  453,  455,  456 

SherifC,  John,  589 

Sherkin,  Cape,  293 

Shields,  228;  round  bulwarks,  102,  109; 
placed  along  bulwarks,  147 

Shi]inian,  Robert,  269 

Chaucer's,  156,  157 

Ship-money,  early  example  of,  44 

Sliip  not  to  be  quitted  ^vithout  leave,  432, 
433 

Shipping  arrested,  193,  197,  232,  233,  235, 
236,  242,  245,  249,  258-260,  262,  277, 
279,  281,  286,  293-296,  301,  369,  372, 
379,  381 ;  evil  results  of,  348 ;  incon- 
venience of  premature,  365 :  survej'cd, 
225,  235 

Sliips  ;  early  British,  2  ;  Venetian,  4,  23  ; 
Roman,  6;  Anglo-Saxon,  11, 19  ;  Danish, 
18 ;  of  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  71 ;  of 
the  twelfth  century,  size  of,  81,  82;  mis- 
leading natuie  of  many  rejiresentations 
ol',  83 ;  joint  ownership  of,  93 ;  ol' 
Henry  IL,' 100 

Shi]is  of  war;  hired  to  the  mercliaiits,  120, 
124,  439:  pictures  of  ancient,  138; 
bottoms  ]iaid,  144;  contributed  by  Sicily 
to  Richard  l.'s  crusade,  168  ;  furnished 
by  the  ]iorts,  quota  of,  212  and  n.,  215 ; 
surveying  of,  219 ;  drawn  ashore  to  con- 
ceal them  from  the  French,  277 ;  to 
foreigners,  jirohibition  of  sale  of,  282 ; 
re-taken  at  Kinsale,  294 ;  decoration  of, 
340  ;  in  1415,  disposition  of,  372  ;  formal 
manning  of,  405 ;  lost  or  disposed  of 
under  Henry  VIII.,  419;  of  the  tirst  year 
of  Kdward  VI.,  420,  421  ;  in  1565,  422 ; 
in  1575,  422 ;  at  the  death  of  Queen 
Mary,  422 

"  Shi|iK  of  assise,"  111  n. 

Sliipwrights,  pay  of,  145 


Shirle.y,  Sir  Antliony :  liis  riuisc  in  llic 
West  Indies,  651 

Captain  Sir  Thomas,  529 

Shoreditch,  John  de,  139 

Shoreham,  Alan  de,  116  ;  12;',,  175;  gallc^•^ 
of,  114 

Shot  witli  foreign  bodies  in  centre,  158 

Medina   Sidonia   falls    short   (if,    561 

574,  578  and  n.,  582 

Shrewsbury,  John  Talbot,  Eaid  of,  384 
and  n.,  385 

Shuta,  364 

Shutes,  144 

Sicily,  Edward  I.  in,  202 

Sick,  provision  for  the,  107 ;  care  of  the, 
431 

Sickness  in  the  fleet,  456,  465,  492,  538, 
559 

Sidonius  Apollinaris,  59 

Sierra  Leone,  Drake  at,  634 

Sighelm,  voyage  of,  68 

Sigismund,  the  Enijieror,  in  England,  374, 
377,  378  ;  death  of,  351 

Signals,  150,  372,  373  and  n.,  375,  431 

Silves  taken,  166 

Simnel  Lambert,  imposture  of,  442,  44.'! 

Simon,  Richard,  442 

Sinclair,  Earl  of  Orkney,  Henry,  324,  328 

Siriaco  defeated  bv  Leveson,  530 

Skiti',  339 

Skinburness,  212,  213,  224,  231 

Skinner,  .John,  594 

"  Skrellings,"  jierhajis  Eskimos,  64 

Sleaford,  John  de,  148 

Slings,  409,  412,  417 

Slingsby,  Cairtain,  529,  532 

'-  Francis,  518,  526 

Sluis,  211,  238,  273,  366,  378;  Scots  cogs 
loading  at,  218  ;  French  licet  assendileil 
at,  247,  250,  251,  296,  299;  victory  of 
Edward  III.  olf,  252  H  snj.;  shii)s  ob- 
tained from,  276  ;  S|ianish  fleet  at,  2.S8  : 
expeilition  against  Riavcnstein  at,  445 

Smerwick,  Spanish  lauding  at,  482 

Smith,  Hugh,  626 

Sir  Tliomas,  654 

Smvth,  John,  595 

.Siiake,  131 

Snakes,  101 

Sncll,  William,  590 

Soldiers;  on  ship-lioard  placed  umlcr  Hof- 
spiu-,  300;  disputes  between  niarinei; 
and,  431 

tSulomoii,  593,  617 

of  Aldborough,  594 

Solton,  John  Le,  131 

Somers,  Captain,  529,  530,  532 

George,  508 

Somerset,  Edmund  Duke  of,  3i84  and  n., 
385 

Henry  Beaufort,  Duke  of,  386,  387 

Admiral  John,  Earl  of,  367  and  n. 

Soper,  William,  115  n. 


/A7'/vA'    Td    vol. r ME    I. 


(■.!»:{ 


"Si)riiiiip,"';v2,-),  .•!2!),  ;w;i 

Suit,  .laciiiiL'ti,  4T'J 

Sdiiiciks,  nil,  120 

Sosii,  Haspaf  ilc,  571 

South  Forelantl,  victory  oil'  tlic,  18H-11I0 

Soiitlirtiiiiiton,  Tl:\,  L'lT),  L':!:!,  -SM,  2;it;,  2111, 
-IhO,  275,  279,  2110,  2112,  .-{(JO,  .•{71,  374, 
42(i,  458  ;  Danes  delcatoil  at,  ;if> ;  galleys 
of,  114;  affray  witli  Venetians  at,  221; 
raid  ii|ion,  243,  244;  Normans  at,  24(! ; 
vessels  burnt  at,  247 ;  panic  at,  277 ; 
Ibrtilied,  278;  tieet  assenililed  at,  271), 
375;  fleet  collected  at,  2110;  Water,  licet 
assembled  in,  28() ;  threatened,  287 ; 
French  ships  seized  at,  2110;  Henry  VI. 
seizes  tin  at,  348;  sliijis  assi'uililed  at, 
372,  37it ;  carrack  founders  oil',  378 ; 
jirizes  taken  to,  381);  voyages  from,  lill  ; 
Henrv,  third  Earl  of,  olH,  520  and  n., 
522,  523  and  n. 

William  f]arl  of:  si-r  l''itzWilliani,  Sir 

William. 

Southev's  opinion  of  llie  I\[adoc  story,  304 

Southsca,  434,  431) 

Southwell,  Captain  Sir  I'oliert,  5011,  ."jln, 
5711,  5811  I 

South wohl,  Isabella  lands  near,  2211  ' 

tiorwtkjn,  404,  408,  409,  412,  419,  4.50, 
451 

Sovereignty  of  the  Seas,  119^  14o,  141 

Spain,  early  intercourse  \\  ith,  55 ;  English 
.squadron  driven  to,  197;  Edward  III. 
driven  to,  2lU  ;  peace  with,  27."> ;  promises  , 
to  assist  in  the  block.adc  of  ( 'alais,  3(10, 
3(54  ;  truce  with,  3(18,  ,'171 ;  trade  with, 
394;  p.assenger  trade  to,  .'>ll5,  3911;  inter- 
course with,  440  ;  .and  (ierniany,  alliance 
with,  448;  rejaisals  agahist,  478,  479; 
significance  of  the  great  struggle  with, 
481,  482 ;  prepares  to  attack  England, 
483,,  487;  negotiations  for  (icace  with,  529 

Spaniards  defeated  olV  Winclielsea,  270 
li  srj. 

S[iaidsli  shi]is  seized,  219 

and  Elaniand  convoy  defeated  l)y  Sir 

'I'homas  Percy,  288 

conv<iv   taken    by   ships  of    liayonnc, 

289 

transport  taken  liv  Sir  Tlionias  Percy, 

293 

vessels  plundered  liy  the  French,  .'1(11 

invasion,  apprehended,  381 
co-oper.ation  with  England,  47.'I 

coast,  Levcson's  voyage  to  the,  533 

Indinman  taken  by  Monson,  5.'i.". 

—  Ileet,  Monson  engages  a,  5.'17 

—  prisoners,  cruelty  of  the  Irish  to,  584 
Sjiitiiinh  K/kiUoji,  421 

tif(ir/,;  590 
Sjiark,  William,  590 
Sparke,  junior,  .Tolin,  (117 
Sparrow,  Francis,  ()49,  (j50 
Spars,  care  of,  430  cost  of,  144 


SpnilwiH,  123,  591 

SjXike,  Sir  .lohn,  349 

Silencer,  Admiral  Sir  Hugh,  ■li"! 

Bishop  of  Norwich,  Henry,  295 

S|M.^rt,  Sir  Thomas,  115  n.,  438 

Spigurnell,  Admiral    Sir    lialph,    124,   278 

ami  n. 
S]iindelow,  Henry,  590 
Sjiinola,  Federigo,  534,  53(1 
Spit  Sand,  4(!.'i 
"Spojours,"  144 
Spy,  -123,  125,  588,  589 
Siiuirrcl,  (>I5 
Siptynh-yn,  221 
Stafford,  Edimnid,  liishop  of  Exeter,   13(1  u. 

Ivalph,  Lord,  2(10,  2(19 

Sir  Kichard,  255 

Stamford  Bride,  54 
Starboard,  ilerivalion  of,  11 
Starkey,  Williaui,  (15(1 
Start,  the,  5(15 

Kichard,  591 

Stealing,  430 

Stedman,  a  Welsh  traveller,  309 
Steelyard,  resti'iction  of  the  |)rivileges  of  the 

merchants  of  the,  440;  withilrawal  of  the 

monopolies  of  the  merchants  of  the,  (U-'l 
Stejihen,  Hikeman,  2(1(1 
Ste|ilien"s    accession,    91  ;     he    remits    the 

Danegelil,  92;  recaptures  Normamlv,  92: 

dies,  92 
Stern  castles,  145 
Stewart,  Sir  .lohn,  2.">!l 
Stirling,  English  defeated  near,  212 
Stockton,  Piobert  de,  lO.'i 
Stoke,  battle  of,  443 
Stonar,  185 

Stones  as  missiles,  270,  271 
Stoppage  of  wages  for  theChest  at  Chatham, 

433,  434 
Stores,    ships",   125,  l.'JO;   for   the    English 

fleet,  lack  of,  55(1;  on  board  tlie  Spanish 

Armada,  5()(.) 
Storms,  1(12,  1(1(1,  17(t,  175, 

202,  20(>,  247,  2(11,  288, 

3(1(1,  .•;7.",,  .■!75,  392,  390, 

518,  521,  523,  524,  .549, 

()39,  ()5() 
Stom-,  the,  28 
Strabo,  3,  55 

Standamore,  Thomas  dc,  I. '11 
Strange,  iSir  Baldwin  le,  .'hK 
Street,  Oeorge,  594 
Striking  an  oflicer,  penalty  for,  433 
"Stronil,"  right  of,  132 
"  Strongbow,"  Kl.'i 
Strother  of  Newcastle,  ."i7.'! 
Strozzi  appointed  Englisii  Consul 

398 

Leo,  Prior  of  Capua,  4(12,  4(j7,  4(J9 

Utruce.  of  Duivski;  42() 
Studlanil,  178 
Sturnianni,  118 


18.'!, 

LSI,   1 

97, 

293, 

297,  I 

99, 

47(1, 

49(1,  4 

97, 

557, 

5(10,  ( 

19, 

It    Pisa, 


194 


IND/'LX    TO    VOJJJjVE   1. 


Stuniiv,  Admiral  Sir  John,  L'lil  iiiul  ii.,  217, 

2111,'  225,  227,  228 

Hobert,  nf  ISristol,  (iOH 

tstygey,  Jcilm,  2ti!l 

Suaco,  tlic  bridsjc  at,  514,  515 

Suard,  Sir  liicliard,  187 

Subsidv,  naval,  222 

,S'«////c,' galley,  421,  422 

"  Siideio,"  Gulf  of,  ;;!25,  331 

Suet<inius  Paulinos,  7,  22 

Suffolk  raided  by  the  Soots,  233 

Edniimd  de  la  Pole,  Duke  of,  447 

Admiral    Robert  Ufford,  Karl  of:    »<■<■ 

Uflbrd,  Admiral  Sir  Poliert 
Admiral  AVilliani,  fourth  Earl  of,  2Hli, 

381,  384 
Sulenv,  Hascuil  dc,  118 
San,  421,  423,  425,  580,  588,  589 
iSupshine,  627 
Sunthorjje,  140 
iSiipcrldtim,  423 
Surgieres,  Sir  James  de,  283 
Surrey,  Thomas,  Earl  of:  see  Howard,  Lord 

Thomas. 
Survey  of  shijiiung,  225,  235 
Surveying  of  shi)is,  21  !l 
Survej'ors  of  ships,  437  n. 

of  victuals,  438  n. 

Susan,  484,  596,  654,  656 

Parnell,  593 

Sussex,  Pregent  ivaids,  457 

Henry,  Earl  of,  573 

Sutton,  139 

Swallow,  262,  419,  420,  423,  425,  477,  497, 

570,  576,  588,  589,  617,  641,  645 
Swan,  346,  347,  512,  621,  628 
Swearing,  430 
Swedes  defeat  Canute,  46 
Sweeps,  405 

Sircepstake,  404,  405,  414,  419,  420,  446  u. 
Sweyn  Estrithsou,  48 

,  17,  42,  43,  44,  45 

son  of  Godwin,  50,  51 

Sweyn's  attempt  against  William  I.,  87 

Sivift,  421 

Swiftsurc,  423,  425,  491  n.,  509,  520,  529, 

537,  538,  581  n.,  588,  589 
Swinburne,  Sir  Thomas,  363 
Swyn,  the,  247  n. 
Sydenham,  Hum|ihre}',  590 
Sydney,  Sir  William,  451  and  n.,  453,  455,    'I 

456 


Aiii.E  Pay,  Lancaster  at,  655 
acks,  340 

ierra  del  Fuego,  Drake  at,  630 
agus,  Drake  at  the  mouth  of  the,  488 
ijbot,  Sir  Piicliard,  236,  249 
\ilbol,  423 
aibot,  Gilljert,  Lord,  266 

tifth  Lord,  378 

—  of  Ircheneld,  Sir  Gilbert,  372 
amar,  Danes  in  the,  43 


Tam|iicci,  the  Minion's  jieople  left  at,  620; 

Sjianisli  cruelty  to  them,  620,  621 
Tamworth,  Admiral  Sir  Nicholas,  279,  280 
Tancred,  Piichard  I.  quarrels  with,  168 
Tai-iestries  formerly  in  the  House  of  Lord;-. 

539  n. 
Tapiawari,  649,  650 
T'arics,  144 

Tarste,  Sir  Aimery  de,  283 
Taunton,  Warlieck  at,  447 
Taverner  of  Hull  trades  to  Italy,  John,  395 
Tavy,  raid  by  the  sons  of  Harold  in  the,  87 
Taxes  without  consent  of  Parliament,  154 
Tay,  the,  231,  232 
Telescoiie,  invention  of  the,  403 
Tello,  Don  llodrigo,  574,  577 
'i'enchebrai.  Battle  of,  91 
Tenilrell,  346 

Tenth  granted  for  the  navy,  a,  249 
volunteered  by  the  spiritual  Lords,  a, 

356 
Terceira,  Battle  of,  539 ;  gallant  action  off, 

478 ;     Monsoon     fails     to     reach,    538 : 

S[)anish  treasiu'e  ships  make  for,  522,  523 
T'erms,  aiitiijuity  of  some  naval,  144 
Teruate,  Drake  at,  634 
T'ewkesbury,  Margaret  of  Anjou  defeateil  al, 

300 
Thames,  tlie,  blocked,  246 ;  Danes  in  the, 

37 ;  fleet  assembled  in  the,  286  ;  Godwin 

in  the,  52;  the  French  in  the,  294 
Thanet  garrisoned,  289  ;   raided,  247 
Thenoucnel,  Admiral  Jean  de,  450 
Theoilosius,  32  ;  victories  of,  59 
Tliernies,  Marshal  de,  473 
Thirkill,  Lancelot,  608 
Thomas,  144,  256,  269,  270,  347 

lieauchaaq^,  269,  273 

Bonaventun;  of  Lyme,  597 

Ilonaventure,  592 

Drake,  577  n.,  590 

Thomas,  tifteenth  Lord  Grey  de  Wilton,  519 

and  n. 

John,  609 

of  Dover,  116,  119 

of     Lancaster,     Duke     of     Clarence, 

Admiral  Prince,  362,  369,  370,  382 ;  his 

difliculties,  363 

Friar,  of  the  Temjile,  192 

Stephen,  346 

horeton,  Ticonard,  115  n. 
Thorlinn  and  Karl  of  Scots,  69,  70 
Thome,  Dr.,  1)09 
Thornyng,  John,  346 
Thorwald,  voyage  of,  63 
Thouars,  fall  of,  284 
Throckmorton,  (Jajitain,  520 
Throgiuorton,  Sir  Nicholas,  471  and  n. 
"  Thule,"  Irish  in,  62 
Thurcytel  the  'I'all,  44,  45 
Tburkel :  sm  Thm'cytel. 
Thylde,  the  voyager,  607,  608 
Tiber,  Pichard  I.  in  the,  167 


/.\V)/;.V    TO    VOLUME   I. 


(ipn 


'I'iberius,  7 

TUU;  125 

at  till'  I'.attlc  iif  Sliiii,  lime  ol'   iii'rli, 

253 
Ti<i<r,   l-Jl,  -ILM,  41'.").   .">,S(i,   ASS,  .-,«!,  "ili^, 

(il7,  tl4(l 
Tilliurv,  iM 
"'rile,'';5it7,  .iiiS 
Tillers,  14") 

'I'iltmi,  Dr.  W.  F.,  qmitoil,  501 
Till  trade  with  Britain,  ;>,  55 
'l'i|ptc_)ft.  Sir  Koliert,  'J05  ami  n. 
Tirringtiiii,  Itavvliii,  .'tilil 
Titelilield  Aliliey,  ;iT-J 
Tohij,  4S-1,  5!i2  his. 
'i'oledo,  Don  l''raiiriscii  ile,  57^  and  u„  57li. 

G:n,  (;.;i' 

Tolls  sii|ipresM'd,  ille^;al,  4.".!' 

Tonison,  Iticliard,  5!I2 

Tups,  fiijlitin.i;,  l.')8 

Tiiptdiain,  l.'ill,  5!I5 

'i'op-masts,  tixed,  401  n. 

Tiip-pieces,  40',l,  412 

Torcy,  Admiral  de,  2K7 

Tornellis,  lialpli  de,  lilO 

Tnrres  Vedras,  4!)  I 

Tiistig,  son  of  (xodvvin,  51-54 

Tcitness,  1.'!!) 

Timchet,  Sir  John,  2!s:! 

Toulouse,  exijeditiou  to,  Kil 

Touques,  380;  Henry  \\.  at,  '.'M 

Tower  Ilill,  Navy  Office  on,  4;!S 

"Meaning  of  the  expression"  of  the, 

148 
"Tower"   (of  the)   the   old    equivalent    of 

"  ll.M.S.,"  347 
Towerson,  William,  G12 
'I'ownsliend,  Sir  Ito^er,  573 
Trade,  lijrowth  of,  3!ll  ;  of  Bristol,  100  ;  of 

Lonilon,  D'J  ;  Saxon  encouragement  of,  (il> ; 

with  Cieruiany,  !li»,  TOO 
Transport,  cost,  of,  147, 154:  .see also  Freight 
Traiiton,  John,  51)0 
Treason  of  Sir  Tliomas  de  'I'urliervillc,  207, 

208 
T'reasurers  of  Mariue  causes,  437  n. 
Treasure  ships,  attenqit  to  ca])ture  S]iaiiish, 

4114,   4115;  attempts  u|ion   Spanish,   5211; 

distress  caused  by  non-arrival  of  Spanish, 

4'J4;     Essex     takes     three,     522,     523; 

Italcgli's  attemjit  ujion  the,  4!t8 
Treaty;    of    Cateau    (laiubresis,    475;     of 

Berwick,   475;    of   Edinburgh,   476;   of 

Troyes,  477 
Tivnioutana,  423,  425,  5011,  520,  529,  580, 

588,  589 
Trenchemer,  Alan,  10:! :  Richard,  103  ;  Alan, 

juni(ir,  llfi 
Tri'iirh-thi-Mcr,  10.". 
Trcport  liurnt,  4511 ;   Lisle's  success  at,  4(15; 

Koberfs  Meet  at.  111) 
Trevor,  (Japtaiu,  5;{2,  537 
John,  437  n. 


Triana,  Parker  lands  at,  531 
Triefs,   145 

"  'I'riii,"  328  ami  n.,  3.'M 
Ti-inidail,  599  his,  (i02 

(/(•  Sat/ii,  (JOO 

Trinidnde,  535  n. 

Trinidad    Vithunra,  571    and    n.,  578  n., 

584,  (iOO 
Trinity,  145,  .",79,  404,  IJIO 

ninri),  420 

Trinity  House,  438 

Trinity,  of  Jlrialu/,  414 

or   Triiiiti/   A'oi/o/.  •".  Ill,  :;4i;.  .'117,  354. 

3(;2,  ■M\,  372 
Trinobantes,  28 
'I'riiinijili,  423,  425,  529,  5r.9,  570,  572  and 

n.,  57.'!  n.,  588,  5811 
Trivet,  Admiral  Sir  Thomas,  298 
Troughton,  Captain,  504,  .507,  568,  529 
Troyes,  treaty  of,  .•!81,  477 
Truce  with  l'''iance,  197,  2(il,  291!.  .".TH,  .384, 

391  ;  and  Spain,  285 

with  Scotland,  222,  22.3,  224 

True  Lore,  512 

'J'rumpets  on  shii>-board,  432,  433 

Tnuupington,  Sir  Nicholas,  293 

Trussell,  Admiral  Sir  William,  24ii  ami  n., 

2.55,  257,  21  il 
Trust,  42.3 
Tryriglit,  423 
Tucker,  Thomas,  .59{! 
Tunis,  international  crusade  against,  .'!lil 
Turberville,  Sir  Henry  de,  187 

Sir  Thomas  de,  207,  208 

Turkey    Company     chartered,     the,     r.lt; 

factories  of,  (151 
ships   and    thirteen   Sp.aniaids,    light 

between,  484,  485 
Turkeyinan  t'vutfiit,  defence  of  the,  498 
Turkish  dromon,  Itichard  I.  engages  a,  172 
Turner,  Captain  Jeremy,  589 

Nicholas,  59(1 

Turnham,  Sir  Stephen  de,  1(19-171 

}  Stephen  dc,  103 

i  Tuscarora    Indians    alleged    to    undcistainl 

Welsh,  309 
Tync,  convoy  in  the,  4(10 
Tynemoutb,  388 
Tyrone's  relicllion,  530 

Ua  CiutiiA,  voyages  of  the  sons  of,  (10 
Ufi'ord,  Admiral   Sir  liobert,  later   Karl  of 

Sufi'olk,  238  and  n.,  '2111,  2(i'.',  2115,  2illi 
Ughtred,  Admiral  Sir  Thomas,  235 
llltaytel,  44 
Ulster,  Sir  Iticliard  de  l'.urgli.  Earl   of,   21.5, 

217,  218 
Unifraville,  Sir  Gilborn,  .'178 

Admiral  Sir  Itobert,  3(19 

Unicorn,  420,  4(10  n. 

of  Bristol,  .595 

of  Dartmouth,  597 

Uniform  furnished  by  the  king,  119 


696 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME   I. 


Unity,  590 

victualler,  594 

Unofficial  war  with  France,  355,  356 

Unwvne,  Stephen,  131 

Ujmor  Castle,  436 

Ihric,  102 

Ursers  or  vissers,  101 

Ususniaris,  Nicholas,  238,  240,  241 

"  Utfangthefl',"  132 

A'aca,  Cabeza  de,  282 

Vache,  La,  130 

Valdes,  Admiral   Don  Pedro  de,   533,  547, 

562,  564  n.,  565  and  n.,  567,  56.s,  569, 

574,  599 
Valentine,  347 

Valoignes,  Admiral  Waresius  de,  231 
Valois,  Charles  Count  of,  205 
Valparaiso,  Hichard  Hawkyns  at,  642 
Vanegas,  Don  Luis,  579  ;  cited  in  Cluqi.  X^'., 

'Ijassim 
Vanguard,  423,  502  n.,  509,  514,  529,  55.". 

n.,  576,  580,  588,  589 
A'^anishing  island,  60,  63 
Vanues,  blockade   of,  260 ;    Englis'h  shijis 

destroyed  off,  260 
\m\\o,  615 

Variation  of  the  needle  observed  by  Colum- 
bus, 401 
Vassall,  John,  593 
Vassy,  Massacre  of,  476 
Vavasour,  Captain  Sir  Thomas,  495  n.,  520, 

529,  589 
Vayle,  John,  589 
Vel,  Stephen  de,  122 
Venetan  ships,  4 
Veneti  defeated  by  Ciesar,  4 
Venetian  galley  detained  at  Plymouth,  356 
Venezuela,  raids  on  the  coast  of,  508 
Vengeur,  453 
Venice,  trade  with,  224 
Ventura,  601 
A'ere,  Captain  Sir  Francis,  509  and  n.,  511, 

513-516,  519,  520,  522,  523 
Vernon  quoted,  124 
Vesey,  Reynold,  596 
Vessels,  jjrice  of,  130 
Vezelay,  Richard  I.  at,  166 
A'ice-admirals,  153 
Victorinus,  33 
Victory,  423,  425,  493,  565,  569,  570,  576, 

581  n.,  588,  589 
"  Victual  Brothers,"  the,  352  n. 
Victuals  to  be  economised,  430 
Victuallers    serving    against    the   Armada, 

594 
Vienne,  Jean  de,  284  and  n.,  285-287,  289, 

290,  296,  297,  300 
Vigo  burnt  by  Drake,  492 
"  Vilet,"  289 

Villa  Franca  taken  by  Essex,  523 
Villegagnon,  Admiral,  468  and  n. 
Vincennes,  Henry  V.  dies  at,  382 


Vincent  of  Hastings,  116 

Vinesauf  cpioted,  167-169,  172 

Vineyard,  593 

Violet,  593  ' 

Virgin  God  Save  Her,  590 

Virgin  Islands,  Cumberland  at  the,  527 

Virginia,  colonists  in,  532 ;  taken  possession 

of,  646 ;  first  settlers  in,  647 
Vissers  or  ursers,  101 
Vivero,  Don  Eodrigo  de,  579 
Volatilla,  423 

Volcano  seen  by  Zeno,  327,  328,  334 
\'oliie"s    jiicture     of    the    embarkation     of 

Henry  VIII.,  405-409 
Voluntarv  ships  serving  against  tlie  Armada, 

597 
Voluseuus,  Caius,  24 
Vortigern,  33 
Vnrtinier,  34 
','rttat.  Admiral  Don  Alfonso,  298 

Wade  reaches  Cape  Breton,  610 

Wages,  of  seamen,  108,  147,  150,  202. 

and  pay,  346,  349 

unpaid,  358,  361,  363 

Waigatsch  Strait  explored,  615 

Wake,  Lord,  250 

Waldron,  William,  trades  to  the  Mediter- 
ranean, 395 

Waleis,  Alan  le,  119 

Henry  le,  133 

Walerand, 'Robert,  201  n. 

Wales,  o]ierations  against,  90  ;  pre]iarations 
against,  161 ;  John's  ex]iedition  to,  179, 
180  ;  expedition  against,  204 ;  threatened 
by  the  Count  de  la  Marche,  361 

Wallace,  revolt  of  "William,  212 

Wallingford,  Treaty  of,  92 

Wallop,  Sir  John,  453  and  n.,  455-457 

Walmer,  25,  434 

Walney  relics,  the,  157 

Walsh,  Ricliai-d,  346 

Walsynghani,  Sir  Francis,  552,  553 ;  letter 
to  Howard,  555-559,  563  n.,  580 

War  with  France,  225,  469,  477 

with  Spain,  484 

unofficial,  355,  356 

Warbeck,  imposture  of  Perkin,  446,  447 

Ward,  Captain  Ambrose,  589 

Captain  Luke,  589,  635 

Philip,  530 

Richard,  609 

Warden,  Gervaise  de,  131 

Ware,  John  de  la,  114 

Warfare,  methods  of  naval,  109 

Warham,  133 

Colin  de,  122 

Warspite,  423,  425,  509,  520,  521  530,  532, 
534  and  n. 

Warwick,  Ambrose,  Earl  of,  477 

Lord  High  Adnural,  Dudley,  Earl  of, 

469 

Edward  Plautagenet,  Earl  of,  442 


INDEX    TO    VOLUME  I. 


097 


Warwick,  Admiral  Kichard  Neville,  Earl  of 

(the  "King-maker"),  .SSG-aiiO 

liichard  Beauchaiiip,  tii'tli  Earl  of,  378 

Adnural  Thomas,  ^arl  of,  269,  288, 

289,  291 
Waesenaer,  Admiral  Jan  van,  558  n. 
Watch  to  be  set  at  8  P.M.,  432 
Watches,  division  into,  432 
Water,  Edmund,  115  n. 
Wateville,  Hilary  de,  177 
Watewauf;,  Jolui  de,  234 
Watte,  650 
Watts,  Jolm,  526 

Sir  John,  592  his 

Waynepaync,  131 

Weajxins  of  twelfth  century,  102 

Weather-gauge,  manceuvring  for  the,  188, 

465 
Webb,  Nicholas,  591 
Welfare,  268,  269 
Welles,  Stephen,  346 
Welsh  sohllers  in  the  army  of  Edward  I., 

211 
claim   to   the  tliscovery  of  America, 

303-314 

Bible  in  Pennsylvania,  alleged,  310 

naval  operations  against  the,  357 

Wenstau,  John,  131 

Wentworth  surrenders  Calais,  Lord,  472 

Sir  Thomas,  392 

Werner  of  Niirnberg,  400,  401 
West,  Thomas,  Lord,  378,  379 
Indies,  Madoc's  alleged  e])itai)h  in  the, 

305,   308  ■    expedition    of    Preston    ami 

Somers  to  the,  508  ;  Sir   Robert  Dudley's 

voyage   to   the,  650,  651 ;  Preston's  and 

Shirley's  cruises  to,  651 
Westminster,  naval  coimcil  at,  285 

Abbey,  an  asylum,  369 

Weston,  Sir  Kichard,  513 
Westward,  discovery  to  the,  610 
Wexford  taken  by  Fitz  Stephen,  16.'! 
Weymouth,  223,  390  ;  Philip  of  Austria  at, 

447  ;  a  galleon  of,  595 ;  Christopher,  595  ; 

voyage  of  George,- 532 
Whencing,  34 
Whiddon,  Jacob,  590,  648 
Whistle,   the   Lord   High   AdmiraPs,   449, 

456 
Whitaker,  Sir  Simon,  283  n. 
Whitby  jiillaged  by  Orkneymcn,  94 
White,  John,  647 

Thomas,  501 

Captain,  529 

White  Bear,  423,  425,  487 :  see  also  Bear. 

Hind,  594 

Lion,  581  n.,  593 

Whitgaresburh,  35 

Whitsand  Bay,  Warbeck  lauds  in,  447 

Whyte,  Henry,  589 

(master  of  the  Bark  Talhot),  Henry, 

590 
Widrington,  Robert,  486 

VOL.    I. 


Wight,  Isle  of,  263,  274,  279,  372 ;  French 
raiJ.s  on,  236,  237  ;  French  attempt  on, 
296 ;  French  repulseil  from,  360 ;  Spanish 
landing  in,  365 ;  tlireatened  by  the 
Spaniards,  382;  D'Annebaut  off,  463; 
French  landing  in,  4(J4  ;  Medina  Sidonia 
to  cairture,  543  ;  action  with  the  Armada 
off,  572-574 

Wihtgils,  34 

Wilcox,  Robert,  592 

Wild  Man,  638 

Wilde,  Jervis,  592 

Wilford,  William,  359 

Wilkj-usoii,  George,  589 

Wille,  John,  269 

Willey,  Roger,  131 

William  I.,  53 ;  prepares  to  invade  Eng- 
land, 76,  84  ;  invasion  of,  84 ;  rapacity 
of,  79  ;  successful  in  Scotland,  88 ;  fleet 
of,  76,  88 

William,  IL,  accession  of,  89 ;  his  naval 
successes,  89  ;  his  energy  and  bravery,  90 

William,  596 

(Jackmau's  ship),  626 

of  Colchester,  596 

of  Plymouth,  597 

of  Rye,  596 

and  John,  484 

William,  John,  346 

of  Worcester,  606 

son  of  Henry  I.,  death  of,  78,  81 

William's  claim  to  the  English  crown,  75 

Williamson,  Edward,  485 

WiUibald,  voyage  of,  66  n. 

Willoughby,  Sir  Hugh,  613-615,  619 

de  Broke,  Robert  Lord,  446  n. 

de  Eresby,  William,  fifth  Lord,  356 

Willow  charcoal  used  for  making  jxjwder, 
149 

Wilson,  .John,  595 

Winchelsea,  106,  123,  125,  196,  211,  244, 
270,  274,  284,  289,  368  ;  galleys  of,  114 ; 
seamen  from  Ireland  ordered  to,  186  ;  a 
Heet  assembled  at,  226 ;  burnt,  277 ; 
French  repulse  at,  287 ;  taken,  294  ;  ships 
assembled  at,  372 

Winchester,  136 ;  Danes  hanged  at,  39 ; 
threatened,  359 

Windage,  411,  412 

Winilham,  Thomas,  438  n. ;  his  voyage  to 
Guinea,  470 

Winding-balies,  144 

Wingfeild,  Captain  Sir  John,  509,  614,  516 

John,  597 

Whiland,  63,  64  n. 

Winter,  naval  ojierations  in,  453  and  n. 

"  Winter's  Bark,"  630 

Wisby,  English  factories  at,  394 

Wissant,  24,  120,  138,  139,  185,  199,  231, 
236 

Wistlegrei,  Simon,  122 

Witness,  512 

Wolf  Rock,  wreck  on  the,  234 

2  ■/. 


698 


INDEX    TO    VOIjUME  I. 


Wolreckford,  215 

Women  of  bad  character  in  the  fleet,  288 

with  the  Armada,  548  and  n. 

Wood,  Sir  Andrew,  of  Largs,  exploits  of,  444 
Woodhouse,  Admiral  Sir  William,  437  n., 

438  n.,  467,  477 
Woodrofi'e,  Jolm,  589 
Woodville,  Anthony,  387 
Edward   IV.  marries  Elizabeth,  388, 

389 

expedition  of  Edward  Lord,  443,  444 

Woolwich  m  1548,  ships  at,  420 

dockyard,  434,  437 

Worcester,  Earl  of,  480 
Workmen  impressed,  371 
Worms,  mai-ine,  169 
Wounded,  pensions  for,  119 
Wreck,  Law  of,  81,  106,  127,  128 

of  the  Wliite  Ship,  81 

Wreckers,  108,  109 
Wright,  John,  589 
Nicholas,  595 

Edward,  of  Garveston  utilises  Mercator's 

theory,  402,  403 
Wrotham,  WiUiam  de,  114,  115 
Wulfnoth,  44 

Wulfstan,  voyage  of,  67,  68  and  n. 
Wymimd  of  Winchelsea,  116 
Wyunall,  Jolm,  595 
Wynter,  George,  438  n. 

John,  115  n. 

Captain  John,  520,  589,  628,  630 

Robert,-  629 

Sir  William,  429,  437  and  n.,  438  n., 

460  n.,  469,  471  and  n.,  475,  481,  553, 

554,  562,  564,  570,  573,  575,  576  and  n., 

577  n.,  580,  589,  591 
Captain  William,  junior,  491  n.,  504, 

590 
Wyse,  John  le,  131 


Yalmoitth,  139 

Yalton,  William,  346 

Tare,  Sweyn  in  the,  44 

Yarmouth,  8,  114,  125,  132,  136,  184,  214, 
224,  225,  239 ;  galleys  of,  114 ;  and  the 
Cinque  Ports,  quarrels  between,  202,  211, 
212,  235;  fleet  assembled  at,  231,  242, 
243  ;  Scots  ships  driven  into,  275  ;  herring 
fishery,  314;  .blockaded  in  the  interests 
of  Lady  Jane  Grey,  470  ;  return  of  ships 
to,  581 ;  Isle  of  Wight,  John  embarks  at, 
178 ;  requisitioned,  287 

Yellow  Ford,  battle  of  the,  530 

Yonge,  John,  575  n.,  591 

Yonge,  fly-beat,  591 

York,  the  Dulje  of,  protectorate  of,  385 ; 
death  of,  387_^  . 

popularity  of  thS  house  of,  442 

stormed  by  the  Danes,  88 

Yorke,  Sir  Edward,  502 

Captain  Gilbert,  504,  625,  626 

Yorkists  with  the  navy,  popularity  of  the, 
348  •    ■  : 

Ypres  besieged,  295 

Yoimg,  John,  595 


Zabba,  meaning  of,  419  n. 

Zanzibar,  Lancaster  at,  652 

Zarate,  Don  Francisco,  632 ;  his  description 

of  Drake,  633 
Zeeland  pirates,  203,  224 

Armada  driven  towards,  581 

Zeni,  travels  of  the  brothers,  324  et  seq. 
Zeno,  Nicolo,  junior,  337  and  n. ;  narrative 

of,  324 
"  Zichmni,"  324  et  seq. 
Zierikzee,  373  ;  battle  oft",  138 
Ziuiiga,  Don  Balthasar  de,  567,  582 


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